الأرخبيل الفلسطيني (Arabic Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "الأرخبيل الفلسطيني" in Arabic language version.

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Haddad 2020. Haddad، Mohammed (26 يونيو 2020). "Palestine and Israel: Mapping an annexation". قناة الجزيرة. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

arabworldgeographer.org

Lustick 2005. Lustick، Ian (2005). "The One-State Reality: Reading the Trump-Kushner Plan as a Morbid Symptom". The Arab World Geographer. ج. 23 ع. 1: 23. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.

archive.org

"The evolution from ghetto state to state is a largely unrecognized (and thus unstudied) path to statehood. The very function of the ghetto state in concentrating, restricting and defining its population can become the territorial and organizational basis for the emergence of a state (versus merely a political party). Prominent examples of this process would include the Bantustans of South Africa and the Israeli "occupied territories" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (McColl & Newman 1992, p. 334) McColl، R. W.؛ Newman، D. (1992). "States in Formation: The Ghetto State as Typified in the West Bank and Gaza Strip". GeoJournal. ج. 28 ع. 3: 333–345. DOI:10.1007/BF00817910. JSTOR:41145605. S2CID:153996106.
"What is Begin offering us now? Bantustans. Even less than Bantustans; Swaziland has more rights than we would have" (Arafat 1978) Arafat، Yasser (1978). "The PLO Position". Journal of Palestine Studies. ج. 7 ع. 3: 171–174. DOI:10.2307/2536214. JSTOR:2536214.
"In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized." (Makdisi 2005, pp. 443–461) Makdisi، Saree (2005). "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation". Critical Inquiry. ج. 31 ع. 2: 443–461. DOI:10.1086/430974. JSTOR:430974. S2CID:154951084.
"By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled." (Roy 2004, pp. 365–403) Roy، Sara (2004). "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. ج. 17 ع. 3: 365–403. DOI:10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019609.37719.99. JSTOR:20007687. S2CID:145653769.
"Uri Avnery (2005) noted that President Bush called in Brussels for the establishment of a 'democratic state with territorial continuity' in the West Bank, and then added: 'A state on scattered territories will not work'. Avnery contended that President Bush was pointing a finger at Sharon's enclavisation settlement strategy in the West Bank and that he was apparently beginning to see it as counter-productive. Avnery added that these statements by Bush in Brussels were made to reduce U.S. differences and potential friction with the European Union, which clearly opposes the annexation of West Bank territory by Israel." (Falah 2005) Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
Falah 2005. Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
Slater 2001. Slater، Jerome (2001). "What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. ج. 116 ع. 2: 171–199. DOI:10.2307/798058. JSTOR:798058.

bbc.com

BBC Timeline 2019. "Palestinian territories - Timeline". BBC. 8 أبريل 2019. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-09.

berghahnjournals.com

Bowman 2007. Bowman، Glenn (2007). "Israel's wall and the logic of encystation: Sovereign exception or wild sovereignty?". Focaal-European Journal of Anthropology ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 2007 ع. 50: 127–136. DOI:10.3167/foc.2007.500109. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)

books.google.com

«90 بالمائة من سكان الضفة الغربية مقسمون إلى 165 جزيرة تحت السيطرة الظاهرية للسلطة الفلسطينية».(Thrall 2017, p. 144) Thrall، Nathan (2017). The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine. هنري هولت وشركاه. ISBN:978-1-62779-710-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-08.
«ردت إسرائيل على الانتفاضة الثانية باستراتيجية عقاب جماعي تهدف إلى العودة إلى منطق أوسلو، حيث ستذعن قيادة فلسطينية ضعيفة للمطالب الإسرائيلية وسيضطر السكان الذين يتعرضون للوحشية إلى قبول" دولة "مكونة من سلسلة من البانتوستانات. على الرغم من أن اللغة قد تغيرت قليلاً، إلا أن البنية نفسها التي ميزت الخطط السابقة لا تزال قائمة. خطة آلون، وخطة المنظمة الصهيونية العالمية، وخطة بيغن، وخطة نتنياهو "ألون بلس"، و"عرض باراك السخي"، ورؤية شارون لدولة فلسطينية كلها توقعت سيطرة إسرائيلية على أراضٍ كبيرة في الضفة الغربية، ووجود فلسطيني على الحد الأدنى من الأراضي المحاطة والمقسمة، وفي نهاية المطاف، التي تسيطر عليها إسرائيل، وكيان فلسطيني أو عربي يتولى مسؤولية حفظ الأمن الداخلي والشؤون المدنية».(Cook & Hanieh 2006, pp. 346–347) Cook، Catherine؛ Hanieh، Adam (2006). "35: Walling in People Walling out Sovereignty". في Beinin، Joel؛ Stein، Rebecca L. (المحررون). The Struggle for Sovereignty: Palestine and Israel, 1993-2005. Stanford University Press. ص. 338–347. ISBN:978-0-8047-5365-4.
"The 1968 Allon Plan called for placing settlements in sparsely populated lands of the Jordan River Valley, thus ensuring Jewish demographic presence in the farthest location within biblical Israel... the 1978 Drobles Plan... which called for a "belt of settlements in strategic locations … throughout the whole land of Israel… for security and by right." The logic of the Drobles Plan actually guided the wave of settlements that occurred in the 1990s, thus turning the settlements into an integral element of Israel's tactical control over and surveillance of Palestinians in the West Bank. The Allon and Drobles Plans and other similar colonization campaigns have invariably been motivated by five broad, interrelated reasons driving the settlement enterprise. They include control over economic resources, use of territory as a strategic asset, ensuring demographic presence and geographic control, reasserting control over the Jew's biblically promised homeland, and having exclusive rights to the territory".(Kamrava 2016, pp. 79–80). Kamrava، Mehran (2016). The Impossibility of Palestine: History, Geography, and the Road Ahead. مطبعة جامعة ييل. ISBN:978-0-300-22085-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
"The term enclave can seem neutral, unlike Bantustan and ghetto, which are freighted with negative connotations. Yet enclaves are socio-spatial formations that similarly arrange inequality. Gulag captures the arbitrariness of some of closure's mechanisms; but economic factors limit comparisons with the ghetto. The economic integrations, however unequal, of Jews in pre-WWII European ghettos, of blacks in the ghettos of the United States, and of the Bantustans in South Africa, is not paralleled in Palestinian enclaves, where circulation outside and between their confines is severely circumscribed." (Peteet 2017, p. 62) Peteet، Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. مطبعة جامعة إنديانا. ISBN:978-0-253-02511-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-09-22.
"The dominant security modality in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) nowadays is the coexistence of an archipelago and enclaves. In the archipelago, people and goods move relatively freely and smoothly. The enclaves, however, are spaces of exception where the rule of law and the emergency procedure merge into indistinction." (Ghandour-Demiri 2016) Ghandour-Demiri، Nada (2016). "Israel-Palestine: An Archipelago of (In)security". في Cavelty، Myriam Dunn؛ Balzacq، Thierry (المحررون). Routledge Handbook of Security Studies (ط. 2nd). روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-317-62091-4.
also available here (Telhami 2010, p. 83a) Telhami، Shibley (2010). The Sadat Lectures: Words and Images on Peace, 1997-2008. U.S. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN:978-1-60127-054-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
«خلال الأيام الأولى للاحتلال، دعا حفنة من كبار المسؤولين الإسرائيليين وضباط الجيش إلى خطط أحادية الجانب لإقامة دولة فلسطينية صغيرة أو منطقة حكم ذاتي أو" كانتون "- بانتوستان في الواقع - في النصف الشمالي من الضفة الغربية، ولكن لن يكون لدى صانعي السياسة أي من هذا».(Raz 2020, p. 278) Raz، Avi (2020). "Dodging the Peril of Peace: Israel and the Arabs in the Aftermath of the 1967 War". في Hanssen، Jens؛ Ghazal، Amal N. (المحررون). The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle-Eastern and North African History. دار نشر جامعة أكسفورد. ص. 269–291. ISBN:978-0-199-67253-0.
وأضاف أن الحكم الذاتي الفلسطيني في ظل الحكم الإسرائيلي «سيُعرف بأنه ... نوع من البانتوستان في جنوب إفريقيا». (Gorenberg 2006، صفحة 153; Cook 2013) Gorenberg، Gershom (2006). The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977. هنري هولت وشركاه. ISBN:978-1-466-80054-0. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. Cook، Jonathan (2013). Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human Despair. دار زيد للنشر. ISBN:978-1-848-13649-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Ciskei's Israeli representative Yosef Schneider, during the pairing ceremony, remarked, "It is symbolic that no country in the world (except South Africa) recognizes Ciskei, just as there is no country in the world that recognizes the Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria" (Hunter 1987, pp. 72–80,74). Hunter، Jane (1987). Israeli Foreign Policy: South Africa and Central America. South End Press. ISBN:978-0-896-08285-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
"It will be the end of me. I can't go for a Bantustan. Don't push me into a corner, my back's already against the wall. How will I tell my people that you control every entry, from every direction? I'm not in power because of a popular majority, but thanks to the personal credit I've accumulated. For me, this is a disaster, a catastrophe." (Gil 2020, p. 163) Gil، Avi (2020). Shimon Peres: An Insider's Account of the Man and the Struggle for a New Middle East. دار بلومزبري. ISBN:978-0-755-61703-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-07.
"When I was in Israel recently, giving talks on the thirtieth anniversary of the occupation, I quoted a passage about the Bantustans from a standard academic history of South Africa. You didn't have to comment. Everybody who had their eyes open could recognize it. There were many people who just refuse to see what's happening, including most of the doves. But if you pay attention to what's happening, that's the description. So it is absurd for Israel to be to the racist side of South Africa under Apartheid. I assume that sooner or later they will agree to call these things states." (Chomsky & Barsamian 2001, p. 90) Chomsky، Noam؛ Barsamian، David (2001). Propaganda and the Public Mind: Conversations with Noam Chomsky. بلوتو برس. ISBN:978-0-745-31788-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
"الولجة وهي قرية تقع جنوب شرق القدس على الخط الأخضر، مثال آخر على حصار شبه كامل يشبه قلقيلية، حيث سد الجدار الشمس وكان هناك حاجز وبوابة واحدة للدخول والخروج ..." (Peteet 2017, p. 52) Peteet، Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. مطبعة جامعة إنديانا. ISBN:978-0-253-02511-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-09-22.
(1) جيف هالبر arguing that the occupation will be permanent, as opposed to proponents of a Two state solution, wrote in September 2003: 'the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the control mechanisms, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state: he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So, if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of control you end up advocating a Bantustan.' (Halper 2004, p. 105);
(2) 'In April he said that Israel would not withdraw from most of the West Bank, would continue to occupy the Jordan River Valley and the roads leading to them, would make no concessions on Jerusalem, would "absolutely not" evacuate a single settlement "at any price" and would not cede control of the West Bank water aquifers. In case that was not sufficiently clear, over the next year he repeatedly said that the Israeli concessions at Oslo, Camp David, and قمة طابا were no longer valid. A number of prominent Israeli analysts commented that Sharon's intentions were to torpedo the diplomatic process, continue the Israeli occupation, and limit the Palestinians to a series of enclaves surrounded by the Israeli settlements; some even wrote that Sharon's long term strategy resembled that of the "Bantustans" created by the South African apartheid regime' (Slater 2020, p. 303). Halper، Jeff (Winter 2004). "Israel and Empire". مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 33 ع. 2: 105–106. DOI:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. JSTOR:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. Slater، Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. دار نشر جامعة أكسفورد. ISBN:978-019045908-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
«"في عام 2003، كشف رئيس الوزراء أرييل شارون أنه اعتمد على نموذج بانتوستان في جنوب إفريقيا في تصميم 'خريطة لدولة فلسطينية' محتملة». (Feld 2014, pp. 99,138) Feld، Marjorie N. (2014). Nations Divided: American Jews and the Struggle over Apartheid. Springer. ISBN:978-1-137-02972-0. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
"It is quite clear that a Palestinian State with so many territorial enclaves will not be able to manage economic functions and administration. Even if its sovereign territory were greater, and even if some of the enclaves were connected into a continued territorial unity, the main communications arteries that are under Israeli dominance running from north to south and from west to east, and those along the Judean Desert that are under Israeli dominance, might perpetuate their spatial fragmentation." (Efrat 2006, p. 199) Efrat، Elisha (2006). The West Bank and Gaza Strip: A Geography of Occupation and Disengagement. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-134-17217-7. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
"Israeli politicians lost no time exploiting these fears increasingly employing the term Hamastan - a neologism for the concept of a Hamas-dominated Palestinian Islamist theocracy under Iranian tutelage - to describe these circumstances; 'before our very eyes', as Netanyahu warned, 'Hamastan has been established, the step-child of Iran and the Taliban'." (Ram 2009, p. 82) Ram، Haggai (2009). Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession. Stanford University Press. ISBN:978-0-804-77119-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
"To make this grid possible, more than 2,710 homes and workplaces in the West Bank have been completely destroyed, and an additional 39,964 others have been damaged, since the beginning of the Intifada." (Haddad 2009, p. 280) Haddad، Toufic (2009). "Gaza: Birthing a Bantustan". في Tikva، Honig-Parnass؛ Haddad، Toufic (المحررون). Between the Lines: Israel, the Palestinians, and the U.S. War on Terror. Haymarket Books. ص. 280–290 2. ISBN:978-1-608-46047-2.
A combination of Israeli checkpoints, physical obstacles, and a permit system had effectively cut the West Bank into three distinct areas—northern, southern, and central—in addition to East Jerusalem. Within these areas further enclaves have been created, also bordered by checkpoints and roadblocks that increase the isolation of individual Palestinian communities. In addition, the Jordan rift valley had become an almost inaccessible enclave. Fewer and fewer Palestinians were able to obtain permits to visit closed military zones—land to the west of the Barrier. The cantonization of the West Bank, combined with Israel's tight restructions on movement of the Palestinians, is at the heart of the decline of the Palestinian economy (Rubenberg 2010, p. 147). Rubenberg، Cheryl، المحرر (2010). Encyclopedia of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A-H (ط. 3rd). Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN:978-1-588-26686-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
"Every aspect of the city is invested with ethnicity, and a complex system of codes (wrought in architecture, signage, dress, etc.) helps residents to navigate through perceived safe passages and protected environments. This extreme level of segregation has produced a spatial landscape akin to an "archipelago" of isolated "islands"... a complex matrix of exclaves (settlements for Jewish Israelis built in annexed East Jerusalem) and Palestinian enclaves, served by segregated road systems and surrounded by buffer zones." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25; summary publication p.2) Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
"As a result of intense settlement construction in East Jerusalem, Palestinian communities are forced within the spatial containment that characterizes the settlements: they have lost their agricultural land reserves and became enclaves within a space of Israeli hegemony — remaining largely excluded them from Israeli political, social, and cultural life... Discrimination is written into the city's master plan, which is based on the declared aim to facilitate a 70% Jewish majority in Jerusalem... Endurance and resilience have been effective tactics for Palestinians. Prohibited from expanding beyond established built-up areas, villages and neighborhoods have become densely knit, congested, and uncontrollable." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25; summary publication p.2) Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Dumper contends that infrastructural and demographic changes have led to "the enclaving of the eastern part of the city" which has been transformed into "virtually an Israeli Jewish city with small islands of Palestinian residency, commerce, and culture". The settlement infrastructure of "connecting roads, services, and security systems [that] have sliced up East Jerusalem into pieces and surrounded the Palestinians areas". He says that he uses the word enclave to convey "a sense of being encircled, of being detached, and of belonging to something else" while acknowledging there is freedom of movement to adjacent areas (Dumper 2014, pp. 16–17). Dumper، Michael (17 يونيو 2014). Jerusalem Unbound: Geography, History, and the Future of the Holy City. دار نشر جامعة كولومبيا. ISBN:978-0-231-53735-3. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Chaichian 2013، صفحات 271–319. Chaichian، Mohammed (2013). "Bantustans, Maquiladoras, and the Separation Barrier Israeli Style". Empires and Walls: Globalization, Migration, and Colonial Domination. دار بريل للنشر. ص. 271–319. ISBN:978-9-004-26066-5.
Boyle 2011، صفحة 60. Boyle، Francis (2011). The Palestinian Right of Return Under International Law. Clarity Press. ISBN:978-0-932-86393-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-07.
Niksic, Eddin & Cali 2014. Niksic، Orhan؛ Eddin، Nur Nasser؛ Cali، Massimiliano (10 يوليو 2014). Area C and the Future of the Palestinian Economy. البنك الدولي. ISBN:978-1-464-80196-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Honig-Parnass 2011. Honig-Parnass، Tikva (2011). The False Prophets of Peace: Liberal Zionism and the Struggle for Palestine. Haymarket Books. ISBN:978-1-608-46214-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Rubenberg 2010. Rubenberg، Cheryl، المحرر (2010). Encyclopedia of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A-H (ط. 3rd). Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN:978-1-588-26686-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
Gorenberg 2006. Gorenberg، Gershom (2006). The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977. هنري هولت وشركاه. ISBN:978-1-466-80054-0. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Klein 2019. Klein، M. (2019). Arafat and Abbas: Portraits of Leadership in a State Postponed. Oxford University Press. ص. 73. ISBN:978-0-19-008758-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19. Israel would govern these bantustans externally and enter them at will. As far as Netanyahu is concerned, if the Palestinians want to call this kind of autonomy a state, that is their affair.
Gil 2020. Gil، Avi (2020). Shimon Peres: An Insider's Account of the Man and the Struggle for a New Middle East. دار بلومزبري. ISBN:978-0-755-61703-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-07.
Korn 2013. Korn، Alina (2013). "6: The Ghettoization of the Palestinians". في Lentin، Ronit (المحرر). Thinking Palestine. دار زيد للنشر. ISBN:978-1-84813-789-9.
Alissa 2013. Alissa، Sufyan (2013). "6: The economics of an independent Palestine". في Hilal، Jamil (المحرر). Where Now for Palestine?: The Demise of the Two-State Solution. دار زيد للنشر. ISBN:978-1-84813-801-8.
Lustick 1988. Lustick، Ian (1988). For the Land and the Lord: Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel. مجلس العلاقات الخارجية. ISBN:978-087609036-7. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Shafir 2017. Shafir، Gershon (2017). A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World's Most Intractable Conflict. دار نشر جامعة كاليفورنيا. ISBN:978-0-520-29350-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Shafir 2017، صفحة 58. Shafir، Gershon (2017). A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World's Most Intractable Conflict. دار نشر جامعة كاليفورنيا. ISBN:978-0-520-29350-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Weizman 2012، صفحة 25. Weizman، Eyal (2012). Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation. Verso Books. ISBN:978-1-84467-868-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
Holzman-Gazit 2013، صفحة 134, n.11. Holzman-Gazit، Dr Yifat (28 فبراير 2013). Land Expropriation in Israel: Law, Culture and Society. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN:978-1-4094-9592-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Holzman-Gazit 2013. Holzman-Gazit، Dr Yifat (28 فبراير 2013). Land Expropriation in Israel: Law, Culture and Society. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN:978-1-4094-9592-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Gelvin 2007، صفحة 277. Gelvin، James L. (2007). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War. مطبعة جامعة كامبريدج. ISBN:978-0-521-88835-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Pedahzur 2005، صفحة 66. Pedahzur، Ami (2005). Suicide Terrorism. Polity Press. ISBN:978-0-745-63383-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Goodman 2011، صفحة 57. Goodman، Hirsh (2011). The Anatomy of Israel's Survival. هاشيت. ISBN:978-1-610-39083-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
Reinhart 2006. Reinhart، Tanya (2006). The Road Map to Nowhere: Israel/Palestine Since 2003. Verso Books. ISBN:978-1-844-67076-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Lissoni 2015. Lissoni، Arianna (2015). "Apartheid's Little Israel: Bophuthatswana". في Jacobs، Sean؛ Soske، Jon (المحررون). Apartheid Israel: The Politics of an Analogy. Haymarket Books. ص. 53–66. ISBN:978-1-608-46519-4.
Kretzmer 2002. Kretzmer، David (25 أبريل 2002). The Occupation of Justice: The Supreme Court of Israel and the Occupied Territories. SUNY Press. ISBN:978-0-7914-5337-7. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
Parsons 2005. Parsons، Nigel (2005). The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to Al-Aqsa. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-135-94523-7. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Kamrava 2016. Kamrava، Mehran (2016). The Impossibility of Palestine: History, Geography, and the Road Ahead. مطبعة جامعة ييل. ISBN:978-0-300-22085-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Finkelstein 2003، صفحة 177. Finkelstein، Norman G. (2003). Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict (ط. 2nd). صفحة أمامية وصفحة خلفية. ISBN:978-1-859-84442-7. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
McMahon 2010، صفحات 23–24. McMahon، Sean F. (2010). The Discourse of Palestinian-Israeli Relations: Persistent Analytics and Practices. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-135-20204-0. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Chomsky & Barsamian 2001. Chomsky، Noam؛ Barsamian، David (2001). Propaganda and the Public Mind: Conversations with Noam Chomsky. بلوتو برس. ISBN:978-0-745-31788-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Riley 2016، صفحة 253. Riley، Russell L. (1 سبتمبر 2016). Inside the Clinton White House: An Oral History. Oxford University Press. ص. 253. ISBN:978-0-19-060547-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. Camp David is a bit of a Rashomon event. There is the American Camp David, there is the Palestinian Camp David, and there is the Israeli Camp David
Goldschmidt 2018. Goldschmidt، Arthur, Jr (2018). A Concise History of the Middle East. Taylor & Francis. ISBN:978-0-429-97515-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-10.{{استشهاد بكتاب}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: أسماء متعددة: قائمة المؤلفين (link)
Carter 2006. Carter، Jimmy (2006). Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Simon and Schuster. ISBN:978-1-84737-512-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
Polakow-Suransky 2010، صفحة 236. Polakow-Suransky، Sasha (2010). The Unspoken Alliance: Israel's Secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa. راندوم هاوس. ISBN:978-0-307-37925-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Machover 2012، صفحة 55. Machover، Moshé (2012). Israelis and Palestinians: Conflict and Resolution. Haymarket Books. ISBN:978-1-608-46148-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
Telhami 2010. Telhami، Shibley (2010). The Sadat Lectures: Words and Images on Peace, 1997-2008. U.S. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN:978-1-60127-054-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Makdisi 2012. Makdisi، Saree (2012). Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. دار دبيلو دبليو نورتون وشركاؤه ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ISBN:978-0-393-06996-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بكتاب}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Harms & Ferry 2017. Harms، Gregory؛ Ferry، Todd M. (2017). The Palestine-Israel Conflict: A Basic Introduction 4th Ed. بلوتو برس. ISBN:978-0-7453-2378-7. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-10.
Gordon 2008. Gordon، Dr Neve (2 أكتوبر 2008). Israel's Occupation. دار نشر جامعة كاليفورنيا. ISBN:978-0-520-94236-3. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Erakat 2019. Erakat، Noura (2019). Justice for Some: Law and the Question of Palestine. Stanford University Press. ص. 14. ISBN:978-0-8047-9825-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
Peteet 2017. Peteet، Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. مطبعة جامعة إنديانا. ISBN:978-0-253-02511-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-09-22.
Le More 2008. Le More، Anne (31 مارس 2008). International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo: Political guilt, wasted money. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-134-05232-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
Le More 2008، صفحة 132. Le More، Anne (31 مارس 2008). International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo: Political guilt, wasted money. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-134-05232-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
Blecher 2005. Blecher، Robert (2005). "Transportational Contiguity". Middle East Report. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- Peteet 2017، صفحة 93. Peteet، Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. مطبعة جامعة إنديانا. ISBN:978-0-253-02511-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-09-22.
- Makdisi 2012، صفحات 92–93. Makdisi، Saree (2012). Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. دار دبيلو دبليو نورتون وشركاؤه ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ISBN:978-0-393-06996-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بكتاب}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
- Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006. Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
- Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006، صفحة 24. Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
- Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006، صفحات 24–25. Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate

breakingthesilence.org.il

Rosen & Shaul 2020. Rosen، Maya؛ Shaul، Yehuda (ديسمبر 2020). Highway to Annexation: Israeli Road and Transportation Infrastructure Development in the West Bank (PDF) (Report). The Israeli Centre for Public Affairs & Breaking the Silence. ص. 39. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-05-09.

btselem.org

They [Israel] have destroyed the livelihoods of thousands of farmers who have lost their lands and their ability to keep making a living off it. The location of settlements is the main determinant of where checkpoints are installed, what lands Palestinian owners can access and what roads they may use. It was also the main factor in determining the route of the Separation Barrier (Hareuveni & Etkes 2021, p. 5). Hareuveni، Eyal؛ Etkes، Dror (مارس 2021). This Is Ours – And This, Too Israel's Settlement Policy in the West Bank (PDF) (Report). بتسيلم & Kerem Navot. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

cam.ac.uk

repository.cam.ac.uk

"Major thoroughfares connecting Israeli settlements cut through the urban fabric of Palestinian neighbourhoods without serving them, dividing them into isolated enclaves and stifling local urban life and social exchange across the east of the city. Like the roads connecting Israeli settlements in the West Bank, these 'conflict infrastructures' turn Palestinian space into an archipelago of disconnected islands. The spatial inequality brought about by the mobility gap is exacerbated by the lack of investment in Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem. Due to decades of neglect, even middle-class Palestinian neighbourhoods lack basic amenities, including functional roads and pavements, connection to the sewage system, reliable garbage removal, community facilities, public parks and postal service. Such policies based on unequal citizenship, effective ethnic segregation and resource allocation on the basis of ethnicity have been termed 'urban ethnocracy'." (Baumann 2016, p. 175) Baumann، Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. ج. 59: 173–182. DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN:0264-2751. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Baumann 2016. Baumann، Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. ج. 59: 173–182. DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN:0264-2751. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.

cargocollective.com

files.cargocollective.com

Burns & Perugini 2016. Burns، Jacob؛ Perugini، Nicola (2016). "Untangling the Oslo Lines". في Manna، Jumana؛ Storihle، Sille (المحررون). The Goodness Regime (PDF). ص. 38–43. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-03-17.
Burns & Perugini 2016، صفحة 40. Burns، Jacob؛ Perugini، Nicola (2016). "Untangling the Oslo Lines". في Manna، Jumana؛ Storihle، Sille (المحررون). The Goodness Regime (PDF). ص. 38–43. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-03-17.

core.ac.uk

Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012. Thawaba، Salem؛ Al-Rimmawi، Hussein (23 أغسطس 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. ج. 12 ع. 1: 63–77. DOI:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN:1538-5132. S2CID:144445414. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

decolonizing.ps

نُوقشت عواقب النظام المكاني الذي يُرسخ في الضفة الغربية المحتلة اليوم، نتيجة للسياسة الإسرائيلية التي توصف بأشكال مختلفة مثل البانتوستانات، والكانتونات، والتحبيس، والتقسيم إلى غيتوات، بإسهاب في السنوات الأخيرة. كُرّس سيل هائل من الوثائق والتقارير والتحليل والآراء والنشاط لهذه القضية؛ أظهرت مراقبة الوكالات والمنظمات الدولية والفلسطينية والإسرائيلية، أن سياسة التشرذم المدمرة أثرت على الاقتصاد والشبكات الاجتماعية، وتوفير الخدمات الأساسية مثل الرعاية الصحية والتعليم، وآفاق إنهاء الاستعمار الإسرائيلي للضفة الغربية وغزة(Taraki 2008, p. 6). Taraki، Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 37 ع. 4: 6–20. DOI:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-18.
Taraki 2008. Taraki، Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 37 ع. 4: 6–20. DOI:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-18.

doi.org

*«في عام 2009، صمم الفنان الفرنسي جوليان بوساك خريطة للضفة الغربية بعنوان (بالفرنسية: L'archipel de Palestine orientale)‏ أو "أرخبيل شرق فلسطين" ... توضح خريطة بوساك - من خلال الخيال العسكري والسياحي - كيف أدت اتفاقيات أوسلو التي توسطت فيها الولايات المتحدة إلى تجزئة الضفة الغربية إلى جيوب مفصولة بنقاط تفتيش ومستوطنات تحافظ على السيطرة الإسرائيلية على الضفة الغربية وتحصر غالبية السكان الفلسطينيين في مراكز المدن والقرى الفلسطينية المتقلصة».(Kelly 2016, pp. 723–745)
- «أرخبيل من الأراضي الحبيسة Kelly، Jennifer Lynn (سبتمبر 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. ج. 68 ع. 3: 723–745. DOI:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID:151482682. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- نُوقشت عواقب النظام المكاني الذي يُرسخ في الضفة الغربية المحتلة اليوم، نتيجة للسياسة الإسرائيلية التي توصف بأشكال مختلفة مثل البانتوستانات، والكانتونات، والتحبيس، والتقسيم إلى غيتوات، بإسهاب في السنوات الأخيرة. كُرّس سيل هائل من الوثائق والتقارير والتحليل والآراء والنشاط لهذه القضية؛ أظهرت مراقبة الوكالات والمنظمات الدولية والفلسطينية والإسرائيلية، أن سياسة التشرذم المدمرة أثرت على الاقتصاد والشبكات الاجتماعية، وتوفير الخدمات الأساسية مثل الرعاية الصحية والتعليم، وآفاق إنهاء الاستعمار الإسرائيلي للضفة الغربية وغزة(Taraki 2008, p. 6). Taraki، Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 37 ع. 4: 6–20. DOI:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-18.
- "The terms "enclaves", "cantons", "Bantustans" and "open-air prisons" are used by Palestinians and outside observers to describe these spaces...The enclaves contain a population expelled but still within the territory of the state; they are neither camps, detention centers, nor Bantustans. Although certainly lodged in the same analytical field of other spatial devices of containment, they are unique spatial formations that we have yet to develop tools to conceptualize." (Peteet 2016, p. 268) Peteet، Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. ج. 89 ع. 1: 247–281. DOI:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR:43955521. S2CID:147128703.
- "The evolution from ghetto state to state is a largely unrecognized (and thus unstudied) path to statehood. The very function of the ghetto state in concentrating, restricting and defining its population can become the territorial and organizational basis for the emergence of a state (versus merely a political party). Prominent examples of this process would include the Bantustans of South Africa and the Israeli "occupied territories" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (McColl & Newman 1992, p. 334) McColl، R. W.؛ Newman، D. (1992). "States in Formation: The Ghetto State as Typified in the West Bank and Gaza Strip". GeoJournal. ج. 28 ع. 3: 333–345. DOI:10.1007/BF00817910. JSTOR:41145605. S2CID:153996106.
- Ariel Sharon, Israel's Prime Minister since 2001, had long contended that the Bantustan model, so central to the apartheid system, is the most appropriate to the present Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Others, by contrast, have maintained that the Palestinian territories have been transformed into cantons whose final status is still to be determined. The difference in terminology between cantons and Bantustans is not arbitrary though. The former suggests a neutral territorial concept whose political implications and contours are left to be determined. The latter indicates a structural development with economic and political implications that put in jeopardy the prospects for any meaningfully sovereign viable Palestinian state. It makes the prospects for a حل الدولة الواحدة seem inevitable, if most threatening to the notion of ethnic nationalism.' (Farsakh 2005, p. 231) Farsakh، Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. ج. 59 ع. 2: 230–245. DOI:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR:4330126.
- "What is Begin offering us now? Bantustans. Even less than Bantustans; Swaziland has more rights than we would have" (Arafat 1978) Arafat، Yasser (1978). "The PLO Position". Journal of Palestine Studies. ج. 7 ع. 3: 171–174. DOI:10.2307/2536214. JSTOR:2536214.
- "In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized." (Makdisi 2005, pp. 443–461) Makdisi، Saree (2005). "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation". Critical Inquiry. ج. 31 ع. 2: 443–461. DOI:10.1086/430974. JSTOR:430974. S2CID:154951084.
- "By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled." (Roy 2004, pp. 365–403) Roy، Sara (2004). "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. ج. 17 ع. 3: 365–403. DOI:10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019609.37719.99. JSTOR:20007687. S2CID:145653769.
- ARONOFF, M.J. (2009), Camp David Rashomon: Contested Interpretations of the Israel/Palestine Peace Process. Political Science Quarterly, 124: 143-167. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165X.2009.tb00645.x
- (1) جيف هالبر arguing that the occupation will be permanent, as opposed to proponents of a Two state solution, wrote in September 2003: 'the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the control mechanisms, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state: he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So, if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of control you end up advocating a Bantustan.' (Halper 2004, p. 105);
  (2) 'In April he said that Israel would not withdraw from most of the West Bank, would continue to occupy the Jordan River Valley and the roads leading to them, would make no concessions on Jerusalem, would "absolutely not" evacuate a single settlement "at any price" and would not cede control of the West Bank water aquifers. In case that was not sufficiently clear, over the next year he repeatedly said that the Israeli concessions at Oslo, Camp David, and قمة طابا were no longer valid. A number of prominent Israeli analysts commented that Sharon's intentions were to torpedo the diplomatic process, continue the Israeli occupation, and limit the Palestinians to a series of enclaves surrounded by the Israeli settlements; some even wrote that Sharon's long term strategy resembled that of the "Bantustans" created by the South African apartheid regime' (Slater 2020, p. 303). Halper، Jeff (Winter 2004). "Israel and Empire". مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 33 ع. 2: 105–106. DOI:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. JSTOR:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. Slater، Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. دار نشر جامعة أكسفورد. ISBN:978-019045908-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- "Uri Avnery (2005) noted that President Bush called in Brussels for the establishment of a 'democratic state with territorial continuity' in the West Bank, and then added: 'A state on scattered territories will not work'. Avnery contended that President Bush was pointing a finger at Sharon's enclavisation settlement strategy in the West Bank and that he was apparently beginning to see it as counter-productive. Avnery added that these statements by Bush in Brussels were made to reduce U.S. differences and potential friction with the European Union, which clearly opposes the annexation of West Bank territory by Israel." (Falah 2005) Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
- "Major thoroughfares connecting Israeli settlements cut through the urban fabric of Palestinian neighbourhoods without serving them, dividing them into isolated enclaves and stifling local urban life and social exchange across the east of the city. Like the roads connecting Israeli settlements in the West Bank, these 'conflict infrastructures' turn Palestinian space into an archipelago of disconnected islands. The spatial inequality brought about by the mobility gap is exacerbated by the lack of investment in Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem. Due to decades of neglect, even middle-class Palestinian neighbourhoods lack basic amenities, including functional roads and pavements, connection to the sewage system, reliable garbage removal, community facilities, public parks and postal service. Such policies based on unequal citizenship, effective ethnic segregation and resource allocation on the basis of ethnicity have been termed 'urban ethnocracy'." (Baumann 2016, p. 175) Baumann، Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. ج. 59: 173–182. DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN:0264-2751. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- Kelly 2016. Kelly، Jennifer Lynn (سبتمبر 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. ج. 68 ع. 3: 723–745. DOI:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID:151482682. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- Bowman 2007. Bowman، Glenn (2007). "Israel's wall and the logic of encystation: Sovereign exception or wild sovereignty?". Focaal-European Journal of Anthropology ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 2007 ع. 50: 127–136. DOI:10.3167/foc.2007.500109. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
- Falah 2005. Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
- Taraki 2008. Taraki، Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 37 ع. 4: 6–20. DOI:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-18.
- Peteet 2016. Peteet، Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. ج. 89 ع. 1: 247–281. DOI:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR:43955521. S2CID:147128703.
- Slater 2001. Slater، Jerome (2001). "What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. ج. 116 ع. 2: 171–199. DOI:10.2307/798058. JSTOR:798058.
- Lustick 1997، صفحات 35,37. Lustick، Ian (1997). "Has Israel Annexed East Jerusalem?" (PDF). Middle East Policy. ج. 5 ع. 1: 34–45. DOI:10.1111/j.1475-4967.1997.tb00247.x. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- Weizman 2006. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
- Weizman 2006، صفحة 351, n=50. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
- Weizman 2006، صفحة 349, n=47. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
- Hunter 1986. Hunter، Jane (Spring 1986). "Israel and the Bantustans". مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 15 ع. 3: 53–89. DOI:10.2307/2536750. JSTOR:2536750.
- Wing 2000. Wing، Adrien Katherine (4–8 أبريل 2000). "The South African Transition to Democratic Rule: Lessons for International and Comparative Law". Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 94: 254–259. DOI:10.1017/S0272503700055932. JSTOR:25659407. S2CID:107537477.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
- Moghayer, Daget & Wang 2017. Moghayer، Taher J.T.؛ Daget، Yidnekachew Tesmamma؛ Wang، Xingping (2017). "Challenges of urban planning in Palestine". IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 81 ع. 1: 1–5. Bibcode:2017E&ES...81a2152M. DOI:10.1088/1755-1315/81/1/012152.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
- Aronoff 2009. Aronoff، Myron J. (Spring 2009). "Camp David Rashomon: Contested Interpretations of the Israel/Palestine Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. ج. 124 ع. 1: 143–167. DOI:10.1002/j.1538-165X.2009.tb00645.x. JSTOR:25655613.
- Marzano 2011، صفحة 85. Marzano، Arturo (Spring 2011). "Italian Foreign Policy towards Israel: The Turning Point of the Berlusconi Government (2001––2006)". Israel Studies. ج. 16 ع. 1: 79–103. DOI:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. JSTOR:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. S2CID:143454051. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- Le More 2005، صفحة 990. Le More، Anne (أكتوبر 2005). "Killing with Kindness: Funding the Demise of a Palestinian State". International Affairs ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 81 ع. 5: 981–999. DOI:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00498.x. JSTOR:3569071.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
- Farsakh 2005، صفحة 231. Farsakh، Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. ج. 59 ع. 2: 230–245. DOI:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR:4330126.
- Abu-Lughod 1982. Abu-Lughod، Janet (Winter 1982). "Israeli Settlements in Occupied Arab Lands: Conquest to Colony". Journal of Palestine Studies. ج. 11 ع. 2: 16–54. DOI:10.2307/2536268. JSTOR:2536268. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-01. من الواضح أن قطاع غزة، الذي يقطنه أكثر من 400 ألف فلسطيني، وهو مكتظ بالفعل بشكل كبير، لم يكن المكان الأكثر ملاءمة للمستعمرات. في الواقع، بحلول عام 1978، لم يكن هناك سوى 500 "مستوطن" يهودي في غزة، جميعهم في مواقع عسكرية أو على حافة رفح البارز على الحدود المصرية. حتى بعد إعادة تجميع بعض المستوطنين في سيناء، ارتفع عددهم إلى 1000 فقط (حوالي عام 1980، وفقًا لحسابات الصحف الإسرائيلية المعاد نشرها في "إسرائيل وفلسطين الشهرية"، رقم 82، ملحق يوليو 1980: 3).
- Baumann 2016. Baumann، Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. ج. 59: 173–182. DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN:0264-2751. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012. Thawaba، Salem؛ Al-Rimmawi، Hussein (23 أغسطس 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. ج. 12 ع. 1: 63–77. DOI:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN:1538-5132. S2CID:144445414. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

dw.com

دويتشه فيله 2020. دويتشه فيله (11 فبراير 2020). "أمام مجلس الأمن.. عباس يدين خطة السلام الأمريكية ويتعهد بمواجهتها". دويتشه فيله. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-02-22. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2023-05-12.

espon.eu

«في الضفة الغربية، تمكنت إسرائيل من تحويل المحافظات هناك إلى بانتوستانات متصلة فقط من خلال منطقة التي تسيطر عليها إسرائيل (منطقة ج)».(ITAN 2015, p. 889) ITAN: Integrated Territorial Analysis of the Neighbourhoods. Scientific Report – Annexes; Applied Research 2013/1/22 Final Report (PDF) (Report). 11 مارس 2015. ص. 889. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

esteri.it

"Maurizio Molinari, che era il corrispondente diplomatico de 'La Stampa' quando D'Alema era Presidente del Consiglio, descrive in un suo libro un incontro tra D'Alema ed Ariel Sharon... Mi ha detto una cosa che ricordo ancora. In quel periodo egli sosteneva che non ci sarà un vero e proprio Stato palestinese, bensì dei territori palestinesi, senza forze di sicurezza ed inclusi nei confini di Israele". Il termine usato da Sharon aveva alquanto spaventato D'Alema. "Egli ha chiarito, e ha usato il termine banthustan, le enclavi dei neri fondate dal governo dell'apartheid in Sud Africa. Io gli ho risposto: non troverà mai una controparte palestinese che firmi un accordo di questo genere" (IMFA 2006) "Intervista". وزارة الشؤون الخارجية (إيطاليا). 26 مايو 2006. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2021-01-13. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-01-11.

europa.eu

eeas.europa.eu

EU Spokesperson's statement 2021. "Israel: Statement by the Spokesperson on further settlement expansion". Brussels: The Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip, UNRWA). 29 أكتوبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.

fas.org

sgp.fas.org

Migdalovitz 2006. Migdalovitz، Carol (16 مارس 2006). The Middle East Peace Talks: CRS Issue Brief for Congress (PDF) (Report). Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

foreignaffairs.com

"The Trump plan would thereby surround the Palestinian state with Israeli territory, severing its contiguity with Jordan and turning Jericho into a Palestinian enclave and the Palestinian state into a Bantustan. ... The result would be a Swiss cheese Palestinian state with no possibility of territorial contiguity. Instead, the Trump plan proposes 'transportational' contiguity, through tunnels that would connect the islands of Palestinian sovereignty. Those tunnels, of course, would be under Israeli control." (Indyk 2020) Indyk، Martin (فبراير 2020). "Trump's Unfair Middle East Plan Leaves Nothing to Negotiate". الشؤون الخارجية (مجلة). مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

foreignpolicy.com

Shaul 2020. Shaul، Yehuda (11 فبراير 2020). "Trump's Middle East Peace Plan Isn't New. It Plagiarized a 40-Year-Old Israeli Initiative". فورين بوليسي. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

ft.com

Srivastava 2020. Srivastava، Mehul (17 يونيو 2020). "Israel's annexation plan: the 'existential threat' to Palestinian dreams". فاينانشال تايمز. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

haaretz.com

«واقع البانتوستانات الفلسطينية، المحميات أو الأراضي الحبيسة- حقيقة على الأرض. إن إنشائها هو أبرز حدث جيوسياسي في ربع القرن الماضي» (Hass 2018) Hass، Amira (15 سبتمبر 2018). "With Oslo, Israel's Intention Was Never Peace or Palestinian Statehood". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
"the original South African model is particularly tempting. It would be a mistake to use the term "canton" in this case, since cantons are autonomous areas of a state and its citizens. Here, the idea is to turn those Palestinians living in areas that would be annexed to Israel, into foreign citizens." (Primor 2002) Primor، Avi (18 سبتمبر 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
"Alongside the severance of Gaza from the West Bank, a policy now called 'isolation,' the Sharon-Peres government and the Olmert-Peres government that succeeded it carried out the bantustan program in the West Bank. The Jordan Valley was separated from the rest of the West Bank; the south was severed from the north; and all three areas were severed from East Jerusalem. The "two states for two peoples" plan gave way to a 'five states for two peoples' plan: one contiguous state, surrounded by settlement blocs, for Israel, and four isolated enclaves for the Palestinians." (Eldar 2007) Eldar، Akiva (18 يونيو 2007). "Sharon's Dream". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
"Many in the top echelons of the security establishment in the 1970s and 1980s had a warm spot in their hearts for the white apartheid regime in South Africa that was derived not only from utilitarian interests, but also from sympathy for the white minority rulers in that country. One of the elements of the old South African regime that stirred much interest in Israel remains current to this day: To seemingly solve the demographic problem that troubled the white South Africans (that is, to hang on to all of South Africa without granting equal rights, civil rights and the vote to blacks), the South African regime created a fiction known by the name Bantustans, later changed to Homelands." (Primor 2002) Primor، Avi (18 سبتمبر 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
"If Ariel Sharon were able to hear the news from the Gaza Strip and West Bank, he would call his loyal aide, Dov Weissglas, and say with a big laugh: 'We did it, Dubi.' Sharon is in a coma, but his plan is alive and kicking. Everyone is now talking about the state of Hamastan. In his house, they called it a bantustan, after the South African protectorates designed to perpetuate apartheid." (Eldar 2007) Eldar، Akiva (18 يونيو 2007). "Sharon's Dream". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Primor 2002. Primor، Avi (18 سبتمبر 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Eldar 2007. Eldar، Akiva (18 يونيو 2007). "Sharon's Dream". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Eldar 2003. Eldar، Akiva (13 مايو 2003). "Sharon's Bantustans Are Far From Copenhagen's Hope". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Shalev 2017. Shalev، Chemi (6 يونيو 2017). "Netanyahu's Blueprint for a Palestinian Bantustan". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Samuels & Lis 2021. Samuels، Ben؛ Lis، Jonathan (26 أكتوبر 2021). "U.S. Gives Harshest Public Rebuke Yet on Israeli Settlement Plans". Haaretz. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Hass 2004. Hass، Amira (29 نوفمبر 2004). "Donor Countries Won't Fund Israeli-planned Separate Roads for Palestinians". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Shezaf 2020. Shezaf، Hagar (10 ديسمبر 2020). "Highways to annexation: Across the West Bank, Israel is bulldozing a bright future for Jewish settlers". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2020-12-10.

handle.net

hdl.handle.net

Clarno 2009. Clarno، Andrew James (2009). The Empire's New Walls: Sovereignty, Neo-liberalism, and the Production of Space in Post-apartheid South Africa and Post-Oslo Palestine/Israel (Thesis). ص. 66–67. hdl:2027.42/127105. ISBN:978-1-244-00753-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-16.

harvard.edu

ui.adsabs.harvard.edu

Moghayer, Daget & Wang 2017. Moghayer، Taher J.T.؛ Daget، Yidnekachew Tesmamma؛ Wang، Xingping (2017). "Challenges of urban planning in Palestine". IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 81 ع. 1: 1–5. Bibcode:2017E&ES...81a2152M. DOI:10.1088/1755-1315/81/1/012152.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)

israelhayom.co.il

Lord 2020. Lord، Amnon (28 مايو 2020). "Netanyahu: The Palestinians have to concede, not Israel". إسرائيل هيوم. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. (also in Hebrew: ראש הממשלה בראיון מיוחד ל"ישראל היום": "לא אנחנו נוותר, אלא הפלשתינים")

israelhayom.com

Lord 2020. Lord، Amnon (28 مايو 2020). "Netanyahu: The Palestinians have to concede, not Israel". إسرائيل هيوم. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. (also in Hebrew: ראש הממשלה בראיון מיוחד ל"ישראל היום": "לא אנחנו נוותר, אלא הפלשתינים")

jpost.com

Lazaroff 2021. Lazaroff، Tovah (5 سبتمبر 2021). "Growth rate of settlements plummets to all-time low". The Jerusalem Post. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-10-30.
Harkov & Lazaroff 2021. Harkov، Lahav؛ Lazaroff، Tovah (28 أكتوبر 2021). "Russia, UK, top EU nations issue rebuke on settlement plans". The Jerusalem Post. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.
Resolution 2334 2016. "Resolution 2334 (2016) Adopted by the Security Council at its 7853rd meeting, on 23 December 2016" (PDF). الأمم المتحدة. 16 ديسمبر 2016. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2019-09-08. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2019-09-20.*"Housing minister sees 50% more settlers in West Bank by 2019". Reuters. 16 مايو 2014. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2015-09-10.

jstor.org

"The terms "enclaves", "cantons", "Bantustans" and "open-air prisons" are used by Palestinians and outside observers to describe these spaces...The enclaves contain a population expelled but still within the territory of the state; they are neither camps, detention centers, nor Bantustans. Although certainly lodged in the same analytical field of other spatial devices of containment, they are unique spatial formations that we have yet to develop tools to conceptualize." (Peteet 2016, p. 268) Peteet، Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. ج. 89 ع. 1: 247–281. DOI:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR:43955521. S2CID:147128703.
"The evolution from ghetto state to state is a largely unrecognized (and thus unstudied) path to statehood. The very function of the ghetto state in concentrating, restricting and defining its population can become the territorial and organizational basis for the emergence of a state (versus merely a political party). Prominent examples of this process would include the Bantustans of South Africa and the Israeli "occupied territories" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (McColl & Newman 1992, p. 334) McColl، R. W.؛ Newman، D. (1992). "States in Formation: The Ghetto State as Typified in the West Bank and Gaza Strip". GeoJournal. ج. 28 ع. 3: 333–345. DOI:10.1007/BF00817910. JSTOR:41145605. S2CID:153996106.
Ariel Sharon, Israel's Prime Minister since 2001, had long contended that the Bantustan model, so central to the apartheid system, is the most appropriate to the present Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Others, by contrast, have maintained that the Palestinian territories have been transformed into cantons whose final status is still to be determined. The difference in terminology between cantons and Bantustans is not arbitrary though. The former suggests a neutral territorial concept whose political implications and contours are left to be determined. The latter indicates a structural development with economic and political implications that put in jeopardy the prospects for any meaningfully sovereign viable Palestinian state. It makes the prospects for a حل الدولة الواحدة seem inevitable, if most threatening to the notion of ethnic nationalism.' (Farsakh 2005, p. 231) Farsakh، Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. ج. 59 ع. 2: 230–245. DOI:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR:4330126.
"What is Begin offering us now? Bantustans. Even less than Bantustans; Swaziland has more rights than we would have" (Arafat 1978) Arafat، Yasser (1978). "The PLO Position". Journal of Palestine Studies. ج. 7 ع. 3: 171–174. DOI:10.2307/2536214. JSTOR:2536214.
"In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized." (Makdisi 2005, pp. 443–461) Makdisi، Saree (2005). "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation". Critical Inquiry. ج. 31 ع. 2: 443–461. DOI:10.1086/430974. JSTOR:430974. S2CID:154951084.
"By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled." (Roy 2004, pp. 365–403) Roy، Sara (2004). "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. ج. 17 ع. 3: 365–403. DOI:10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019609.37719.99. JSTOR:20007687. S2CID:145653769.
KACOWICZ, A. (2005). Rashomon in the Middle East: Clashing Narratives, Images, and Frames in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict. Cooperation and Conflict, 40(3), 343-360. Retrieved 16 February 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/45084335
(1) جيف هالبر arguing that the occupation will be permanent, as opposed to proponents of a Two state solution, wrote in September 2003: 'the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the control mechanisms, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state: he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So, if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of control you end up advocating a Bantustan.' (Halper 2004, p. 105);
(2) 'In April he said that Israel would not withdraw from most of the West Bank, would continue to occupy the Jordan River Valley and the roads leading to them, would make no concessions on Jerusalem, would "absolutely not" evacuate a single settlement "at any price" and would not cede control of the West Bank water aquifers. In case that was not sufficiently clear, over the next year he repeatedly said that the Israeli concessions at Oslo, Camp David, and قمة طابا were no longer valid. A number of prominent Israeli analysts commented that Sharon's intentions were to torpedo the diplomatic process, continue the Israeli occupation, and limit the Palestinians to a series of enclaves surrounded by the Israeli settlements; some even wrote that Sharon's long term strategy resembled that of the "Bantustans" created by the South African apartheid regime' (Slater 2020, p. 303). Halper، Jeff (Winter 2004). "Israel and Empire". مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 33 ع. 2: 105–106. DOI:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. JSTOR:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. Slater، Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. دار نشر جامعة أكسفورد. ISBN:978-019045908-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
"Uri Avnery (2005) noted that President Bush called in Brussels for the establishment of a 'democratic state with territorial continuity' in the West Bank, and then added: 'A state on scattered territories will not work'. Avnery contended that President Bush was pointing a finger at Sharon's enclavisation settlement strategy in the West Bank and that he was apparently beginning to see it as counter-productive. Avnery added that these statements by Bush in Brussels were made to reduce U.S. differences and potential friction with the European Union, which clearly opposes the annexation of West Bank territory by Israel." (Falah 2005) Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
Harris 1984. Harris، Brice, Jr (Summer 1984). "The South Africanization of Israel". Arab Studies Quarterly. ج. 6 ع. 3: 169–189. JSTOR:41857718.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: أسماء متعددة: قائمة المؤلفين (link)
Falah 2005. Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
Peteet 2016. Peteet، Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. ج. 89 ع. 1: 247–281. DOI:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR:43955521. S2CID:147128703.
Slater 2001. Slater، Jerome (2001). "What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. ج. 116 ع. 2: 171–199. DOI:10.2307/798058. JSTOR:798058.
Hunter 1986. Hunter، Jane (Spring 1986). "Israel and the Bantustans". مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 15 ع. 3: 53–89. DOI:10.2307/2536750. JSTOR:2536750.
Wing 2000. Wing، Adrien Katherine (4–8 أبريل 2000). "The South African Transition to Democratic Rule: Lessons for International and Comparative Law". Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 94: 254–259. DOI:10.1017/S0272503700055932. JSTOR:25659407. S2CID:107537477.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Sabel 2011. Sabel، Robbie (Fall 2011). "The Campaign to Delegitimize Israel with the False Charge of Apartheid". Jewish Political Studies Review ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 23 ع. 3/4: 18–31. JSTOR:41575857.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Aronoff 2009. Aronoff، Myron J. (Spring 2009). "Camp David Rashomon: Contested Interpretations of the Israel/Palestine Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. ج. 124 ع. 1: 143–167. DOI:10.1002/j.1538-165X.2009.tb00645.x. JSTOR:25655613.
Marzano 2011، صفحة 85. Marzano، Arturo (Spring 2011). "Italian Foreign Policy towards Israel: The Turning Point of the Berlusconi Government (2001––2006)". Israel Studies. ج. 16 ع. 1: 79–103. DOI:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. JSTOR:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. S2CID:143454051. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Le More 2005، صفحة 990. Le More، Anne (أكتوبر 2005). "Killing with Kindness: Funding the Demise of a Palestinian State". International Affairs ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 81 ع. 5: 981–999. DOI:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00498.x. JSTOR:3569071.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Farsakh 2005، صفحة 231. Farsakh، Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. ج. 59 ع. 2: 230–245. DOI:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR:4330126.
Abu-Lughod 1982. Abu-Lughod، Janet (Winter 1982). "Israeli Settlements in Occupied Arab Lands: Conquest to Colony". Journal of Palestine Studies. ج. 11 ع. 2: 16–54. DOI:10.2307/2536268. JSTOR:2536268. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-01. من الواضح أن قطاع غزة، الذي يقطنه أكثر من 400 ألف فلسطيني، وهو مكتظ بالفعل بشكل كبير، لم يكن المكان الأكثر ملاءمة للمستعمرات. في الواقع، بحلول عام 1978، لم يكن هناك سوى 500 "مستوطن" يهودي في غزة، جميعهم في مواقع عسكرية أو على حافة رفح البارز على الحدود المصرية. حتى بعد إعادة تجميع بعض المستوطنين في سيناء، ارتفع عددهم إلى 1000 فقط (حوالي عام 1980، وفقًا لحسابات الصحف الإسرائيلية المعاد نشرها في "إسرائيل وفلسطين الشهرية"، رقم 82، ملحق يوليو 1980: 3).

lawfareblog.com

Shany 2019. Shany، Yuval (6 مايو 2019). "Israel's New Plan to Annex the West Bank: What Happens Next?". Lawfare. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

legalaffairs.org

Motro 2005، صفحة 46. Motro، Shari (سبتمبر–أكتوبر 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. ص. 46–50. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-08. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Motro 2005. Motro، Shari (سبتمبر–أكتوبر 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. ص. 46–50. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-08. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Motro 2005، صفحة 47. Motro، Shari (سبتمبر–أكتوبر 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. ص. 46–50. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-08. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications

mei.edu

Stock 2019. Stock، Nathan (أغسطس 2019). There is no "Status Quo", Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (PDF) (Report). Middle East Institute. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

merip.org

Blecher 2005. Blecher، Robert (2005). "Transportational Contiguity". Middle East Report. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.

newyorker.com

Entous 2018. Entous، Adam (9 يوليو 2018). "The Maps of Israeli Settlements That Shocked Barack Obama". النيويوركر. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

nrc.no

"In sum, Israel continues to establish facts on the ground in these sensitive areas, thus undermining a future political settlement in East Jerusalem. Its policies reflect an ongoing effort to clear disputed areas in order to establish or expand settlements; change the demographic composition of East Jerusalem and strengthen Jewish presence, impede the development and expansion of Palestinian neighbourhoods, and prevent the prospects of creating a viable Palestinian capital with territorial contiguity." (NRC 2015, p. 26) Displacement and the 'Jerusalem Question': An Overview of the Negotiations over East Jerusalem and Developments on the Ground (PDF) (Report). المجلس النرويجي للاجئين. أبريل 2015. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

nybooks.com

«... سيكون من الأفضل إعادة الضفة الغربية إلى الأردن بدلاً من محاولة إنشاء دولة دمية - نوع من البانتوستانات العربية - تضع العرب في مكانة من الدرجة الثانية تحت سيطرة إسرائيل، وهذا لن يؤدي إلا إلى إثارة الاستياء العربي. إن تجنب منح العرب جنسية من الدرجة الأولى بوضعهم في محمية دولة من الدرجة الثانية هو أمر ذكي للغاية».(Stone 1967) Stone، I.F. (3 أغسطس 1967). "Holy War, Review of "Le conflit israélo-arabe" in Les Temps Modernes". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2017-03-29.
Rabin and Peres were reconciled to the idea that the Palestinians would eventually establish their own independent state even as the Israelis had established theirs. This cannot be said of the new administration headed by Benyamin Netanyahu. On the contrary, the idea of Palestinian independence is clearly anathema to him. Netanyahu keeps saying that he will honor all international agreements made by the previous government. He also makes it plain that he considers the Oslo agreement a grievous, if not criminal, mistake. The most he seems ready to grant the Palestinians is a form of very limited local autonomy in some two or three dozen Bantustan-style enclaves, on less than 10 percent of occupied territory, surrounded by ever-growing Israeli settlements established on expropriated Palestinian land (Elon 1996). Elon، Amos (19 ديسمبر 1996). "Israel and the End of Zionism". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Judt, just before his death. stated in an interview that, since his 2003 article, "everyone from موشيه آرنز to Barak to Olmert has admitted that Israel is on the way to a single state with a potential Arab majority in Bantustans unless something happens fast" (Judt & Michaeli 2011; Judt 2003) Judt، Tony؛ Michaeli، Merav (14 سبتمبر 2011). "Tony Judt's Final Word on Israel". ذا أتلانتيك. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-11-15. Judt، Tony (23 أكتوبر 2003). "Israel: The Alternative". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-01-04.
Elon 1996. Elon، Amos (19 ديسمبر 1996). "Israel and the End of Zionism". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.

nytimes.com

But relegating the Palestinians to self-government in confined areas—places Israeli critics have likened to "bantustans"—could close the door to a viable state, forcing Israel to choose between granting Palestinians citizenship and leaving them in an apartheid like second-class status indefinitely (Halbfinger & Rasgon 2020). Halbfinger، David M.؛ Rasgon، Adam (19 يونيو 2020). "As Annexation Looms, Israeli Experts Warn of Security Risks". The New York Times. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-24.
The New York Times 1977. "Text of Begin's Plan for West Bank and Gaza Strip". نيويورك تايمز. 27 ديسمبر 1977. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-13.
Safire 2006. Safire، William (31 ديسمبر 2006). "Year of the Stans". مجلة نيويورك تايمز. ISSN:0362-4331. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-01-03.

ohchr.org

The International Fact-Finding Mission on Israeli Settlements noted that "Various sources refer to settlement master plans, including the Allon Plan(1967), the Drobles Plan(1978)–later expanded as the Sharon Plan(1981)– and the Hundred Thousand Plan(1983). Although these plans were never officially approved, they have largely been acted upon by successive Governments of Israel. The mission notes a pattern whereby plans developed for the settlements have been mirrored in Government policy instruments and implemented on the ground." (UNHCR 2013, pp. 6–7) Report of the independent international fact-finding mission to investigate the implications of the Israeli settlements on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem (PDF) (Report). المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لشؤون اللاجئين. 7 فبراير 2013. ص. 6–7. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
"This is not a recipe for a just and durable peace but rather endorses the creation of a 21st century Bantustan in the Middle East. The Palestinian statelet envisioned by the American plan would be scattered archipelagos of non-contiguous territory completely surrounded by Israel, with no external borders, no control over its airspace, no right to a military to defend its security, no geographic basis for a viable economy, no freedom of movement and with no ability to complain to international judicial forums against Israel or the United States." (Lynk 2020) Lynk، Michael (31 يناير 2020). "UN expert alarmed by 'lopsided' Trump plan, says will entrench occupation". المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لشؤون اللاجئين. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
UNHRC 2020. "Israeli annexation of parts of the Palestinian West Bank would break international law – UN experts call on the international community to ensure accountability". مجلس حقوق الإنسان التابع للأمم المتحدة. 16 يونيو 2020. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
OHCHR 2021. "UN experts say Israeli settlement expansion 'tramples' on human rights law". Geneva: المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لحقوق الإنسان. 3 نوفمبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.
OHCHR 5yrs after Res 2334 2021. "Five years after UNSC Resolution 2334, international accountability to end the Israeli occupation is more important than ever". Geneva: المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لحقوق الإنسان. 23 ديسمبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.

opencanada.org

Rahnema 2014. Rahnema، Saeed (6 أكتوبر 2014). "Gaza and the West Bank: Israel's two approaches and Palestinians' two bleak choices". Open Canada, Canadian International Council. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

openedition.org

journals.openedition.org

Rokem 2013، Section 20. Rokem، Jonathan (20 يناير 2013). "Politics and Conflict in a Contested City". Bulletin du Centre de recherche français à Jérusalem (Online) ع. 23: 719–736. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-30.

peacenow.org.il

Peace Now 2021. "A Government of Change (for the worse)". Peace Now. 28 أكتوبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

prospect.org

"The visuals of the map proposed are a dead giveaway: a patchwork of Palestinian islands best viewed alongside the map of South Africa's apartheid-era Bantustans." (Levy 2020) Levy، Daniel (30 يناير 2020). "Don't Call It a Peace Plan". The American Prospect. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-01-17.
Levy 2020. Levy، Daniel (30 يناير 2020). "Don't Call It a Peace Plan". The American Prospect. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-01-17.

researchgate.net

"Every aspect of the city is invested with ethnicity, and a complex system of codes (wrought in architecture, signage, dress, etc.) helps residents to navigate through perceived safe passages and protected environments. This extreme level of segregation has produced a spatial landscape akin to an "archipelago" of isolated "islands"... a complex matrix of exclaves (settlements for Jewish Israelis built in annexed East Jerusalem) and Palestinian enclaves, served by segregated road systems and surrounded by buffer zones." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25; summary publication p.2) Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
"As a result of intense settlement construction in East Jerusalem, Palestinian communities are forced within the spatial containment that characterizes the settlements: they have lost their agricultural land reserves and became enclaves within a space of Israeli hegemony — remaining largely excluded them from Israeli political, social, and cultural life... Discrimination is written into the city's master plan, which is based on the declared aim to facilitate a 70% Jewish majority in Jerusalem... Endurance and resilience have been effective tactics for Palestinians. Prohibited from expanding beyond established built-up areas, villages and neighborhoods have become densely knit, congested, and uncontrollable." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25; summary publication p.2) Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Behar 2016. Behar، Moshe (2016). "Past and Present Perfect of Israel's One-State Solution". في Ehrenberg، John؛ Peled، Yoav (المحررون). Israel and Palestine Alternative Perspectives on Statehood. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ص. 243–270. ISBN:978-1-442-24508-2 – عبر ريسيرش غيت.
Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006. Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006، صفحة 24. Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006، صفحات 24–25. Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate

reuters.com

Mohammed & Holland 2020. Mohammed، Arshad؛ Holland، Steve (11 فبراير 2020). "Palestinians' Abbas, at U.N., says U.S. offers Palestinians 'Swiss cheese' state". رويترز. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
Evans 2007. Evans، Dominic (14 فبراير 2007). "Israeli wall creates "island" villages in W. Bank". رويترز. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

richmond.edu

scholarship.richmond.edu

Motro 2005، صفحة 46. Motro، Shari (سبتمبر–أكتوبر 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. ص. 46–50. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-08. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Motro 2005. Motro، Shari (سبتمبر–أكتوبر 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. ص. 46–50. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-08. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Motro 2005، صفحة 47. Motro، Shari (سبتمبر–أكتوبر 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. ص. 46–50. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-08. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications

semanticscholar.org

api.semanticscholar.org

*«في عام 2009، صمم الفنان الفرنسي جوليان بوساك خريطة للضفة الغربية بعنوان (بالفرنسية: L'archipel de Palestine orientale)‏ أو "أرخبيل شرق فلسطين" ... توضح خريطة بوساك - من خلال الخيال العسكري والسياحي - كيف أدت اتفاقيات أوسلو التي توسطت فيها الولايات المتحدة إلى تجزئة الضفة الغربية إلى جيوب مفصولة بنقاط تفتيش ومستوطنات تحافظ على السيطرة الإسرائيلية على الضفة الغربية وتحصر غالبية السكان الفلسطينيين في مراكز المدن والقرى الفلسطينية المتقلصة».(Kelly 2016, pp. 723–745)
- «أرخبيل من الأراضي الحبيسة Kelly، Jennifer Lynn (سبتمبر 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. ج. 68 ع. 3: 723–745. DOI:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID:151482682. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- "The terms "enclaves", "cantons", "Bantustans" and "open-air prisons" are used by Palestinians and outside observers to describe these spaces...The enclaves contain a population expelled but still within the territory of the state; they are neither camps, detention centers, nor Bantustans. Although certainly lodged in the same analytical field of other spatial devices of containment, they are unique spatial formations that we have yet to develop tools to conceptualize." (Peteet 2016, p. 268) Peteet، Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. ج. 89 ع. 1: 247–281. DOI:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR:43955521. S2CID:147128703.
- "The evolution from ghetto state to state is a largely unrecognized (and thus unstudied) path to statehood. The very function of the ghetto state in concentrating, restricting and defining its population can become the territorial and organizational basis for the emergence of a state (versus merely a political party). Prominent examples of this process would include the Bantustans of South Africa and the Israeli "occupied territories" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (McColl & Newman 1992, p. 334) McColl، R. W.؛ Newman، D. (1992). "States in Formation: The Ghetto State as Typified in the West Bank and Gaza Strip". GeoJournal. ج. 28 ع. 3: 333–345. DOI:10.1007/BF00817910. JSTOR:41145605. S2CID:153996106.
- "In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized." (Makdisi 2005, pp. 443–461) Makdisi، Saree (2005). "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation". Critical Inquiry. ج. 31 ع. 2: 443–461. DOI:10.1086/430974. JSTOR:430974. S2CID:154951084.
- "By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled." (Roy 2004, pp. 365–403) Roy، Sara (2004). "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. ج. 17 ع. 3: 365–403. DOI:10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019609.37719.99. JSTOR:20007687. S2CID:145653769.
- "Uri Avnery (2005) noted that President Bush called in Brussels for the establishment of a 'democratic state with territorial continuity' in the West Bank, and then added: 'A state on scattered territories will not work'. Avnery contended that President Bush was pointing a finger at Sharon's enclavisation settlement strategy in the West Bank and that he was apparently beginning to see it as counter-productive. Avnery added that these statements by Bush in Brussels were made to reduce U.S. differences and potential friction with the European Union, which clearly opposes the annexation of West Bank territory by Israel." (Falah 2005) Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
- Kelly 2016. Kelly، Jennifer Lynn (سبتمبر 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. ج. 68 ع. 3: 723–745. DOI:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID:151482682. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- Falah 2005. Falah، Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. ج. 26 ع. 8: 1341–1372. DOI:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR:4017718. S2CID:154697979.
- Peteet 2016. Peteet، Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. ج. 89 ع. 1: 247–281. DOI:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR:43955521. S2CID:147128703.
- Weizman 2006. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
- Weizman 2006، صفحة 351, n=50. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
- Weizman 2006، صفحة 349, n=47. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
- Wing 2000. Wing، Adrien Katherine (4–8 أبريل 2000). "The South African Transition to Democratic Rule: Lessons for International and Comparative Law". Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 94: 254–259. DOI:10.1017/S0272503700055932. JSTOR:25659407. S2CID:107537477.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
- Marzano 2011، صفحة 85. Marzano، Arturo (Spring 2011). "Italian Foreign Policy towards Israel: The Turning Point of the Berlusconi Government (2001––2006)". Israel Studies. ج. 16 ع. 1: 79–103. DOI:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. JSTOR:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. S2CID:143454051. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012. Thawaba، Salem؛ Al-Rimmawi، Hussein (23 أغسطس 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. ج. 12 ع. 1: 63–77. DOI:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN:1538-5132. S2CID:144445414. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

sfgate.com

Epstein 2002. Epstein، Edward (23 أبريل 2002). "Ex-ambassador calls Arafat obstructionist / Clinton envoy fuels criticism in Congress". SFGATE. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. Some in this town say, 'Well, the Palestinians deserve it. They brought it onto themselves, because they were offered a very generous deal in Camp David, and they rejected it.' And this lie has been perpetuated so often in this town to the point where it has become a fact or appears to be a fact

tandfonline.com

Weizman 2006. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
Weizman 2006، صفحة 351, n=50. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.
Weizman 2006، صفحة 349, n=47. Weizman، Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. ج. 20 ع. 3–4: 337–353. DOI:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID:144717482. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-18.

theasa.net

*«في عام 2009، صمم الفنان الفرنسي جوليان بوساك خريطة للضفة الغربية بعنوان (بالفرنسية: L'archipel de Palestine orientale)‏ أو "أرخبيل شرق فلسطين" ... توضح خريطة بوساك - من خلال الخيال العسكري والسياحي - كيف أدت اتفاقيات أوسلو التي توسطت فيها الولايات المتحدة إلى تجزئة الضفة الغربية إلى جيوب مفصولة بنقاط تفتيش ومستوطنات تحافظ على السيطرة الإسرائيلية على الضفة الغربية وتحصر غالبية السكان الفلسطينيين في مراكز المدن والقرى الفلسطينية المتقلصة».(Kelly 2016, pp. 723–745)
- «أرخبيل من الأراضي الحبيسة Kelly، Jennifer Lynn (سبتمبر 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. ج. 68 ع. 3: 723–745. DOI:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID:151482682. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- Kelly 2016. Kelly، Jennifer Lynn (سبتمبر 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. ج. 68 ع. 3: 723–745. DOI:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID:151482682. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

theatlantic.com

Judt, just before his death. stated in an interview that, since his 2003 article, "everyone from موشيه آرنز to Barak to Olmert has admitted that Israel is on the way to a single state with a potential Arab majority in Bantustans unless something happens fast" (Judt & Michaeli 2011; Judt 2003) Judt، Tony؛ Michaeli، Merav (14 سبتمبر 2011). "Tony Judt's Final Word on Israel". ذا أتلانتيك. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-11-15. Judt، Tony (23 أكتوبر 2003). "Israel: The Alternative". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-01-04.

umd.edu

sadat.umd.edu

also available here (Telhami 2010, p. 83a) Telhami، Shibley (2010). The Sadat Lectures: Words and Images on Peace, 1997-2008. U.S. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN:978-1-60127-054-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.

un.org

In June 1997, the media reported the outlines of a proposal put forward by Prime Minister Netanyahu as a basis for a permanent settlement between Israel and the Palestinians. The proposal, presented during a Security Cabinet meeting, was referred to as the "Allon Plus" Plan. Reportedly, under the proposal Israel would retain control of the Israeli settlement clusters that would include the "Greater Jerusalem" area, the "Gush Etzion" and "Ma'aleh Adumim" settlement blocs, other large concentrations of settlements in the West Bank, the entire Jordan Valley, a "security area" east of the Green Line, and a network of bypass roads. The Palestinians would be left with less than half of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, broken up into several unconnected enclaves (QoP 2014). "The Origins and Evolution of the Palestine Problem, Part V: 1989-2000". الأمم المتحدة. 21 أبريل 2014. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Nassar 1982. Nassar، Prof Jamal R. (15 مارس 1982). "The Fourth United Nations seminar on the Question of Palestine". United Nations. ص. 134. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Nassar 1982، صفحات 134– 147. Nassar، Prof Jamal R. (15 مارس 1982). "The Fourth United Nations seminar on the Question of Palestine". United Nations. ص. 134. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip 2021. "Six-Month Report on Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem Reporting period January–July 2020" (PDF). Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip, UNRWA). 8 مارس 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-10-31.
Resolution 2334 2016. "Resolution 2334 (2016) Adopted by the Security Council at its 7853rd meeting, on 23 December 2016" (PDF). الأمم المتحدة. 16 ديسمبر 2016. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2019-09-08. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2019-09-20.*"Housing minister sees 50% more settlers in West Bank by 2019". Reuters. 16 مايو 2014. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2015-09-10.
Ziegler 2003. Ziegler، Jean (31 أكتوبر 2003). "The right to food Report by the Special Rapporteur, Jean Ziegler Addendum Mission to the Occupied Palestinian Territories". الأمم المتحدة. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.

daccess-ods.un.org

Dugard 2007. Dugard، John (29 يناير 2007). Implementation of General Assembly Resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006 entitled "Human Rights Council": Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 (Report). الأمم المتحدة. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.

unctad.org

UNCTAD 2013. The Palestinian economy in East Jerusalem: Enduring annexation, isolation and disintegration (PDF) (Report). مؤتمر الأمم المتحدة للتجارة والتنمية. 2013. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

undp.org

hdr.undp.org

Dear & Mushasha 2010. Dear، Louise؛ Mushasha، Sufian (2010). Human Development Report 2009/10 Investing in Human Security for a Future State (PDF) (Report). برنامج الأمم المتحدة الإنمائي. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-19.

upenn.edu

polisci.upenn.edu

Lustick 1997، صفحات 35,37. Lustick، Ian (1997). "Has Israel Annexed East Jerusalem?" (PDF). Middle East Policy. ج. 5 ع. 1: 34–45. DOI:10.1111/j.1475-4967.1997.tb00247.x. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.

vox.com

Kirby 2020. Kirby، Jen (13 يوليو 2020). "Israel's West Bank annexation plan and why it's stalled, explained by an expert". فوكس (موقع ويب). مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.

web.archive.org

*«في عام 2009، صمم الفنان الفرنسي جوليان بوساك خريطة للضفة الغربية بعنوان (بالفرنسية: L'archipel de Palestine orientale)‏ أو "أرخبيل شرق فلسطين" ... توضح خريطة بوساك - من خلال الخيال العسكري والسياحي - كيف أدت اتفاقيات أوسلو التي توسطت فيها الولايات المتحدة إلى تجزئة الضفة الغربية إلى جيوب مفصولة بنقاط تفتيش ومستوطنات تحافظ على السيطرة الإسرائيلية على الضفة الغربية وتحصر غالبية السكان الفلسطينيين في مراكز المدن والقرى الفلسطينية المتقلصة».(Kelly 2016, pp. 723–745)
- «أرخبيل من الأراضي الحبيسة Kelly، Jennifer Lynn (سبتمبر 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. ج. 68 ع. 3: 723–745. DOI:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID:151482682. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- «في الضفة الغربية، تمكنت إسرائيل من تحويل المحافظات هناك إلى بانتوستانات متصلة فقط من خلال منطقة التي تسيطر عليها إسرائيل (منطقة ج)».(ITAN 2015, p. 889) ITAN: Integrated Territorial Analysis of the Neighbourhoods. Scientific Report – Annexes; Applied Research 2013/1/22 Final Report (PDF) (Report). 11 مارس 2015. ص. 889. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- «90 بالمائة من سكان الضفة الغربية مقسمون إلى 165 جزيرة تحت السيطرة الظاهرية للسلطة الفلسطينية».(Thrall 2017, p. 144) Thrall، Nathan (2017). The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine. هنري هولت وشركاه. ISBN:978-1-62779-710-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-08.
- «واقع البانتوستانات الفلسطينية، المحميات أو الأراضي الحبيسة- حقيقة على الأرض. إن إنشائها هو أبرز حدث جيوسياسي في ربع القرن الماضي» (Hass 2018) Hass، Amira (15 سبتمبر 2018). "With Oslo, Israel's Intention Was Never Peace or Palestinian Statehood". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
- "The 1968 Allon Plan called for placing settlements in sparsely populated lands of the Jordan River Valley, thus ensuring Jewish demographic presence in the farthest location within biblical Israel... the 1978 Drobles Plan... which called for a "belt of settlements in strategic locations … throughout the whole land of Israel… for security and by right." The logic of the Drobles Plan actually guided the wave of settlements that occurred in the 1990s, thus turning the settlements into an integral element of Israel's tactical control over and surveillance of Palestinians in the West Bank. The Allon and Drobles Plans and other similar colonization campaigns have invariably been motivated by five broad, interrelated reasons driving the settlement enterprise. They include control over economic resources, use of territory as a strategic asset, ensuring demographic presence and geographic control, reasserting control over the Jew's biblically promised homeland, and having exclusive rights to the territory".(Kamrava 2016, pp. 79–80). Kamrava، Mehran (2016). The Impossibility of Palestine: History, Geography, and the Road Ahead. مطبعة جامعة ييل. ISBN:978-0-300-22085-8. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- نُوقشت عواقب النظام المكاني الذي يُرسخ في الضفة الغربية المحتلة اليوم، نتيجة للسياسة الإسرائيلية التي توصف بأشكال مختلفة مثل البانتوستانات، والكانتونات، والتحبيس، والتقسيم إلى غيتوات، بإسهاب في السنوات الأخيرة. كُرّس سيل هائل من الوثائق والتقارير والتحليل والآراء والنشاط لهذه القضية؛ أظهرت مراقبة الوكالات والمنظمات الدولية والفلسطينية والإسرائيلية، أن سياسة التشرذم المدمرة أثرت على الاقتصاد والشبكات الاجتماعية، وتوفير الخدمات الأساسية مثل الرعاية الصحية والتعليم، وآفاق إنهاء الاستعمار الإسرائيلي للضفة الغربية وغزة(Taraki 2008, p. 6). Taraki، Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 37 ع. 4: 6–20. DOI:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-18.
- "The term enclave can seem neutral, unlike Bantustan and ghetto, which are freighted with negative connotations. Yet enclaves are socio-spatial formations that similarly arrange inequality. Gulag captures the arbitrariness of some of closure's mechanisms; but economic factors limit comparisons with the ghetto. The economic integrations, however unequal, of Jews in pre-WWII European ghettos, of blacks in the ghettos of the United States, and of the Bantustans in South Africa, is not paralleled in Palestinian enclaves, where circulation outside and between their confines is severely circumscribed." (Peteet 2017, p. 62) Peteet، Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. مطبعة جامعة إنديانا. ISBN:978-0-253-02511-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-09-22.
- "the original South African model is particularly tempting. It would be a mistake to use the term "canton" in this case, since cantons are autonomous areas of a state and its citizens. Here, the idea is to turn those Palestinians living in areas that would be annexed to Israel, into foreign citizens." (Primor 2002) Primor، Avi (18 سبتمبر 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
- But relegating the Palestinians to self-government in confined areas—places Israeli critics have likened to "bantustans"—could close the door to a viable state, forcing Israel to choose between granting Palestinians citizenship and leaving them in an apartheid like second-class status indefinitely (Halbfinger & Rasgon 2020). Halbfinger، David M.؛ Rasgon، Adam (19 يونيو 2020). "As Annexation Looms, Israeli Experts Warn of Security Risks". The New York Times. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-02-24.
- also available here (Telhami 2010, p. 83a) Telhami، Shibley (2010). The Sadat Lectures: Words and Images on Peace, 1997-2008. U.S. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN:978-1-60127-054-2. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- "The Trump plan would thereby surround the Palestinian state with Israeli territory, severing its contiguity with Jordan and turning Jericho into a Palestinian enclave and the Palestinian state into a Bantustan. ... The result would be a Swiss cheese Palestinian state with no possibility of territorial contiguity. Instead, the Trump plan proposes 'transportational' contiguity, through tunnels that would connect the islands of Palestinian sovereignty. Those tunnels, of course, would be under Israeli control." (Indyk 2020) Indyk، Martin (فبراير 2020). "Trump's Unfair Middle East Plan Leaves Nothing to Negotiate". الشؤون الخارجية (مجلة). مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
- «... سيكون من الأفضل إعادة الضفة الغربية إلى الأردن بدلاً من محاولة إنشاء دولة دمية - نوع من البانتوستانات العربية - تضع العرب في مكانة من الدرجة الثانية تحت سيطرة إسرائيل، وهذا لن يؤدي إلا إلى إثارة الاستياء العربي. إن تجنب منح العرب جنسية من الدرجة الأولى بوضعهم في محمية دولة من الدرجة الثانية هو أمر ذكي للغاية».(Stone 1967) Stone، I.F. (3 أغسطس 1967). "Holy War, Review of "Le conflit israélo-arabe" in Les Temps Modernes". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2017-03-29.
- "Alongside the severance of Gaza from the West Bank, a policy now called 'isolation,' the Sharon-Peres government and the Olmert-Peres government that succeeded it carried out the bantustan program in the West Bank. The Jordan Valley was separated from the rest of the West Bank; the south was severed from the north; and all three areas were severed from East Jerusalem. The "two states for two peoples" plan gave way to a 'five states for two peoples' plan: one contiguous state, surrounded by settlement blocs, for Israel, and four isolated enclaves for the Palestinians." (Eldar 2007) Eldar، Akiva (18 يونيو 2007). "Sharon's Dream". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
- وأضاف أن الحكم الذاتي الفلسطيني في ظل الحكم الإسرائيلي «سيُعرف بأنه ... نوع من البانتوستان في جنوب إفريقيا». (Gorenberg 2006، صفحة 153; Cook 2013) Gorenberg، Gershom (2006). The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977. هنري هولت وشركاه. ISBN:978-1-466-80054-0. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. Cook، Jonathan (2013). Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human Despair. دار زيد للنشر. ISBN:978-1-848-13649-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- "Many in the top echelons of the security establishment in the 1970s and 1980s had a warm spot in their hearts for the white apartheid regime in South Africa that was derived not only from utilitarian interests, but also from sympathy for the white minority rulers in that country. One of the elements of the old South African regime that stirred much interest in Israel remains current to this day: To seemingly solve the demographic problem that troubled the white South Africans (that is, to hang on to all of South Africa without granting equal rights, civil rights and the vote to blacks), the South African regime created a fiction known by the name Bantustans, later changed to Homelands." (Primor 2002) Primor، Avi (18 سبتمبر 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
- Ciskei's Israeli representative Yosef Schneider, during the pairing ceremony, remarked, "It is symbolic that no country in the world (except South Africa) recognizes Ciskei, just as there is no country in the world that recognizes the Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria" (Hunter 1987, pp. 72–80,74). Hunter، Jane (1987). Israeli Foreign Policy: South Africa and Central America. South End Press. ISBN:978-0-896-08285-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- "It will be the end of me. I can't go for a Bantustan. Don't push me into a corner, my back's already against the wall. How will I tell my people that you control every entry, from every direction? I'm not in power because of a popular majority, but thanks to the personal credit I've accumulated. For me, this is a disaster, a catastrophe." (Gil 2020, p. 163) Gil، Avi (2020). Shimon Peres: An Insider's Account of the Man and the Struggle for a New Middle East. دار بلومزبري. ISBN:978-0-755-61703-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-07.
- Rabin and Peres were reconciled to the idea that the Palestinians would eventually establish their own independent state even as the Israelis had established theirs. This cannot be said of the new administration headed by Benyamin Netanyahu. On the contrary, the idea of Palestinian independence is clearly anathema to him. Netanyahu keeps saying that he will honor all international agreements made by the previous government. He also makes it plain that he considers the Oslo agreement a grievous, if not criminal, mistake. The most he seems ready to grant the Palestinians is a form of very limited local autonomy in some two or three dozen Bantustan-style enclaves, on less than 10 percent of occupied territory, surrounded by ever-growing Israeli settlements established on expropriated Palestinian land (Elon 1996). Elon، Amos (19 ديسمبر 1996). "Israel and the End of Zionism". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- "When I was in Israel recently, giving talks on the thirtieth anniversary of the occupation, I quoted a passage about the Bantustans from a standard academic history of South Africa. You didn't have to comment. Everybody who had their eyes open could recognize it. There were many people who just refuse to see what's happening, including most of the doves. But if you pay attention to what's happening, that's the description. So it is absurd for Israel to be to the racist side of South Africa under Apartheid. I assume that sooner or later they will agree to call these things states." (Chomsky & Barsamian 2001, p. 90) Chomsky، Noam؛ Barsamian، David (2001). Propaganda and the Public Mind: Conversations with Noam Chomsky. بلوتو برس. ISBN:978-0-745-31788-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- "الولجة وهي قرية تقع جنوب شرق القدس على الخط الأخضر، مثال آخر على حصار شبه كامل يشبه قلقيلية، حيث سد الجدار الشمس وكان هناك حاجز وبوابة واحدة للدخول والخروج ..." (Peteet 2017, p. 52) Peteet، Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. مطبعة جامعة إنديانا. ISBN:978-0-253-02511-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-09-22.
- (1) جيف هالبر arguing that the occupation will be permanent, as opposed to proponents of a Two state solution, wrote in September 2003: 'the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the control mechanisms, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state: he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So, if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of control you end up advocating a Bantustan.' (Halper 2004, p. 105);
  (2) 'In April he said that Israel would not withdraw from most of the West Bank, would continue to occupy the Jordan River Valley and the roads leading to them, would make no concessions on Jerusalem, would "absolutely not" evacuate a single settlement "at any price" and would not cede control of the West Bank water aquifers. In case that was not sufficiently clear, over the next year he repeatedly said that the Israeli concessions at Oslo, Camp David, and قمة طابا were no longer valid. A number of prominent Israeli analysts commented that Sharon's intentions were to torpedo the diplomatic process, continue the Israeli occupation, and limit the Palestinians to a series of enclaves surrounded by the Israeli settlements; some even wrote that Sharon's long term strategy resembled that of the "Bantustans" created by the South African apartheid regime' (Slater 2020, p. 303). Halper، Jeff (Winter 2004). "Israel and Empire". مجلة الدراسات الفلسطينية. ج. 33 ع. 2: 105–106. DOI:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. JSTOR:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. Slater، Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. دار نشر جامعة أكسفورد. ISBN:978-019045908-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- "Maurizio Molinari, che era il corrispondente diplomatico de 'La Stampa' quando D'Alema era Presidente del Consiglio, descrive in un suo libro un incontro tra D'Alema ed Ariel Sharon... Mi ha detto una cosa che ricordo ancora. In quel periodo egli sosteneva che non ci sarà un vero e proprio Stato palestinese, bensì dei territori palestinesi, senza forze di sicurezza ed inclusi nei confini di Israele". Il termine usato da Sharon aveva alquanto spaventato D'Alema. "Egli ha chiarito, e ha usato il termine banthustan, le enclavi dei neri fondate dal governo dell'apartheid in Sud Africa. Io gli ho risposto: non troverà mai una controparte palestinese che firmi un accordo di questo genere" (IMFA 2006) "Intervista". وزارة الشؤون الخارجية (إيطاليا). 26 مايو 2006. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2021-01-13. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2021-01-11.
- «"في عام 2003، كشف رئيس الوزراء أرييل شارون أنه اعتمد على نموذج بانتوستان في جنوب إفريقيا في تصميم 'خريطة لدولة فلسطينية' محتملة». (Feld 2014, pp. 99,138) Feld، Marjorie N. (2014). Nations Divided: American Jews and the Struggle over Apartheid. Springer. ISBN:978-1-137-02972-0. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- Judt, just before his death. stated in an interview that, since his 2003 article, "everyone from موشيه آرنز to Barak to Olmert has admitted that Israel is on the way to a single state with a potential Arab majority in Bantustans unless something happens fast" (Judt & Michaeli 2011; Judt 2003) Judt، Tony؛ Michaeli، Merav (14 سبتمبر 2011). "Tony Judt's Final Word on Israel". ذا أتلانتيك. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2022-11-15. Judt، Tony (23 أكتوبر 2003). "Israel: The Alternative". نيويورك ريفيو أوف بوكس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-01-04.
- "It is quite clear that a Palestinian State with so many territorial enclaves will not be able to manage economic functions and administration. Even if its sovereign territory were greater, and even if some of the enclaves were connected into a continued territorial unity, the main communications arteries that are under Israeli dominance running from north to south and from west to east, and those along the Judean Desert that are under Israeli dominance, might perpetuate their spatial fragmentation." (Efrat 2006, p. 199) Efrat، Elisha (2006). The West Bank and Gaza Strip: A Geography of Occupation and Disengagement. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-134-17217-7. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
- "If Ariel Sharon were able to hear the news from the Gaza Strip and West Bank, he would call his loyal aide, Dov Weissglas, and say with a big laugh: 'We did it, Dubi.' Sharon is in a coma, but his plan is alive and kicking. Everyone is now talking about the state of Hamastan. In his house, they called it a bantustan, after the South African protectorates designed to perpetuate apartheid." (Eldar 2007) Eldar، Akiva (18 يونيو 2007). "Sharon's Dream". هاآرتس. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
- "Israeli politicians lost no time exploiting these fears increasingly employing the term Hamastan - a neologism for the concept of a Hamas-dominated Palestinian Islamist theocracy under Iranian tutelage - to describe these circumstances; 'before our very eyes', as Netanyahu warned, 'Hamastan has been established, the step-child of Iran and the Taliban'." (Ram 2009, p. 82) Ram، Haggai (2009). Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession. Stanford University Press. ISBN:978-0-804-77119-1. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- The International Fact-Finding Mission on Israeli Settlements noted that "Various sources refer to settlement master plans, including the Allon Plan(1967), the Drobles Plan(1978)–later expanded as the Sharon Plan(1981)– and the Hundred Thousand Plan(1983). Although these plans were never officially approved, they have largely been acted upon by successive Governments of Israel. The mission notes a pattern whereby plans developed for the settlements have been mirrored in Government policy instruments and implemented on the ground." (UNHCR 2013, pp. 6–7) Report of the independent international fact-finding mission to investigate the implications of the Israeli settlements on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem (PDF) (Report). المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لشؤون اللاجئين. 7 فبراير 2013. ص. 6–7. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- "The visuals of the map proposed are a dead giveaway: a patchwork of Palestinian islands best viewed alongside the map of South Africa's apartheid-era Bantustans." (Levy 2020) Levy، Daniel (30 يناير 2020). "Don't Call It a Peace Plan". The American Prospect. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-01-17.
- "This is not a recipe for a just and durable peace but rather endorses the creation of a 21st century Bantustan in the Middle East. The Palestinian statelet envisioned by the American plan would be scattered archipelagos of non-contiguous territory completely surrounded by Israel, with no external borders, no control over its airspace, no right to a military to defend its security, no geographic basis for a viable economy, no freedom of movement and with no ability to complain to international judicial forums against Israel or the United States." (Lynk 2020) Lynk، Michael (31 يناير 2020). "UN expert alarmed by 'lopsided' Trump plan, says will entrench occupation". المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لشؤون اللاجئين. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
- In June 1997, the media reported the outlines of a proposal put forward by Prime Minister Netanyahu as a basis for a permanent settlement between Israel and the Palestinians. The proposal, presented during a Security Cabinet meeting, was referred to as the "Allon Plus" Plan. Reportedly, under the proposal Israel would retain control of the Israeli settlement clusters that would include the "Greater Jerusalem" area, the "Gush Etzion" and "Ma'aleh Adumim" settlement blocs, other large concentrations of settlements in the West Bank, the entire Jordan Valley, a "security area" east of the Green Line, and a network of bypass roads. The Palestinians would be left with less than half of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, broken up into several unconnected enclaves (QoP 2014). "The Origins and Evolution of the Palestine Problem, Part V: 1989-2000". الأمم المتحدة. 21 أبريل 2014. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
- They [Israel] have destroyed the livelihoods of thousands of farmers who have lost their lands and their ability to keep making a living off it. The location of settlements is the main determinant of where checkpoints are installed, what lands Palestinian owners can access and what roads they may use. It was also the main factor in determining the route of the Separation Barrier (Hareuveni & Etkes 2021, p. 5). Hareuveni، Eyal؛ Etkes، Dror (مارس 2021). This Is Ours – And This, Too Israel's Settlement Policy in the West Bank (PDF) (Report). بتسيلم & Kerem Navot. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- A combination of Israeli checkpoints, physical obstacles, and a permit system had effectively cut the West Bank into three distinct areas—northern, southern, and central—in addition to East Jerusalem. Within these areas further enclaves have been created, also bordered by checkpoints and roadblocks that increase the isolation of individual Palestinian communities. In addition, the Jordan rift valley had become an almost inaccessible enclave. Fewer and fewer Palestinians were able to obtain permits to visit closed military zones—land to the west of the Barrier. The cantonization of the West Bank, combined with Israel's tight restructions on movement of the Palestinians, is at the heart of the decline of the Palestinian economy (Rubenberg 2010, p. 147). Rubenberg، Cheryl، المحرر (2010). Encyclopedia of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A-H (ط. 3rd). Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN:978-1-588-26686-6. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
- "In sum, Israel continues to establish facts on the ground in these sensitive areas, thus undermining a future political settlement in East Jerusalem. Its policies reflect an ongoing effort to clear disputed areas in order to establish or expand settlements; change the demographic composition of East Jerusalem and strengthen Jewish presence, impede the development and expansion of Palestinian neighbourhoods, and prevent the prospects of creating a viable Palestinian capital with territorial contiguity." (NRC 2015, p. 26) Displacement and the 'Jerusalem Question': An Overview of the Negotiations over East Jerusalem and Developments on the Ground (PDF) (Report). المجلس النرويجي للاجئين. أبريل 2015. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.
- "Major thoroughfares connecting Israeli settlements cut through the urban fabric of Palestinian neighbourhoods without serving them, dividing them into isolated enclaves and stifling local urban life and social exchange across the east of the city. Like the roads connecting Israeli settlements in the West Bank, these 'conflict infrastructures' turn Palestinian space into an archipelago of disconnected islands. The spatial inequality brought about by the mobility gap is exacerbated by the lack of investment in Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem. Due to decades of neglect, even middle-class Palestinian neighbourhoods lack basic amenities, including functional roads and pavements, connection to the sewage system, reliable garbage removal, community facilities, public parks and postal service. Such policies based on unequal citizenship, effective ethnic segregation and resource allocation on the basis of ethnicity have been termed 'urban ethnocracy'." (Baumann 2016, p. 175) Baumann، Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. ج. 59: 173–182. DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN:0264-2751. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
- "Every aspect of the city is invested with ethnicity, and a complex system of codes (wrought in architecture, signage, dress, etc.) helps residents to navigate through perceived safe passages and protected environments. This extreme level of segregation has produced a spatial landscape akin to an "archipelago" of isolated "islands"... a complex matrix of exclaves (settlements for Jewish Israelis built in annexed East Jerusalem) and Palestinian enclaves, served by segregated road systems and surrounded by buffer zones." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25; summary publication p.2) Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
- "As a result of intense settlement construction in East Jerusalem, Palestinian communities are forced within the spatial containment that characterizes the settlements: they have lost their agricultural land reserves and became enclaves within a space of Israeli hegemony — remaining largely excluded them from Israeli political, social, and cultural life... Discrimination is written into the city's master plan, which is based on the declared aim to facilitate a 70% Jewish majority in Jerusalem... Endurance and resilience have been effective tactics for Palestinians. Prohibited from expanding beyond established built-up areas, villages and neighborhoods have become densely knit, congested, and uncontrollable." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25; summary publication p.2) Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
- Dumper contends that infrastructural and demographic changes have led to "the enclaving of the eastern part of the city" which has been transformed into "virtually an Israeli Jewish city with small islands of Palestinian residency, commerce, and culture". The settlement infrastructure of "connecting roads, services, and security systems [that] have sliced up East Jerusalem into pieces and surrounded the Palestinians areas". He says that he uses the word enclave to convey "a sense of being encircled, of being detached, and of belonging to something else" while acknowledging there is freedom of movement to adjacent areas (Dumper 2014, pp. 16–17). Dumper، Michael (17 يونيو 2014). Jerusalem Unbound: Geography, History, and the Future of the Holy City. دار نشر جامعة كولومبيا. ISBN:978-0-231-53735-3. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
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- Shaul 2020. Shaul، Yehuda (11 فبراير 2020). "Trump's Middle East Peace Plan Isn't New. It Plagiarized a 40-Year-Old Israeli Initiative". فورين بوليسي. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
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- Lord 2020. Lord، Amnon (28 مايو 2020). "Netanyahu: The Palestinians have to concede, not Israel". إسرائيل هيوم. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. (also in Hebrew: ראש הממשלה בראיון מיוחד ל"ישראל היום": "לא אנחנו נוותר, אלא הפלשתינים")
- Kirby 2020. Kirby، Jen (13 يوليو 2020). "Israel's West Bank annexation plan and why it's stalled, explained by an expert". فوكس (موقع ويب). مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
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- Abu-Lughod 1982. Abu-Lughod، Janet (Winter 1982). "Israeli Settlements in Occupied Arab Lands: Conquest to Colony". Journal of Palestine Studies. ج. 11 ع. 2: 16–54. DOI:10.2307/2536268. JSTOR:2536268. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-01. من الواضح أن قطاع غزة، الذي يقطنه أكثر من 400 ألف فلسطيني، وهو مكتظ بالفعل بشكل كبير، لم يكن المكان الأكثر ملاءمة للمستعمرات. في الواقع، بحلول عام 1978، لم يكن هناك سوى 500 "مستوطن" يهودي في غزة، جميعهم في مواقع عسكرية أو على حافة رفح البارز على الحدود المصرية. حتى بعد إعادة تجميع بعض المستوطنين في سيناء، ارتفع عددهم إلى 1000 فقط (حوالي عام 1980، وفقًا لحسابات الصحف الإسرائيلية المعاد نشرها في "إسرائيل وفلسطين الشهرية"، رقم 82، ملحق يوليو 1980: 3).
- Peace Now 2021. "A Government of Change (for the worse)". Peace Now. 28 أكتوبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11.
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- Harkov & Lazaroff 2021. Harkov، Lahav؛ Lazaroff، Tovah (28 أكتوبر 2021). "Russia, UK, top EU nations issue rebuke on settlement plans". The Jerusalem Post. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.
- EU Spokesperson's statement 2021. "Israel: Statement by the Spokesperson on further settlement expansion". Brussels: The Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip, UNRWA). 29 أكتوبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.
- OHCHR 2021. "UN experts say Israeli settlement expansion 'tramples' on human rights law". Geneva: المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لحقوق الإنسان. 3 نوفمبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.
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- Erakat 2019. Erakat، Noura (2019). Justice for Some: Law and the Question of Palestine. Stanford University Press. ص. 14. ISBN:978-0-8047-9825-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
- OHCHR 5yrs after Res 2334 2021. "Five years after UNSC Resolution 2334, international accountability to end the Israeli occupation is more important than ever". Geneva: المفوضية السامية للأمم المتحدة لحقوق الإنسان. 23 ديسمبر 2021. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-02-04.
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- Le More 2008. Le More، Anne (31 مارس 2008). International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo: Political guilt, wasted money. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-134-05232-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
- Le More 2008، صفحة 132. Le More، Anne (31 مارس 2008). International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo: Political guilt, wasted money. روتليدج (دار نشر). ISBN:978-1-134-05232-5. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05.
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- Blecher 2005. Blecher، Robert (2005). "Transportational Contiguity". Middle East Report. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
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  - Ziegler 2003. Ziegler، Jean (31 أكتوبر 2003). "The right to food Report by the Special Rapporteur, Jean Ziegler Addendum Mission to the Occupied Palestinian Territories". الأمم المتحدة. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.
  - Makdisi 2012، صفحات 92–93. Makdisi، Saree (2012). Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. دار دبيلو دبليو نورتون وشركاؤه ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ISBN:978-0-393-06996-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بكتاب}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
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  - Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006، صفحة 24. Misselwitz، P.؛ Rieniets، T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN:978-3-7643-7868-4. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-05. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
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wikidata.org

Bowman 2007. Bowman، Glenn (2007). "Israel's wall and the logic of encystation: Sovereign exception or wild sovereignty?". Focaal-European Journal of Anthropology ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 2007 ع. 50: 127–136. DOI:10.3167/foc.2007.500109. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Wing 2000. Wing، Adrien Katherine (4–8 أبريل 2000). "The South African Transition to Democratic Rule: Lessons for International and Comparative Law". Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 94: 254–259. DOI:10.1017/S0272503700055932. JSTOR:25659407. S2CID:107537477.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Moghayer, Daget & Wang 2017. Moghayer، Taher J.T.؛ Daget، Yidnekachew Tesmamma؛ Wang، Xingping (2017). "Challenges of urban planning in Palestine". IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 81 ع. 1: 1–5. Bibcode:2017E&ES...81a2152M. DOI:10.1088/1755-1315/81/1/012152.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Sabel 2011. Sabel، Robbie (Fall 2011). "The Campaign to Delegitimize Israel with the False Charge of Apartheid". Jewish Political Studies Review ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 23 ع. 3/4: 18–31. JSTOR:41575857.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Le More 2005، صفحة 990. Le More، Anne (أكتوبر 2005). "Killing with Kindness: Funding the Demise of a Palestinian State". International Affairs ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ج. 81 ع. 5: 981–999. DOI:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00498.x. JSTOR:3569071.{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Makdisi 2012. Makdisi، Saree (2012). Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. دار دبيلو دبليو نورتون وشركاؤه ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ISBN:978-0-393-06996-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بكتاب}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)
Makdisi 2012، صفحات 92–93. Makdisi، Saree (2012). Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. دار دبيلو دبليو نورتون وشركاؤه ^{[لغات أخرى]}‏. ISBN:978-0-393-06996-9. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-15.{{استشهاد بكتاب}}: صيانة الاستشهاد: علامات ترقيم زائدة (link)

wikipedia.org

en.wikipedia.org

تم التعاقد أيضًا باسم "Palutustans".«إن تجربة العقود الأربعة الماضية تضع علامة استفهام حول هذا الافتراض. إذا لم تُنشئ دولة فلسطينية، فمن المرجح أن تستمر إسرائيل في إدارة المنطقة، وربما تخصيص فتات السيادة للجماعات الفلسطينية في المناطق التي ستستمر في العمل "Palutustans" (البانتوستانات الفلسطينية).»^[2] فرانسيس بويل، عضو مجلس إدارة سابق منظمة العفو الدولية في الولايات المتحدة ^{[الإنجليزية]} ومستشار قانوني للفلسطينيين في مدريد (1991- 1993)، وأستاذ القانون الدولي حاليًا في كلية الحقوق بجامعة إلينوي ^{[الإنجليزية]}، بعد وصف عملية مفاوضات السلام بأنها مصممة لإنشاء بانتوستان للفلسطينيين، جادل بأنه تاريخيًا، كانت القوى الاستعمارية الغربية الإمبريالية، التي كانت السياسات في نظره عنصرية وإبادة جماعية، مما أدى، من خلال إنشاء إسرائيل، إلى تأسيس ما كان عبارة عن بانتوستان للشعب اليهودي نفسه، كيان أسماه "جيوستان".^[3]

worldcat.org

"Major thoroughfares connecting Israeli settlements cut through the urban fabric of Palestinian neighbourhoods without serving them, dividing them into isolated enclaves and stifling local urban life and social exchange across the east of the city. Like the roads connecting Israeli settlements in the West Bank, these 'conflict infrastructures' turn Palestinian space into an archipelago of disconnected islands. The spatial inequality brought about by the mobility gap is exacerbated by the lack of investment in Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem. Due to decades of neglect, even middle-class Palestinian neighbourhoods lack basic amenities, including functional roads and pavements, connection to the sewage system, reliable garbage removal, community facilities, public parks and postal service. Such policies based on unequal citizenship, effective ethnic segregation and resource allocation on the basis of ethnicity have been termed 'urban ethnocracy'." (Baumann 2016, p. 175) Baumann، Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. ج. 59: 173–182. DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN:0264-2751. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Safire 2006. Safire، William (31 ديسمبر 2006). "Year of the Stans". مجلة نيويورك تايمز. ISSN:0362-4331. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-05-11. اطلع عليه بتاريخ 2022-01-03.
Baumann 2016. Baumann، Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. ج. 59: 173–182. DOI:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN:0264-2751. مؤرشف من الأصل في 2023-04-19.
Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012. Thawaba، Salem؛ Al-Rimmawi، Hussein (23 أغسطس 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. ج. 12 ع. 1: 63–77. DOI:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN:1538-5132. S2CID:144445414. مؤرشف من الأصل (PDF) في 2023-04-15.