Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Banovina of Croatia" in English language version.
The government produced a draft constitution, following intensive consultations between Pasiç and Pribiceviç, which opted for a centralized state with a strong monarchy and a single-chamber parliament, modelled on the Serbian constitution of 1903. Their draft proposed the creation of [33] administrative districts, a balkanizing tactic intended to maximize the electoral power of the Serb vote.
After the elections the delegates of the Croatian Peasant Party met in Zagreb and decided not to participate in the assembly. As we have seen, the Communist Party was excluded by a vote of the assembly itself. A quarter of the elected representatives thus did not attend. Under these circumstances the Serbian centralists had a clear field, and the constitution, which was completed in June 1921, expressed their interests.
Disaffection among the non-Serb nationalities was aggravated by the amended Electoral Law of June 1922, which created electoral constituencies on the basis of pre-war census figures, so that Serbia's huge population losses during the Great War were ignored.
The next day, 20 June 1928, amid familiar scenes of disorder, Raciç opened fire in the debating chamber, killing two deputies and wounding three others, among them Radiç, who died two months later, although initially he seemed to make a good recovery; sufficiently so to maintain his hostility to cooperation with the Serbs.
Although some supporters of the dictatorship were genuine Yugoslavists, including, as some evidence suggests, the king himself, Croats inevitably considered the dictatorship as thinly disguised "Serbian hegemony." Indeed, the dictatorship was bitterly resented in Croatia. Instead of dissolving traditional Croatian nationalism, the dictatorship strengthened the extremists.
Stojadinoviç developed a marked taste for the fascist trappings of power. After meeting with Mussolini, in December 1937, he adopted a version of the Roman salute and took to styling himself 'Leader' of his followers, though not, he said with characteristic equivocation when confronted by Prince Pavle about it, with any wish to emulate the Duce, to whom he had said exactly the opposite. Stojadinoviç aspired to be Yugoslavia's strong man, and because of it he ended up an Axis stooge.
Stojadinoviç formed a second administration, but at the beginning of February 1939 his Slovene and Muslim ministerial colleagues, together with Dragisa Cvetkoviç, a Serb, resigned, stating as their reason the government's intransigence over the Croat problem. Stojadinoviç's position was now untenable[.]