Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Abiy Ahmed" in English language version.
Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority (EBA) has suspended the press license of Reuters correspondent in the country Giulia Paravicini, for an unspecified amount of time after a warning letter was issued to the correspondent. The Authority said that the decision has been due to the "false and biased" reporting by the news agency's correspondent on Ethiopia's current affairs and coverage of the fighting in the Tigray region, which "misleads the world and causes international pressure to mount on Ethiopia." The Authority has also issued a warning letter to the correspondents of both BBC and Deutsche Welle for what it described as "violation of the rules of media broadcasting."
The opposition National Movement of Amhara (NaMA) requested Speaker of the House of People's Representatives, Tagesse Chafo, to call on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to appear before Parliament to explain why his government is "unable to stop the ongoing genocide against the people of Amhara, and why it has not been able to provide adequate support to the victims who are displaced by the recent attack in Western Oromia, at a time when PM Abiy Ahmed and his government repeatedly state that "they have built the capacity and enough security forces to ensure the security of our country and its people."
Adding to the deadly mix are the involvement of rival ethnic militia groups. One of them is the Fano, a militia from the Amhara ethnic group. Along with Amhara regional government security forces, Fano took part in the intervention in Tigray, Mr. Davison said. While Fano is a term loosely used to refer to young Amhara militias or protesters, Mr. Davison added that it is also "the name given to youthful Amhara vigilante groups that become more active during times when there is perceived to be insecurity that is not being managed by the authorities."
Refugees in the camp reel off accounts of horror they either witnessed themselves or heard from others. In a makeshift ward in a room near the back of the camp, some show wounds they say were caused by knife and machete attacks by Fano militia.
Independent scholars, based at Ghent University in Belgium, suggest that the death toll in Tigray is now between 385,000 and 600,000.
At the end of November, Mr Abiy had told parliament that "not a single civilian was killed" during the conflict. The defence forces never killed a single civilian in a single town
Western leaders prefer to see peace in Africa as the work of inspirational individuals. In some cases this is warranted. In Abiy's case it was premature, to say the least.
The United Nations has warned that millions of children are still cut off from aid in Ethiopia's conflict-riven Tigray region, despite promises made by the federal government earlier this month to allow humanitarian agencies access. Some 2.3 million minors are struggling to get basic humanitarian assistance like treatment for malnourishment, critical vaccines, emergency medicines, and water and sanitation supplies, UNICEF, the UN agency responsible for children, said Tuesday. "We are extremely concerned that the longer access to them is delayed, the worse their situation will become as supplies of food, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for the treatment of child malnutrition, medicines, water, fuel and other essentials run low," UNICEF executive director Henrietta Fore said in a statement.
Countries where the number of jailed journalists rose significantly include Belarus, where mass protests have ensued over the disputed re-election of the long-time president, and Ethiopia, where political unrest has degenerated into armed conflict.
The office of the federal attorney general did not respond to a December 2020 email requesting comment on Dawit's arrest. When CPJ reached him via messaging app, Federal Police spokesperson Jeylan Abdi said he did not know about Dawit's case and referred CPJ to the prime minister's office for comment. CPJ emailed that office on December 3 and did not receive any response.
On 20 November, immigration officials in Addis Ababa summoned Crisis Group's Ethiopia Senior Analyst William Davison and informed him he would need to leave the country immediately. He flew to the UK in the early hours of 21 November. Ethiopian authorities have yet to offer a formal reason for the decision. In an earlier tweet, an official in the Prime Minister's office said Mr. Davison's work permit had been revoked, citing alleged labour law breaches. Crisis Group has been transparent and truthful in all representations it has made regarding Mr. Davison's employment. Ultimately, there is little doubt that the reason for his deportation relates to the current tense situation in the country and the authorities' increasing sensitivity to points of view that do not hew to its line. It is noteworthy that around the time Mr. Davison was expelled, authorities also warned the news agency Reuters' Ethiopia correspondent and the BBC and Deutsche Welle stations. Mr. Davison's expulsion comes at a difficult and painful moment for Ethiopia. On 4 November, Africa's second most populous country plunged into a serious conflict between federal troops and security forces from the Tigray region, one of Ethiopia's ten states. The conflict has already cost hundreds of lives and sent tens of thousands of refugees into neighbouring Sudan. Crisis Group and its analysts do not take sides. Their responsibility is to present as faithfully as possible the viewpoints of the relevant parties; their mandate is to prevent and resolve deadly conflicts; their duty is to the civilians caught in their midst. Accordingly, and from the outset, Crisis Group has sought to explain the perspectives of the federal authorities and of the Tigrayan leadership, pressed for an end to hostilities and kept urging the parties to explore a negotiated solution and resolve their differences through political means.
Abiy Ahmed alizaliwa August 15, 1976 nchini Ethiopia (Abiy Ahmed was born on August 15, 1976 in Ethiopia)
Aid access:- The UN Security Council on Monday held an informal meeting on the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia's Tigray region, where the majority of humanitarian organizations are not allowed to enter. A humanitarian crisis is unfolding on such a scale that organizations are afraid of what they will find once allowed in.
Two tests of the new opening loom. The first is the willingness of state media to give equal time to the prime minister and his opponents in elections next year. Another will be the openness of Abiy himself to scrutiny: he has given only one press conference and few interviews.
Ethiopia's state media behave slavishly towards the prime minister, obsessively covering his appearances and seldom airing critical views. Mr Abiy himself never gives interviews and has yet to hold a press conference. Non-state outlets complain that they are no longer invited to official press briefings.
In the run-up to the selection of Abiy, Tigrayans were tired of accusations, and when Abiy came to power, they thought they would be spared. That is why he was well-received in Tigray. They started to heave a collective sigh of relief, but that was premature. The reverse happened. Anti-Tigrayan propaganda and rhetoric grew and became normalized in media and official forums. The TPLF, or shadowy forces tied to it, were blamed for almost every violent incident and problem the country faced, helping to allow Amhara and Oromo rivals to keep focused on a common enemy, and casting suspicion on Tigrayans as a whole
The government will seek the full or partial sale of railway projects, hotels, and sugar and other manufacturing industries.
The Federal Attorney General has requested the federal high court to drop charges against two foreign countries-based media organizations-ESAT and OMN as well as Berhanu Nega and Jawar Mohammed.
The process of liberalizing a political system in an ethnically polarized society is dangerous. During the liberalizing moment, newfound freedom of speech can easily focus on finding culprits, singling out particular groups, and bringing up repressed grievances. Furthermore, there is less tradition to distinguish fact from rumor, and thus fearmongering rhetoric can travel quickly and with fewer checks than in established pluralist environments. This is mostly due to social media but also because of a lack of reliable institutions and structures to turn to in a country where institutions have been decimated by years of authoritarian rule.
As fighting continues "in many parts" of Ethiopia's Tigray, according to the United Nations, Tigray's regional president Debretsion Gebremichael told FRANCE 24 that the northern region would continue fighting as long as federal "invaders" are on Tigrayan soil. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed announced military operations in the northern region of Tigray a month ago, saying they targeted the leaders of its ruling party, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). Gebremichael believes neighbouring Eritrea is playing a key role in the conflict. "They already have 16 divisions in Tigray. They are fighting on the side of the federal army... They have a united front against us. Wherever you go, they are there." "We are in our homeland, the invaders are attacking us, by air or by artillery fire." Gebremichael also claimed that Eritrean forces had taken part in mass lootings, a report denied by both Eritrea and Ethiopia. "They have taken laboratory equipment, computers, books. They have gone to one factory of medicine," Gebremichael told FRANCE 24's Nicolas Germain. The month-long conflict has claimed thousands of lives, according to the International Crisis Group (ICG), and tens of thousands of refugees have streamed across the border into Sudan. The UN has been warning of a possible humanitarian catastrophe within Tigray, though a communications blackout has made it difficult to assess conditions on the ground.
For a moment, Abiy's premiership appeared to be a new dawn over one of the world's poorest countries. But within weeks of accepting the Nobel Peace Prize, Abiy already was deploying the language of a very different leader -- saying that Ethiopia was "readied" for war with Egypt over an ongoing dispute over the Nile dam. Citing "domestic concerns," he refused to take questions publicly after the award. Very quickly, it became clear at home that Abiy's intentions were quite different from his international image. "In terms of the Nobel itself, it is very difficult to think of a political leader who was awarded the prize that conducted himself in the same manner," Allo said. "[It is] now very clear that all accolades and praises showered on him, including by myself, were premature."
Mr. Messay Mekonon has called a genocide attack to such civil population, which are the indigenous people of Tigray-Ethiopia in his satellite TV called ESAT on 4 September 2016
ESAT television, in a public address it made to the people of Gondar, on August 06, 2016, ESAT journalist Mesay Mekonnen broadcast that "the difficulty that we (Ethiopians) are facing now is not between the oppressor government/regime and the oppressed people, as other countries are facing. What we Ethiopians are now facing is between a small minority ethnic group, representing five percent of the Ethiopian population, who wants to rule Ethiopia subjugating others and the subjugated peoples. And the solution for what we are facing at this time is "drying the water so as to catch (kill) the fish."
ESAT's main objective is to provide thinly veiled poisonous hate propaganda against the people of Tigrai. Financed by the traditional enemies of Ethiopia this divisive and very dangerous media outlet has been pumping out thousands of articles, cyber TV programs and radio programs. Majority of those programs are designed to create a permanent discord between the general Ethiopian population and the people of Tigrai.
After years of widespread protests against government policies, and brutal security force repression, the human rights landscape transformed in 2018 after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in April. The government lifted the state of emergency in June and released thousands of political prisoners from detention, including journalists and key opposition leaders such as Eskinder Nega and Merera Gudina. The government lifted restrictions on access to the internet, admitted that security forces relied on torture, committed to legal reforms of repressive laws and introduced numerous other reforms, paving the way for improved respect for human rights... Parliament lifted the ban on three opposition groups, Ginbot 7, Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in June. The government had used the proscription as a pretext for brutal crackdowns on opposition members, activists, and journalists suspected of affiliation with the groups. Many members of these and other groups are now returning to Ethiopia from exile...
With the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) controlling 100 percent of the seats in parliament, the institutional and legal impediments for sustained political space remain a challenge. Accountability for years of abuses, including torture and extrajudicial killings, and opening the space for political parties and civil society remain significant challenges for the new administration. There are indications that the reform process may ultimately be hindered by a lack of independent institutions to carry forward changes...
Ethiopia released journalists who had been wrongfully detained or convicted on politically motivated charges, including prominent writers such as Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye, after more than six years in jail. The federal Attorney General's Office dropped all pending charges against bloggers, journalists and diaspora-based media organizations, including the Zone 9 bloggers, Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT), and Oromia Media Network (OMN), which had previously faced charges of violence inciting for criticizing the government...
OMN and ESAT television stations reopened in Addis Ababa in June, following calls by Prime Minister Abiy for diaspora-based television stations to return. Additionally, the government lifted obstructions to access to more than 250 websites. The restriction on access to the internet and mobile applications introduced during the 2015 protests was also lifted.
Ethiopian authorities have been detaining dozens of opposition members and journalists for prolonged periods and often without charge since late June 2020, raising serious rights concerns.
...Under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's administration, communication blackouts without government justifications has become routine during social and political unrest, Human Rights Watch said.
It is unfortunate that the mainstay of political leaders is to balance out multiple, often conflicting, interests of different, often conflicting, stakeholders. Even well-intentioned individuals can find their hands tied due to a lack of institutional support. The contention remains, however, that rewarding them far too quickly and simply for formal—not substantive—commitment to ideals of peace, justice, and security is an ineffective means of deterring them from future actions that might unfortunately result in a deviation from such ideals. Similarly, awarding the representative of a particular regime simply to express rejection of another remains an unjustified, premature move—unless the future actions of the present regime reliably demonstrate their commitment to achievable, measurable, and sustainable solutions towards peace, justice, and security in the first place. This cannot be said to be the case for recent laureates and nominees.
Since 2018, when the Oromo-backed Prosperity Party came into power (led by 2019 Nobel Prize laureate Abiy Ahmed Ali), the Amhara people have continued to suffer severely, and their fundamental human rights have been heavily violated. Abiy's government amnestied previously exiled OLA members. The atrocity crimes committed against the Amhara people since 2018 include mass killings and summary executions, ethnic cleansing, abduction of children, forced disappearances, measures intended to prevent births, the forcible transfer of children of the group to another group, rape and other forms of sexual violence, and looting.
Adding to the deadly mix are the involvement of rival ethnic militia groups. One of them is the Fano, a militia from the Amhara ethnic group. Along with Amhara regional government security forces, Fano took part in the intervention in Tigray, Mr. Davison said. While Fano is a term loosely used to refer to young Amhara militias or protesters, Mr. Davison added that it is also "the name given to youthful Amhara vigilante groups that become more active during times when there is perceived to be insecurity that is not being managed by the authorities."
H.E. Abiy Ahmed Ali (PhD) is the fourth Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
...Abiy Ahmed, who took over in April also released thousands of political prisoners and journalists and dismissed charges against diaspora-based media outlets. Those released included prominent journalists Eskinder Nega, Darsema Sori, and Khalid Mohammed, who were held for years on charges ranging from treason to inciting extremist ideology and planning to overthrow the government.
The United States believes reports of Eritrean military involvement in the conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region are "credible," a State Department spokesperson told Reuters on Thursday, despite denials by both nations. The spokesperson called on any Eritrean soldiers there to pull out. "We are aware of credible reports of Eritrean military involvement in Tigray and view this as a grave development. We urge that any such troops be withdrawn immediately," the spokesperson said. Reuters was first to report on Tuesday that the U.S. government believed Eritrean soldiers had crossed into Ethiopian territory, effectively helping Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's government battle a rebellious northern force.
Two diplomatic sources told Reuters the U.N. team encountered uniformed Eritrean troops, though both Ethiopia and Eritrea have denied any incursion over the border by President Isaias Afwerki's military. Abiy and Afwerki signed a peace pact ending two decades of hostilities in 2018 and now regard the TPLF as a mutual foe.
We were on target, 99 percent. There was no collateral damage on 99 percent of the operation. We never fired on uncertainties - for example, during nights, because, what if children die, they are ours - the enemy assumed we use drones only for firing because they didn't know the capacity of the special forces and the air force. But we used drones in 90 percent of the cases to monitor their movements." MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "The defence forces never killed a single person in a single town. No soldier from any country could display a better competence. We have disciplined heroic soldiers. There was a lot of campaigning saying that we would demolish Mekelle. Mekelle is ours, built with our resources. How can we destroy it? No one got in harm's way in the Mekelle operation. The special forces conducted a special surgery in Mekelle." ABIY AT PODIUM MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "We didn't fire a single rocket in the Tigray region. We have double of what they have in terms of numbers. On whom do we fire rockets? A rocket travels kilometres out of your sight before it falls somewhere. You can't be sure what it does to whom. But our pilots, they go and come back, loaded with their bombs, if they think there's a risk on civilians - because they can decide, we can also make decisions by watching with drones - we won't do it. But it can be dangerous when it comes to rockets. Even though we had a higher number of them we didn't use them because it is our country. We are not a junta.
Independent scholars, based at Ghent University in Belgium, suggest that the death toll in Tigray is now between 385,000 and 600,000.
Senior officials of the Norwegian Nobel Institute have said the 2019 winner's refusal to attend any event where he could be asked questions publicly is "highly problematic". Olav Njølstad, the secretary of the Nobel committee, said it would "very much have wanted Abiy to engage with the press during his stay in Oslo". "We strongly believe that freedom of expression and a free and independent press are vital components of peace … Moreover, some former Nobel peace prize laureates have received the prize in recognition of their efforts in favour of these very rights and freedoms," he said. Nobel peace prize laureates traditionally hold a news conference a day before the official ceremony, but Abiy has told the Norwegian Nobel committee he does not intend to do so.
Seyoum Mesfin, Ethiopia's long-serving former foreign minister, was one of the foremost African diplomats of his generation. He was gunned down this month in Tigray by the armed forces of a lesser man – Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia's prime minister and Nobel peace prize winner. Some suggest it was the Eritrean military, Abiy's allies, who killed Seyoum, although their presence in Tigray is officially denied. The circumstances of his death remain murky. . . . . As with much of the unreported, unchallenged murder and mayhem currently occurring in northern Ethiopia, murky is what Abiy prefers. When he ordered the army's assault on the breakaway Tigray region in November, he blocked the internet, shut out aid agencies and banned journalists. It's a conflict he claims to have won – but the emerging reality is very different. It's a war fought in the shadows, with the outside world kept in the dark.
Refugees in the camp reel off accounts of horror they either witnessed themselves or heard from others. In a makeshift ward in a room near the back of the camp, some show wounds they say were caused by knife and machete attacks by Fano militia.
Earlier this month, MSF said most of the more than 100 health facilities it had visited across Tigray had been looted, vandalised and destroyed in a deliberate and widespread attack on healthcare. What Abiy has insisted was a military operation against 'criminals' has instead emerged as a bitter conflict waged against millions of civilians, with mass attacks and sexual violence driven by ethnic and historic regional divisions. The military campaign against the TPLF, whom Abiy accused of attacking federal military camps and aiming to destabilise the country, has quickly recast the image of one of Africa's youngest leaders who was awarded the Nobel peace prize for ending the long conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
It seems that Prime Minister Ahmed's victory speech is worryingly premature. Not for the legitimacy of the current Ethiopian government, but the thousands of refugees caught in the crossfire. It remains likely that this conflict will develop into guerrilla warfare by the TPLF, potentially drawing the conflict out for several months, if not years. Within this Guerrilla conflict, civilians will inevitably be caught in the crossfire as fighting will likely be most prominent in civilian areas. Before further potential violence ensues, both the TPLF and Ethiopian government should recognize that the protection of civilians in this conflict is paramount and employ necessary measures to ensure civilian safety, including stopping indiscriminate bombardments, putting military facilities near civilian areas and targeting civilian facilities. Both sides should also grant unobstructed access to humanitarian organizations that can provide aid and supplies for those in need and restore communication channels to ensure transparency by both groups.
Abiy's mother, Tezeta Wolde, a converted Christian from Burayu, Finfine Special Zone, Oromia Regional State, was the fourth wife for Ahmed. Together they have six children with Abiy being the youngest.
For some time the EPRDF, was in talks with the OLF; in fact, the later was part of the then transitional government. OLF was, at the time, very popular in Oromia region. However, the peaceful talks failed to bear fruit as things turn to become violent. That was when alternative forces like the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO) came to the fore.
According to people who witnessed that critical period, the OLF had strong support in Agaro like most parts of Oromia region (No statistical evidence exists to support this claim).
It was at that time that Abiy's family was directly affected by the political transition in the country. Abiy's father and his eldest son, Kedir Ahmed, were arrested for some time.
Unfortunately, Kedir was killed during that time in what was believed to be a politically motivated assassination, according to people close to the family.
By the time, Agaro, which now has a population of, 41,085, was believed to be a stronghold of the OLF.
"I think losing his brother at that age was a turning point in Abiy's life," Miftah Hudin Aba Jebel, a childhood friend of Abiy, told The Reporter. "I mean we were young and I remember one night Abiy asking me to join the struggle," he recalls. "To be honest, it was difficult for me to understand what he was saying."
According to multiple sources, Abiy joined the struggle during early 1991, just a few months before the downfall of the military regime, almost at the age of 15.
"By the time we were teenagers; Abiy, another young man by the name Komitas, who was a driver for Abadula Gemeda at the time, and myself joined the OPDO," Getish Mamo, the then member of OPDO's music band called Bifttu Oromia, told The Reporter. "We were also close with Abadula Gemeda." Abadula was one of the founders of the OPDO and current speaker of the House of People's Representatives.
Abiy, at the time, was working as a radio operator, according to Getish.
Some 2.3 million children in Tigray, Ethiopia, remain cut off from humanitarian assistance amid continuing violence since the beginning of November. We are extremely concerned that the longer access to them is delayed, the worse their situation will become as supplies of food, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for the treatment of child malnutrition, medicines, water, fuel and other essentials run low. Protecting these children, many of whom are refugees and internally displaced, and providing them with humanitarian aid must be a priority. Together with our humanitarian partners, we stand ready to provide lifesaving humanitarian support, including treatment for malnourished children, critical vaccines, emergency medicines, and water and sanitation supplies. We have already provided some supplies to a number of partners in Tigray but this is not enough. We need to be able to provide support at scale in Tigray and to have full access to determine the scale of children's needs. We call for urgent, sustained, unconditional and impartial humanitarian access to all families in need wherever they are. We also urge authorities to allow the free movement of civilians wishing to seek safety elsewhere. This includes those requesting to cross the border to seek international protection. Meeting the critical needs of children and women must not be delayed any longer.
H.E. Abiy Ahmed Ali (PhD) is the fourth Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
Abiy Ahmed alizaliwa August 15, 1976 nchini Ethiopia (Abiy Ahmed was born on August 15, 1976 in Ethiopia)
Abiy's mother, Tezeta Wolde, a converted Christian from Burayu, Finfine Special Zone, Oromia Regional State, was the fourth wife for Ahmed. Together they have six children with Abiy being the youngest.
For some time the EPRDF, was in talks with the OLF; in fact, the later was part of the then transitional government. OLF was, at the time, very popular in Oromia region. However, the peaceful talks failed to bear fruit as things turn to become violent. That was when alternative forces like the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO) came to the fore.
According to people who witnessed that critical period, the OLF had strong support in Agaro like most parts of Oromia region (No statistical evidence exists to support this claim).
It was at that time that Abiy's family was directly affected by the political transition in the country. Abiy's father and his eldest son, Kedir Ahmed, were arrested for some time.
Unfortunately, Kedir was killed during that time in what was believed to be a politically motivated assassination, according to people close to the family.
By the time, Agaro, which now has a population of, 41,085, was believed to be a stronghold of the OLF.
"I think losing his brother at that age was a turning point in Abiy's life," Miftah Hudin Aba Jebel, a childhood friend of Abiy, told The Reporter. "I mean we were young and I remember one night Abiy asking me to join the struggle," he recalls. "To be honest, it was difficult for me to understand what he was saying."
According to multiple sources, Abiy joined the struggle during early 1991, just a few months before the downfall of the military regime, almost at the age of 15.
"By the time we were teenagers; Abiy, another young man by the name Komitas, who was a driver for Abadula Gemeda at the time, and myself joined the OPDO," Getish Mamo, the then member of OPDO's music band called Bifttu Oromia, told The Reporter. "We were also close with Abadula Gemeda." Abadula was one of the founders of the OPDO and current speaker of the House of People's Representatives.
Abiy, at the time, was working as a radio operator, according to Getish.
... Abiy has touted his moves to improve media freedom – following in the footsteps of Hailemariam, who released several prominent jailed journalists – but instability threatens this progress.
The Federal Attorney General has requested the federal high court to drop charges against two foreign countries-based media organizations-ESAT and OMN as well as Berhanu Nega and Jawar Mohammed.
After years of widespread protests against government policies, and brutal security force repression, the human rights landscape transformed in 2018 after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in April. The government lifted the state of emergency in June and released thousands of political prisoners from detention, including journalists and key opposition leaders such as Eskinder Nega and Merera Gudina. The government lifted restrictions on access to the internet, admitted that security forces relied on torture, committed to legal reforms of repressive laws and introduced numerous other reforms, paving the way for improved respect for human rights... Parliament lifted the ban on three opposition groups, Ginbot 7, Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in June. The government had used the proscription as a pretext for brutal crackdowns on opposition members, activists, and journalists suspected of affiliation with the groups. Many members of these and other groups are now returning to Ethiopia from exile...
With the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) controlling 100 percent of the seats in parliament, the institutional and legal impediments for sustained political space remain a challenge. Accountability for years of abuses, including torture and extrajudicial killings, and opening the space for political parties and civil society remain significant challenges for the new administration. There are indications that the reform process may ultimately be hindered by a lack of independent institutions to carry forward changes...
Ethiopia released journalists who had been wrongfully detained or convicted on politically motivated charges, including prominent writers such as Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye, after more than six years in jail. The federal Attorney General's Office dropped all pending charges against bloggers, journalists and diaspora-based media organizations, including the Zone 9 bloggers, Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT), and Oromia Media Network (OMN), which had previously faced charges of violence inciting for criticizing the government...
OMN and ESAT television stations reopened in Addis Ababa in June, following calls by Prime Minister Abiy for diaspora-based television stations to return. Additionally, the government lifted obstructions to access to more than 250 websites. The restriction on access to the internet and mobile applications introduced during the 2015 protests was also lifted.
...Abiy Ahmed, who took over in April also released thousands of political prisoners and journalists and dismissed charges against diaspora-based media outlets. Those released included prominent journalists Eskinder Nega, Darsema Sori, and Khalid Mohammed, who were held for years on charges ranging from treason to inciting extremist ideology and planning to overthrow the government.
The process of liberalizing a political system in an ethnically polarized society is dangerous. During the liberalizing moment, newfound freedom of speech can easily focus on finding culprits, singling out particular groups, and bringing up repressed grievances. Furthermore, there is less tradition to distinguish fact from rumor, and thus fearmongering rhetoric can travel quickly and with fewer checks than in established pluralist environments. This is mostly due to social media but also because of a lack of reliable institutions and structures to turn to in a country where institutions have been decimated by years of authoritarian rule.
Mr. Messay Mekonon has called a genocide attack to such civil population, which are the indigenous people of Tigray-Ethiopia in his satellite TV called ESAT on 4 September 2016
ESAT television, in a public address it made to the people of Gondar, on August 06, 2016, ESAT journalist Mesay Mekonnen broadcast that "the difficulty that we (Ethiopians) are facing now is not between the oppressor government/regime and the oppressed people, as other countries are facing. What we Ethiopians are now facing is between a small minority ethnic group, representing five percent of the Ethiopian population, who wants to rule Ethiopia subjugating others and the subjugated peoples. And the solution for what we are facing at this time is "drying the water so as to catch (kill) the fish."
ESAT's main objective is to provide thinly veiled poisonous hate propaganda against the people of Tigrai. Financed by the traditional enemies of Ethiopia this divisive and very dangerous media outlet has been pumping out thousands of articles, cyber TV programs and radio programs. Majority of those programs are designed to create a permanent discord between the general Ethiopian population and the people of Tigrai.
Two tests of the new opening loom. The first is the willingness of state media to give equal time to the prime minister and his opponents in elections next year. Another will be the openness of Abiy himself to scrutiny: he has given only one press conference and few interviews.
Ethiopia's state media behave slavishly towards the prime minister, obsessively covering his appearances and seldom airing critical views. Mr Abiy himself never gives interviews and has yet to hold a press conference. Non-state outlets complain that they are no longer invited to official press briefings.
Senior officials of the Norwegian Nobel Institute have said the 2019 winner's refusal to attend any event where he could be asked questions publicly is "highly problematic". Olav Njølstad, the secretary of the Nobel committee, said it would "very much have wanted Abiy to engage with the press during his stay in Oslo". "We strongly believe that freedom of expression and a free and independent press are vital components of peace … Moreover, some former Nobel peace prize laureates have received the prize in recognition of their efforts in favour of these very rights and freedoms," he said. Nobel peace prize laureates traditionally hold a news conference a day before the official ceremony, but Abiy has told the Norwegian Nobel committee he does not intend to do so.
Countries where the number of jailed journalists rose significantly include Belarus, where mass protests have ensued over the disputed re-election of the long-time president, and Ethiopia, where political unrest has degenerated into armed conflict.
The office of the federal attorney general did not respond to a December 2020 email requesting comment on Dawit's arrest. When CPJ reached him via messaging app, Federal Police spokesperson Jeylan Abdi said he did not know about Dawit's case and referred CPJ to the prime minister's office for comment. CPJ emailed that office on December 3 and did not receive any response.
Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority (EBA) has suspended the press license of Reuters correspondent in the country Giulia Paravicini, for an unspecified amount of time after a warning letter was issued to the correspondent. The Authority said that the decision has been due to the "false and biased" reporting by the news agency's correspondent on Ethiopia's current affairs and coverage of the fighting in the Tigray region, which "misleads the world and causes international pressure to mount on Ethiopia." The Authority has also issued a warning letter to the correspondents of both BBC and Deutsche Welle for what it described as "violation of the rules of media broadcasting."
On 20 November, immigration officials in Addis Ababa summoned Crisis Group's Ethiopia Senior Analyst William Davison and informed him he would need to leave the country immediately. He flew to the UK in the early hours of 21 November. Ethiopian authorities have yet to offer a formal reason for the decision. In an earlier tweet, an official in the Prime Minister's office said Mr. Davison's work permit had been revoked, citing alleged labour law breaches. Crisis Group has been transparent and truthful in all representations it has made regarding Mr. Davison's employment. Ultimately, there is little doubt that the reason for his deportation relates to the current tense situation in the country and the authorities' increasing sensitivity to points of view that do not hew to its line. It is noteworthy that around the time Mr. Davison was expelled, authorities also warned the news agency Reuters' Ethiopia correspondent and the BBC and Deutsche Welle stations. Mr. Davison's expulsion comes at a difficult and painful moment for Ethiopia. On 4 November, Africa's second most populous country plunged into a serious conflict between federal troops and security forces from the Tigray region, one of Ethiopia's ten states. The conflict has already cost hundreds of lives and sent tens of thousands of refugees into neighbouring Sudan. Crisis Group and its analysts do not take sides. Their responsibility is to present as faithfully as possible the viewpoints of the relevant parties; their mandate is to prevent and resolve deadly conflicts; their duty is to the civilians caught in their midst. Accordingly, and from the outset, Crisis Group has sought to explain the perspectives of the federal authorities and of the Tigrayan leadership, pressed for an end to hostilities and kept urging the parties to explore a negotiated solution and resolve their differences through political means.
Ethiopian authorities have been detaining dozens of opposition members and journalists for prolonged periods and often without charge since late June 2020, raising serious rights concerns.
The government will seek the full or partial sale of railway projects, hotels, and sugar and other manufacturing industries.
Seyoum Mesfin, Ethiopia's long-serving former foreign minister, was one of the foremost African diplomats of his generation. He was gunned down this month in Tigray by the armed forces of a lesser man – Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia's prime minister and Nobel peace prize winner. Some suggest it was the Eritrean military, Abiy's allies, who killed Seyoum, although their presence in Tigray is officially denied. The circumstances of his death remain murky. . . . . As with much of the unreported, unchallenged murder and mayhem currently occurring in northern Ethiopia, murky is what Abiy prefers. When he ordered the army's assault on the breakaway Tigray region in November, he blocked the internet, shut out aid agencies and banned journalists. It's a conflict he claims to have won – but the emerging reality is very different. It's a war fought in the shadows, with the outside world kept in the dark.
...Under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's administration, communication blackouts without government justifications has become routine during social and political unrest, Human Rights Watch said.
As fighting continues "in many parts" of Ethiopia's Tigray, according to the United Nations, Tigray's regional president Debretsion Gebremichael told FRANCE 24 that the northern region would continue fighting as long as federal "invaders" are on Tigrayan soil. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed announced military operations in the northern region of Tigray a month ago, saying they targeted the leaders of its ruling party, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). Gebremichael believes neighbouring Eritrea is playing a key role in the conflict. "They already have 16 divisions in Tigray. They are fighting on the side of the federal army... They have a united front against us. Wherever you go, they are there." "We are in our homeland, the invaders are attacking us, by air or by artillery fire." Gebremichael also claimed that Eritrean forces had taken part in mass lootings, a report denied by both Eritrea and Ethiopia. "They have taken laboratory equipment, computers, books. They have gone to one factory of medicine," Gebremichael told FRANCE 24's Nicolas Germain. The month-long conflict has claimed thousands of lives, according to the International Crisis Group (ICG), and tens of thousands of refugees have streamed across the border into Sudan. The UN has been warning of a possible humanitarian catastrophe within Tigray, though a communications blackout has made it difficult to assess conditions on the ground.
The United States believes reports of Eritrean military involvement in the conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region are "credible," a State Department spokesperson told Reuters on Thursday, despite denials by both nations. The spokesperson called on any Eritrean soldiers there to pull out. "We are aware of credible reports of Eritrean military involvement in Tigray and view this as a grave development. We urge that any such troops be withdrawn immediately," the spokesperson said. Reuters was first to report on Tuesday that the U.S. government believed Eritrean soldiers had crossed into Ethiopian territory, effectively helping Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's government battle a rebellious northern force.
Two diplomatic sources told Reuters the U.N. team encountered uniformed Eritrean troops, though both Ethiopia and Eritrea have denied any incursion over the border by President Isaias Afwerki's military. Abiy and Afwerki signed a peace pact ending two decades of hostilities in 2018 and now regard the TPLF as a mutual foe.
Some 2.3 million children in Tigray, Ethiopia, remain cut off from humanitarian assistance amid continuing violence since the beginning of November. We are extremely concerned that the longer access to them is delayed, the worse their situation will become as supplies of food, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for the treatment of child malnutrition, medicines, water, fuel and other essentials run low. Protecting these children, many of whom are refugees and internally displaced, and providing them with humanitarian aid must be a priority. Together with our humanitarian partners, we stand ready to provide lifesaving humanitarian support, including treatment for malnourished children, critical vaccines, emergency medicines, and water and sanitation supplies. We have already provided some supplies to a number of partners in Tigray but this is not enough. We need to be able to provide support at scale in Tigray and to have full access to determine the scale of children's needs. We call for urgent, sustained, unconditional and impartial humanitarian access to all families in need wherever they are. We also urge authorities to allow the free movement of civilians wishing to seek safety elsewhere. This includes those requesting to cross the border to seek international protection. Meeting the critical needs of children and women must not be delayed any longer.
"It's somewhat frustrating to say that we have not been able to go in, we have not been able to reach people that we know are in need," said UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric. "Days wasted by a lack of agreement or a lack of green light for us is just one more day of suffering for the people who need help." At the request of the United States and European members, the Security Council held an informal, closed-door video conference on Monday on the humanitarian situation in Tigray. "We need full, safe, unhindered access for humanitarian workers. We have information that refugee camps will run out of food by the end of this week," said Germany's UN ambassador Christoph Heusgen after the meeting. "We have information that refugees are prevented from fleeing to Sudan... There are also reports that Eritrean soldiers appear to control some movement of refugees in the Eritrean border region. Again, all this must stop." According to diplomats, China and African members of the Security Council – South Africa, Niger and Tunisia – opposed the publication of a statement on Tigray requested by Germany, Estonia and the Dominican Republic. Abiy has resisted calls for mediation to end the conflict, which has left thousands dead, according to the International Crisis Group think tank, and has driven 50,000 refugees into Sudan.
The United Nations has warned that millions of children are still cut off from aid in Ethiopia's conflict-riven Tigray region, despite promises made by the federal government earlier this month to allow humanitarian agencies access. Some 2.3 million minors are struggling to get basic humanitarian assistance like treatment for malnourishment, critical vaccines, emergency medicines, and water and sanitation supplies, UNICEF, the UN agency responsible for children, said Tuesday. "We are extremely concerned that the longer access to them is delayed, the worse their situation will become as supplies of food, including ready-to-use therapeutic food for the treatment of child malnutrition, medicines, water, fuel and other essentials run low," UNICEF executive director Henrietta Fore said in a statement.
Aid access:- The UN Security Council on Monday held an informal meeting on the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia's Tigray region, where the majority of humanitarian organizations are not allowed to enter. A humanitarian crisis is unfolding on such a scale that organizations are afraid of what they will find once allowed in.
Western leaders prefer to see peace in Africa as the work of inspirational individuals. In some cases this is warranted. In Abiy's case it was premature, to say the least.
At the same time, Abiy is trying to shore up his popular support in the rest of Ethiopia. And though his quick declaration of victory appeared premature to outside observers, it seemed designed to rally his supporters and serve as a warning to other restive ethnic factions that might have been feeling emboldened to take on his administration
It seems that Prime Minister Ahmed's victory speech is worryingly premature. Not for the legitimacy of the current Ethiopian government, but the thousands of refugees caught in the crossfire. It remains likely that this conflict will develop into guerrilla warfare by the TPLF, potentially drawing the conflict out for several months, if not years. Within this Guerrilla conflict, civilians will inevitably be caught in the crossfire as fighting will likely be most prominent in civilian areas. Before further potential violence ensues, both the TPLF and Ethiopian government should recognize that the protection of civilians in this conflict is paramount and employ necessary measures to ensure civilian safety, including stopping indiscriminate bombardments, putting military facilities near civilian areas and targeting civilian facilities. Both sides should also grant unobstructed access to humanitarian organizations that can provide aid and supplies for those in need and restore communication channels to ensure transparency by both groups.
It is unfortunate that the mainstay of political leaders is to balance out multiple, often conflicting, interests of different, often conflicting, stakeholders. Even well-intentioned individuals can find their hands tied due to a lack of institutional support. The contention remains, however, that rewarding them far too quickly and simply for formal—not substantive—commitment to ideals of peace, justice, and security is an ineffective means of deterring them from future actions that might unfortunately result in a deviation from such ideals. Similarly, awarding the representative of a particular regime simply to express rejection of another remains an unjustified, premature move—unless the future actions of the present regime reliably demonstrate their commitment to achievable, measurable, and sustainable solutions towards peace, justice, and security in the first place. This cannot be said to be the case for recent laureates and nominees.
In the run-up to the selection of Abiy, Tigrayans were tired of accusations, and when Abiy came to power, they thought they would be spared. That is why he was well-received in Tigray. They started to heave a collective sigh of relief, but that was premature. The reverse happened. Anti-Tigrayan propaganda and rhetoric grew and became normalized in media and official forums. The TPLF, or shadowy forces tied to it, were blamed for almost every violent incident and problem the country faced, helping to allow Amhara and Oromo rivals to keep focused on a common enemy, and casting suspicion on Tigrayans as a whole
For a moment, Abiy's premiership appeared to be a new dawn over one of the world's poorest countries. But within weeks of accepting the Nobel Peace Prize, Abiy already was deploying the language of a very different leader -- saying that Ethiopia was "readied" for war with Egypt over an ongoing dispute over the Nile dam. Citing "domestic concerns," he refused to take questions publicly after the award. Very quickly, it became clear at home that Abiy's intentions were quite different from his international image. "In terms of the Nobel itself, it is very difficult to think of a political leader who was awarded the prize that conducted himself in the same manner," Allo said. "[It is] now very clear that all accolades and praises showered on him, including by myself, were premature."
At the end of November, Mr Abiy had told parliament that "not a single civilian was killed" during the conflict. The defence forces never killed a single civilian in a single town
We were on target, 99 percent. There was no collateral damage on 99 percent of the operation. We never fired on uncertainties - for example, during nights, because, what if children die, they are ours - the enemy assumed we use drones only for firing because they didn't know the capacity of the special forces and the air force. But we used drones in 90 percent of the cases to monitor their movements." MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "The defence forces never killed a single person in a single town. No soldier from any country could display a better competence. We have disciplined heroic soldiers. There was a lot of campaigning saying that we would demolish Mekelle. Mekelle is ours, built with our resources. How can we destroy it? No one got in harm's way in the Mekelle operation. The special forces conducted a special surgery in Mekelle." ABIY AT PODIUM MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT SEATED (SOUNDBITE) (Amharic) ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER, ABIY AHMED, SAYING: "We didn't fire a single rocket in the Tigray region. We have double of what they have in terms of numbers. On whom do we fire rockets? A rocket travels kilometres out of your sight before it falls somewhere. You can't be sure what it does to whom. But our pilots, they go and come back, loaded with their bombs, if they think there's a risk on civilians - because they can decide, we can also make decisions by watching with drones - we won't do it. But it can be dangerous when it comes to rockets. Even though we had a higher number of them we didn't use them because it is our country. We are not a junta.
Earlier this month, MSF said most of the more than 100 health facilities it had visited across Tigray had been looted, vandalised and destroyed in a deliberate and widespread attack on healthcare. What Abiy has insisted was a military operation against 'criminals' has instead emerged as a bitter conflict waged against millions of civilians, with mass attacks and sexual violence driven by ethnic and historic regional divisions. The military campaign against the TPLF, whom Abiy accused of attacking federal military camps and aiming to destabilise the country, has quickly recast the image of one of Africa's youngest leaders who was awarded the Nobel peace prize for ending the long conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
At the same time, Abiy is trying to shore up his popular support in the rest of Ethiopia. And though his quick declaration of victory appeared premature to outside observers, it seemed designed to rally his supporters and serve as a warning to other restive ethnic factions that might have been feeling emboldened to take on his administration
... Abiy has touted his moves to improve media freedom – following in the footsteps of Hailemariam, who released several prominent jailed journalists – but instability threatens this progress.
"It's somewhat frustrating to say that we have not been able to go in, we have not been able to reach people that we know are in need," said UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric. "Days wasted by a lack of agreement or a lack of green light for us is just one more day of suffering for the people who need help." At the request of the United States and European members, the Security Council held an informal, closed-door video conference on Monday on the humanitarian situation in Tigray. "We need full, safe, unhindered access for humanitarian workers. We have information that refugee camps will run out of food by the end of this week," said Germany's UN ambassador Christoph Heusgen after the meeting. "We have information that refugees are prevented from fleeing to Sudan... There are also reports that Eritrean soldiers appear to control some movement of refugees in the Eritrean border region. Again, all this must stop." According to diplomats, China and African members of the Security Council – South Africa, Niger and Tunisia – opposed the publication of a statement on Tigray requested by Germany, Estonia and the Dominican Republic. Abiy has resisted calls for mediation to end the conflict, which has left thousands dead, according to the International Crisis Group think tank, and has driven 50,000 refugees into Sudan.
