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Boro people (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Boro people" in English language version.

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25jstor.org
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archives-ouvertes.fr

hal.archives-ouvertes.fr

  • "Nowadays in the North-East, “tribe” and “caste” are very commonly used as such, i.e. in English. It is worthwhile, however, underlining that this dichotomy does not exist in the Assamese language itself nor in other Indo-Aryan languages in India, which do not differentiate between different sorts of human “kinds” or “species”, jāti." (Ramirez 2014:18) Ramirez, Philippe (2014). People of the margins : across ethnic boundaries in North-East India. Guwahati: Spectrum. ISBN 9788183440639.

assam.gov.in

legislative.assam.gov.in

assamtribune.com

books.google.com

cam.ac.uk

himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk

  • "As (Hodgson) admits in the end, his way of seeing the "Bodos" is twofold: he starts by using "Bodo" to designate a wide range of people (“a numerous race”), then wonders if some others are not "Bodos in disguise". He ends on a cautionary note and refrains from unmasking the dubious tribes, registering only the Mechs and Kacharis,..." (Jacquesson 2008:21) Jacquesson, François (2008). "Discovering Boro-Garo" (PDF). History of an Analytical and Descriptive Linguistic Category. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 August 2019. Retrieved 15 September 2019.

censusindia.gov.in

  • "Census report 2011" (PDF). Retrieved 5 January 2020. Note: The number are for the L1 speakers of the Boro language
  • "C -16 C-16 Population By Mother Tongue - Assam". census.gov.in. Retrieved 23 August 2020. Note: the number of L1 speakers of the Boro language, which is likely a lower estimate of the number of ethnic Boro people.
  • "Population by Religious Communities". Census India – 2001. Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. Retrieved 1 July 2019. Census Data Finder/C Series/Population by Religious Communities
  • "Population by religion community – 2011". Census of India, 2011. The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Archived from the original on 25 August 2015. 2011census/C-01/DDW00C-01 MDDS.XLS
  • "Meghalaya - Data Highlights: The Scheduled Tribes - Census of India 2001" (PDF). censusindia.gov.in. Retrieved 12 March 2022.
  • "ST-14: Scheduled tribe population by religious community (district level), Assam, district Sonitpur - 2011". Archived from the original on 30 January 2023.

deccanherald.com

doi.org

  • "Most scholars suggest that the first Tibeto-Burman-speaking peoples began to enter Assam at least 3,000 years ago." (DeLancey 2012:13–14) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origin of Bodo–Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN 9789382264521.
  • Devi, Chandam Victoria (1 April 2018). "Participatory Management of Irrigation System in North Eastern Region of India". International Journal of Rural Management. 14 (1): 69–79. doi:10.1177/0973005218765552. ISSN 0973-0052.
  • "All these accounts confirm that the Bodo tribe followed slash and burn cultivation. Although wet rice cultivation and plow were a characteristic of the Indo-Aryans, Bodos transitioned from using these methods of cultivation by the 1870s due to closer contact with settled populations." (Daimari & Bedamatta 2021:709) Daimari, Mizinksa; Bedamatta, Rajshree (2021). "The State of Bodo Peasantry in Modern-Day Assam: Evidence from Majrabari Village in the Bodoland Territorial Area Districts". The Indian Journal of Labour Economics. 64 (3): 705–730. doi:10.1007/s41027-021-00328-8. S2CID 240506155.
  • (Gupta 2019:109–112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.
  • "While this largely pertained to central and southern India, the northeast was shown to have had a somewhat different trajectory, where indigenous communities represented a third category which descended from the ‘great wave of Mongoloid immigration southward’. It was stated that since the Indo-Aryans did not penetrate these areas till long after their own original traditions had been lost, the northeast constituted a discrete space, requiring separate legislation." (Gupta 2019:112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.

ernet.in

gyan.iitg.ernet.in

handle.net

hdl.handle.net

  • (Brahma 2008:1) In closely allied Tripura language, “Boro” is pronounced as “Borok” which means Man. Brahma, Nirjay Kumar (2008). "Introduction: Interpretation of Bodo or Boro". Socio political institutions in Bodo society (PhD). Guwahati University. hdl:10603/66535.
  • (Brahma 2008:1) Brahma, Nirjay Kumar (2008). "Introduction: Interpretation of Bodo or Boro". Socio political institutions in Bodo society (PhD). Guwahati University. hdl:10603/66535.
  • (Gupta 2019:109–112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.
  • "While this largely pertained to central and southern India, the northeast was shown to have had a somewhat different trajectory, where indigenous communities represented a third category which descended from the ‘great wave of Mongoloid immigration southward’. It was stated that since the Indo-Aryans did not penetrate these areas till long after their own original traditions had been lost, the northeast constituted a discrete space, requiring separate legislation." (Gupta 2019:112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.

hindustantimes.com

iitg.ac.in

indianexpress.com

indiatimes.com

timesofindia.indiatimes.com

economictimes.indiatimes.com

indiatodayne.in

jstor.org

  • "Several communities inhabiting these areas since precolonial times, which include the Bodo, Garo, Khasi, Bhutia, Rajbanshi, etc, had settled across a wider geography characterised by similar ecological features (Nathan 1936). Over the second millennium of our common era, the process for consolidation of these habitats began. The Bodos, too, underwent this process." (Saikia 2012:17) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "The historical movement of populations was often determined by local ecological pressures like a crisis of resources to support an increasing population or natural disturbances like the rapid change in the course of some river. The visible absence of boundaries representing the nation state also allowed a free flow of people. The region thus helped in the growth of a distinctively hybrid space of ecology and linguistic practices." (Saikia 2012:17) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "The Bodos were continuously, albeit slowly, on the move for a long period. This practice was fairly true for most communities who resisted any entry into the formal state-led fiscal system whether it was the Mughal, Koch and Ahom rulers or the British colonial government." (Saikia 2012:17) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "The consolidation of the Hindu Assamese peasantry in the flat fertile valley over the past few centuries had demarcated agrarian boundaries. The tribal peasantry was further boxed inside a fixed geography, a process that made them strangers within the Hindu Assamese agrarian territory." (Saikia 2012:17) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "Historically, they lived closer to the forested areas along the foothills of the lower Himalayan ranges (Allen 1905)" (Saikia 2012:15) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "The Bodos have innovatively re-engineered the water flow into these areas and created a localised irrigation system (Guha 1982). But this did not support an overall production of surplus crop... The low-cost irrigation works facilitated through community labour did not stand against their tradition of shifting agriculture..." (Saikia 2012:15) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "[H]istorically the Bodos have practised communal landownership. This was equally true in their preference for collective labour which was needed for irrigation works and during the sowing or harvesting seasons; even hunting was a collective effort." (Saikia 2012:16) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "For long, the Bodo remained shifting cultivators in a flat valley. At least till the 18th century, they were yet to be fixed into a permanent geography. This meant they would hardly practise a permanent form of cultivation though slowly they became less mobile" (Saikia 2012:16) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "During colonial rule, a majority of Bodo peasants, like many others in the Brahmaputra Valley refused to accept permanent land tenure." (Saikia 2012:16) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "Colonial rule even failed to infuse a permanent nature of cultivation among the Bodos. This was true for most tribal communities of the region. The Bodos rarely tried to secure written records of landownership." (Saikia 2012:16) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • (Saikia 2012:16–17) Saikia, Arupjyoti (2012). "The Historical Geography of the Assam Violence". Economic and Political Weekly (analysis). 47 (41): 15–18. JSTOR 41720234.
  • "A principal aim in mid-19th century Assam was to flush out native peasants from the land, as documented in government reports and arbitrary land revenue increments. They were to be coerced into surrendering what Marx called "conditions of labour" to the tea planters; an achievement that was to ensure a ready reserve army of labour." (Das & Saikia 2011:73) Das, Debarshi; Saikia, Arupjyoti (2011). "Early Twentieth Century Agrarian Assam: A Brief and Preliminary Overview". Economic and Political Weekly. 46 (41): 73–80. JSTOR 23047190.
  • "From the colonial period, the Bodos have been defining themselves as a community in opposition to other communities. The Bodo-educated elites and intelligentsia have been articulating their divergence from the Assamese caste Hindu society and highlighting issues like land alienation and social and economic backwardness." (Pathak 2012:20) Pathak, Suryasikha (2012). "Ethnic Violence in Bodoland". Economic and Political Weekly. 47 (34): 19–23. JSTOR 41720055.
  • "Kalicharan Brahma, Sitanath Brahma Choudhary among the Kacharis and Samsonsing Ingti among the Mikirs were the real pioneers. Their attempts to redefine tradition, adjusting to colonial modernity, were also the first steps towards the construction of the tribal identity." (Pathak 2010:62) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "On the question of territorial transfer of Goalpara to Bengal, members of the various Kachari organisations claimed themselves to be Assamese on the basis of cultural affinity. As mentioned earlier, Kalicharan Brahma's efforts to introduce Assamese as the medium of instruction also point to a parallel political and cultural identification to an Assamese identity." (Pathak 2010:62) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "In order to safeguard their interests, "the community demanded separate representative in the local council and one reserved seat for the Bodos in the Central Legislature". They deplored their backwardness and recognised education as a means of development and fight against exploitation. They complained that they were illiterate because "our people are always misled, they cannot understand the value of reforms, they cannot save themselves from the hands of the foreign moneylenders". The leaders, as representatives of respective tribes, used the colonial imagery of the tribe as backward, semi-savage, ignorant to put forward their political claims and for seeking colonial protection." (Pathak 2010:62) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • (Gupta 2019:109–112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.
  • "While this largely pertained to central and southern India, the northeast was shown to have had a somewhat different trajectory, where indigenous communities represented a third category which descended from the ‘great wave of Mongoloid immigration southward’. It was stated that since the Indo-Aryans did not penetrate these areas till long after their own original traditions had been lost, the northeast constituted a discrete space, requiring separate legislation." (Gupta 2019:112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.
  • "The "Plains Tribes" category was invented by the colonial authorities to ethnographically classify the tribal section of the population in the plains, which was later, after the 1935 Act, given the status of a separate constituency. The tribal elite appropriated this construction to articulate their political aspirations. (Pathak 2010:62) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "The early 20th century saw the emergence of various associations within these communities, which culminated in the emergence of the Tribal League in 1933." (Pathak 2010:62) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "The formation and emergence of the Tribal League in 1933 as a common platform of all the Plains Tribes also involved a parallel process in self-representation. The numerically small, educated tribal elite attempted to define their tribal identity as a "community of the Plains Tribes". The Tribal League envisioned the unity of the various tribal communities. Thus, there emerged the single, monolithic notion of the "Plains Tribes". (Pathak 2010:62) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "'Plains Tribes' is a term used in the contemporary political and administrative discourse from the 1930s when it was introduced by the British as a generic term clubbing the valley tribes like the Kacharis (Bodos), Mikirs (Karbis), Miris (Mishings), Lalung (Tiwa) and Rabhas together." (Pathak 2010:61) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "While the hill tribes of north-east India were constrained by colonial laws barring them from active politics, the plain tribes were not." (Pathak 2010:61) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "Parallel to the efforts of the colonial state and ethnographers to define and locate the "tribal" of the Brahmaputra valley... The Mels inspired tribal conventions (like the Kachari convention, Miri convention, etc), matured the nascent "tribal" consciousness, which resulted in the formation of the Tribal League as a mode of organised tribal politics." (Pathak 2010:61) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.
  • "In 1937, the Muslim League moved a resolution for the abolition of the Line system.21 Members of the Tribal League, Rabi Chandra Kachari, and Rupnath Brahma opposed the resolution and it was eventually withdrawn. (Pathak 2010:62) Pathak, Suryasikha (2010). "Tribal Politics in the Assam: 1933-1947". Economic and Political Weekly. 45 (10): 61–69. JSTOR 25664196.

kcl.ac.uk

kclpure.kcl.ac.uk

legislative.gov.in

mha.gov.in

minorityrights.org

  • "Boro (Bodo)". Minority Rights Group. 30 June 2020. Retrieved 27 November 2020.

nehu.ac.in

dspace.nehu.ac.in

  • "The people very seldom call themselves by any other name other than Bodo or Boro".(Mosahary 1983:42) Mosahary, R N (1983). "The Boros: Their Origin, Migration and Settlement in Assam" (PDF). Proceedings of Northeast India History Association. Barapani: Northeast India History Association. pp. 42–70. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 July 2019. Retrieved 30 June 2019.
  • "...we have references to the term Bara-fisa meaning child of the Baras and the term Bara-fisa must have been subsequently termed as simply as Bara pronounced as Boro. Dr P C Bhattacharya writes that like other tribal names in Assam the name Bara stands for man or male member (Mosahary 1983:44) Mosahary, R N (1983). "The Boros: Their Origin, Migration and Settlement in Assam" (PDF). Proceedings of Northeast India History Association. Barapani: Northeast India History Association. pp. 42–70. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 July 2019. Retrieved 30 June 2019.

nenow.in

oapen.org

library.oapen.org

  • By 1921 the census reported that many Kacharis had abandoned tribal names and were describing themselves as Bara by caste and language(Sharma 2011:211) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "Twentieth-century Bodo Kachari publicists contributed an important new voice to Assam’s public sphere. Until the late nineteenth century few Kacharis had the wherewithal to obtain a high school or college education." (Sharma 2011:208) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "By the early twentieth century a small Kachari public emerged from among petty traders, schoolteachers, and small-time contractors. Its participants sought out alternatives to the limited mobility offered by established Hinduism." (Sharma 2011:210) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "The founder of this movement was Kalicharan (1860–1938), a Kachari trader based in Goalpara. A Bengali mendicant, Sibnarayan Paramhansa, inspired him to venerate Brahma, the Supreme Soul. Kalicharan summoned comrades to join him in a new, monotheistic faith whose members adopted a new surname, Brahma, in place of their older, demeaning tribal names. Simultaneously they claimed a new Bodo identity." (Sharma 2011:211) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "Modernizing Bodos felt that they had to distinguish themselves from savage tribal neighbours such as Nagas while resisting caste domination."(Sharma 2011:213) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "Previously, educated Kacharis like Rupnath possessed few options for social mobility other than absorption into the Hindu lower castes. The Brahma religion offered him and his peers a new opportunity to assert a respectable and autonomous Bodo identity." (Sharma 2011:211) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "By 1921 the census reported that many Kacharis had abandoned tribal names and were describing themselves as Bara [sic] by caste and language, and Brahma by religion." (Sharma 2011:211) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "Quite in Hodgson’s fashion, the S.P.G. missionary Sidney Endle, who wrote about the Kacharis at the end of the nineteenth century, praised them as diligent aboriginals. But he was less interested in their economic redemption than in the spiritual. Endle’s main objective was the Christian conversion of his Kachari flock." (Sharma 2011:210) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "Jadunath accepted the notion of a greater Bodo race which would unite different groups. Yet in contrast to Kalicharan and his followers, he wished to retain the name Kachari. He criticized the term Bodo as a neologism which denied the Kachari historical legacy: If we ourselves see the name Kachari as shameful so will other groups. In this manner Jadunath sought to reclaim past Kachari contributions to Assamese culture and literature. He reminded his readers that the Kachari language [was the one] from whose roots sprang the present Asomiya language, whose king was the first patron of the religion and its books. Jadunath voiced the views of those Bodos who felt that they might lose their claim to the rich heritage of Assam’s medieval Kachari and Koch kingdoms." (Sharma 2011:213) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • (Sharma 2011:212–213) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "It is not easy to reconstruct the thoughts and actions of this nascent Bodo public, since constituents had limited access to social capital and print media. Ideas and structures were constantly in flux as they flowed through multiple organizations and meetings. Fragmentary traces of Bodo publicists' ideas appear in the rare pamphlets that have survived in archives. These reveal the divergent approaches to social progress that were on offer." (Sharma 2011:213) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "Association members were urged to abjure pork, alcohol, and the practice of animal sacrifice to the gods. Bodo women were exhorted to follow the examples of legendary females such as the virtuous wife Sita of the Ramayana epic in their lives and conduct." (Sharma 2011:213) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "The Bodo associations often sought patronage from established Assamese figures who showed sympathy to the Bodo cause. For example, the tea planter Bisturam Barua received the title of Kachari Raja for his financial support of the community's events." (Sharma 2011:212) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.
  • "In the vacuum created by the absence of an acknowledged history of state formation, colonial observers and Assamese élites had wrongly dismissed Bodo Kacharis as a primitive people." (Sharma 2011:213) Sharma, Jayeeta (2011). Empire's Garden: Assam and the Making of India (PDF). Duke University Press.

rajbhasha.gov.in

scroll.in

semanticscholar.org

api.semanticscholar.org

  • "All these accounts confirm that the Bodo tribe followed slash and burn cultivation. Although wet rice cultivation and plow were a characteristic of the Indo-Aryans, Bodos transitioned from using these methods of cultivation by the 1870s due to closer contact with settled populations." (Daimari & Bedamatta 2021:709) Daimari, Mizinksa; Bedamatta, Rajshree (2021). "The State of Bodo Peasantry in Modern-Day Assam: Evidence from Majrabari Village in the Bodoland Territorial Area Districts". The Indian Journal of Labour Economics. 64 (3): 705–730. doi:10.1007/s41027-021-00328-8. S2CID 240506155.
  • (Gupta 2019:109–112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.
  • "While this largely pertained to central and southern India, the northeast was shown to have had a somewhat different trajectory, where indigenous communities represented a third category which descended from the ‘great wave of Mongoloid immigration southward’. It was stated that since the Indo-Aryans did not penetrate these areas till long after their own original traditions had been lost, the northeast constituted a discrete space, requiring separate legislation." (Gupta 2019:112) Gupta, Sanjukta Das (2019). "Imagining the 'Tribe' in Colonial and Post-colonial India". Politeja. 16 (2(59)): 107–121. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.59.07. hdl:11573/1366269. JSTOR 26916356. S2CID 212430509.

sentinelassam.com

sil.org

iso639-3.sil.org

southasiajournal.net

telegraphindia.com

thebetterindia.com

thehindu.com

theweek.in

tribal.gov.in

repository.tribal.gov.in

udalguri.gov.in

  • "HOME". udalguri.gov.in. Archived from the original on 10 April 2017. Retrieved 2 April 2017.

web.archive.org

worldcat.org

yahoo.com

in.news.yahoo.com