Lars Øverli, Andreas Bakke Foss, Sveinung Berg Bentzrød (28.07.2011). «Siktede ble filmet i terroraksjonen». Aftenposten. Besøkt 28.07.2011.CS1-vedlikehold: Flere navn: forfatterliste (link)
Alessio, Dominic; Meredith, Kristen (2. januar 2014). «Blackshirts for the twenty-first century? Fascism and the English Defence League». Social Identities. 1. 20: 104–118. ISSN1350-4630. doi:10.1080/13504630.2013.843058. Besøkt 11. april 2020. «This paper examines the extent to which the English Defence League (EDL) may be considered fascist in form and ideology. First, it draws comparisons between the EDL and the squadristi of interwar Italy. Second, it explores how the EDL has negotiated a new political direction as it joins forces with the British Freedom Party (BFP). By adopting a theoretical framework of fascism as outlined by Roger Griffin, this work advocates that the EDL has transformed its single-issue anti-Islamist platform into part of a larger discourse of ‘palingenetic ultranationalism’. In light of this we argue the organization can no longer deny the presence of a fascist ideology.»
Oaten, Alexander (8. august 2014). «The cult of the victim: an analysis of the collective identity of the English Defence League». Patterns of Prejudice. 4. 48: 331–349. ISSN0031-322X. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2014.950454. Besøkt 11. april 2020. «Since its creation in 2009 the English Defence League has become the largest street-based social movement in contemporary Britain. Its demonstrations have led to violence and community tensions in town and city centres throughout the country. While these street demonstrations have attracted some attention in academia, as of yet there has been no attempt to analyse the statements of the EDL as an organization. Oaten analyses the EDL's outgoing communicative transmissions and argues that the EDL as a movement is based on a sense of collective victimhood. By drawing on conceptions of collective victimhood from post-conflict studies, he suggests that only by understanding the EDL's collective victimhood can we understand its anti-Muslim and anti-establishment stance. His article stresses that collective victimhood is a zero sum identity, and highlights the fact that, as such, the EDL and its members continuously seek to portray themselves as the ‘true’ victims of abuse by government and British Muslims.»
Richards, Julian (1. september 2013). «Reactive community mobilization in Europe: the case of the English Defence League». Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression. 3. 5: 177–193. ISSN1943-4472. doi:10.1080/19434472.2011.575624. Besøkt 11. april 2020. «n the UK, a new pressure-group emerged in 2009, the English Defence League (EDL), which has commenced a series of demonstrations across English cities, explicitly focused around an expressed opposition to the growth of ‘radical Islam’ within the UK. Most of these demonstrations have descended into street violence, often through clashes with the opposing Unite Against Fascism organization. This paper summarizes the results of some initial investigations into the EDL, and finds that, despite its protestations to the contrary, it conforms to many of the norms of a traditional Far Right movement.»
Alessio, Dominic; Meredith, Kristen (2. januar 2014). «Blackshirts for the twenty-first century? Fascism and the English Defence League». Social Identities. 1. 20: 104–118. ISSN1350-4630. doi:10.1080/13504630.2013.843058. Besøkt 11. april 2020. «This paper examines the extent to which the English Defence League (EDL) may be considered fascist in form and ideology. First, it draws comparisons between the EDL and the squadristi of interwar Italy. Second, it explores how the EDL has negotiated a new political direction as it joins forces with the British Freedom Party (BFP). By adopting a theoretical framework of fascism as outlined by Roger Griffin, this work advocates that the EDL has transformed its single-issue anti-Islamist platform into part of a larger discourse of ‘palingenetic ultranationalism’. In light of this we argue the organization can no longer deny the presence of a fascist ideology.»
Oaten, Alexander (8. august 2014). «The cult of the victim: an analysis of the collective identity of the English Defence League». Patterns of Prejudice. 4. 48: 331–349. ISSN0031-322X. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2014.950454. Besøkt 11. april 2020. «Since its creation in 2009 the English Defence League has become the largest street-based social movement in contemporary Britain. Its demonstrations have led to violence and community tensions in town and city centres throughout the country. While these street demonstrations have attracted some attention in academia, as of yet there has been no attempt to analyse the statements of the EDL as an organization. Oaten analyses the EDL's outgoing communicative transmissions and argues that the EDL as a movement is based on a sense of collective victimhood. By drawing on conceptions of collective victimhood from post-conflict studies, he suggests that only by understanding the EDL's collective victimhood can we understand its anti-Muslim and anti-establishment stance. His article stresses that collective victimhood is a zero sum identity, and highlights the fact that, as such, the EDL and its members continuously seek to portray themselves as the ‘true’ victims of abuse by government and British Muslims.»
Richards, Julian (1. september 2013). «Reactive community mobilization in Europe: the case of the English Defence League». Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression. 3. 5: 177–193. ISSN1943-4472. doi:10.1080/19434472.2011.575624. Besøkt 11. april 2020. «n the UK, a new pressure-group emerged in 2009, the English Defence League (EDL), which has commenced a series of demonstrations across English cities, explicitly focused around an expressed opposition to the growth of ‘radical Islam’ within the UK. Most of these demonstrations have descended into street violence, often through clashes with the opposing Unite Against Fascism organization. This paper summarizes the results of some initial investigations into the EDL, and finds that, despite its protestations to the contrary, it conforms to many of the norms of a traditional Far Right movement.»
