Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Bunjevci" in English language version.
Složeni kulturno-političkiidentitet odrazio se i na složenost etničkog imena, pa su se podunavski Hrvatitijekom 18. stoljeća nazivali brojnim imenima, koja su zajedno s njima dola-zila i opstala kroz višestoljetne migracije. Tako su u to vrijeme Hrvati na području ugarskog Podunavlja bili istovremeno nazivani Hrvatima, Racima, Bošnjacima, Ilirima, Bunjevcima, Šokcima i Dalmatincima. U pojedinim jenaseljima prevladavalo subetničko ime one grupe koja je bila najbrojnija ilione koja je posljednja doselila, pa su se baranjski Hrvati uglavnom nazivali Bošnjacima i Šokcima, a u Bačkoj su bila najviše zastupljena imena Bunjevac i Dalmatinac.
The emergence of the Bunjevci as an early modern ethnicity took place in the Dalmatian hinterland in the late 16th century among the Slavicized Vlachs, who had been coming from Herzegovina since at least the 15th century. The Vlach community, among whom religious affiliation originally was not particularly important, began to polarize into Orthodox and Catholics at that time. The polarization was a consequence of the stronger presence among the Vlachs of both Orthodox and Catholic missionaries after the restoration of the Serbian Patriarchy in Peć in 1557 and after the Council of Trent, held between 1545 and 1563. The decisive event that cemented the division of the Vlachs was the adoption of the Gregorian calendar by the Roman Catholic Church in 1582, after which the differences between Orthodox and Catholics became visible in everyday life. The newly established ethnic boundary was reinforced by members of the two groups of the Vlachs giving each other pejorative names. It is in this context that the name Bunjevac was used by the Orthodox Vlachs as an offensive name for their Catholic neighbours. It seems they connected it with the verb bunjati [talknonsense], which referred to their use of the unintelligible Latin language in church.
Bunjevački jezik u javnoj upotribi. Dakle, za onaj jezik za koji mi kažemo jezik, a zvanično je priznat ko dijalekat.
He was furious when Yugoslavia was formally abolished, so he has created his own Yugoslavia on the property of his own printing works, with himself as president.
According to a similar argument, many Croats also preferred to declare themselves as Bunjevac in order to avoid being stigmatised as Croats, thus increasing the number of self-declared Bunjevci in the 1990s. These factors are true to a large degree, but are definitely not the only ones for national identification as Bunjevac. There have been grass-root demands for the recognition of a separate Bunjevac nation.
A few Bunjevac leaders and political activists, who are influential in the Bunjevac National Council, are strongly involved in developing a "national" identity of Bunjevci: stimulating folklore activities, and searching for political and linguistic support to transform Bunjevac dialect in to a distinct language.
Smatra se da vode poreklo od Dardana odnosno Dačana, koji su se pred najezdom Bugara doselili na prostore Panonije i Ilirije, sve do Jadranskog mora odnosno Dalmacije u VI veku.
Határozott szándékunk valamennyi bunyevác kultúrájának megőrizése - legyen az illető bunyevác, bunyevác-horvát, vagy magát bunyevác származású magyarnak, szerbnek vagy bármely más nemzetiségűnek valló
Census-taking in Serbia is particularly important as the results dictate budgetary fund allocations for each respective ministry; as such, the need for accuracy cannot be overstated
The Bunjevac question represents a socio-political problem in the Republic of Serbia, which comes from different interpretations of identity of the Bunjevac people from Bačka in Vojvodina. The majority of the Bunjevac ethnonym carriers are deeply divided by that issue into two dominant sides, which can, in the political sense, be regarded as two separate Bunjevac communities. One is composed of those Bunjevac people who interpret their identity as a sub-ethnic group belonging to the Croatian ethnic community and hence to the Croatian nation. Based on that, they represent a part of the Croatian national minority in Serbia. The other community is composed of those Bunjevac people who consider themselves being a separate ethnic community and as such they have been recognized as a separate national minority in Serbia since 2002. At the same time, all carriers of the ethnonym Bunjevac generalize their identity discourse onto all Bunjevac people and consider all of them to be constituting one community which is split inside. In this paper we analyse this problem fundamentally starting with the constructivist paradigm, especially with the theoretical approach of Fredrik Barth (1969), who emphasizes the relational character of identity of ethnic communities, which is evident in the selection of symbols which are used by both communities to establish boundaries between themselves. We examine that process in more detail through the concept of identity politics. It includes all forms of activities carried out by the actors on the position of power, aimed at constructing the identity of a certain community, seeking its recognition in the broader society on the one hand, and acting within the community by choosing the symbols which make them distinguished in the community, on the other hand. This type of activity of the two Bunjevac communities leads to their mutual symbolic conflict. It is noticeable on the example of affirmative campaigns carried out before the 2011 census in Serbia. However, the focus of the analysis is directed towards dužijanca, which represents a public event of great symbolic meaning for both of the Bunjevac communities. Because of their mutually opposed identity discourse, they both organize it as parallel events. By applying the typology of symbolic conflict proposed by Simon Harrison (1995) we point out in the conclusion the complexity of the Bunjevac question itself, which actually arises from the essentialist understanding of the nature of collective identity.
The Morlach society, known in medieval sources also under the name of Vlachs, was not new to the Dalmatian communities and those mentioned in written sources before the major Ottoman intrusions were mostly composed of pre-Roman-Roman-Slavic fragments of predominately shepherd groups. The Vlach/Morlachs who moved to the Ottoman areas in the Dalmatian hinterland, had by 1573 mostly moved from the areas of Bosnia (where they had once previously moved to during the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia and Herzegovina). These were migrations controlled and planned by the Ottoman government. The Morlachs were mostly enrolled as Ottoman irregular military troops called martolosi. Martolosi were also the main actors in the slave trade on the Ottoman border. They were predominantly Slavic-Christians (mostly Orthodox from eastern Herzegovina and western Montenegro, but there was also a significant number of Catholics from western Herzegovina known as Bunjevci).
Kod mlade generacije javlja se buđenje interesa prema etničkom identitetu i unatoč prisutnosti različitih kulturnih sredina, to ne dovodi u pitanje naslijeđenu bunjevačku baštinu, njegovu vrijednost i legitimitet koji sve više dolazi u dodir s matičnom zemljom Hrvatskom i suvremenim "hrvatstvom".
Most of the people living in the village identified as Bunjevci, an ethnic category closely associated with Catholic belonging and the use of a Bunjevac language variety that was completely mutually intelligible with standard Serbian and Croatian language varieties.
The Presidency of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, in a session held on 12 September 2014, made the following statement explaining that the Bunjevci Croats form an integral part of the Croatian national corpus. The Presidency of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, one of the fundamental institutions of the Croatian nation and of all the citizens of the Republic of Croatia, among the roles of which belongs the preservation of national identity, made the following statement in a session held on 12 September 2014: The Bunjevci, a Croatian ethnic group, are made up of three branches: the Dalmatian-Herzegovinian branch; the Primorje-Lika branch; and the Danube Region branch. Not encroaching on the right of any individual to express their national affiliation based on their origin, history, traditional culture, customs and language – the western new-Štokavian and Ikavian – the Bunjevci Croats form an integral part of the Croatian national corpus.
... there are problems with "faking" a particular national minority background in order to benefit from affirmative action measures. In this context, the question can be raised whether there are limits to self-identification, i.e. whether belonging to a particular ethnic group can be based solely on one's sentiments or is self-identification limited by objective criteria.
... there are problems with "faking" a particular national minority background in order to benefit from affirmative action measures. In this context, the question can be raised whether there are limits to self-identification, i.e. whether belonging to a particular ethnic group can be based solely on one's sentiments or is self-identification limited by objective criteria.
From the scientific and linguistic point of view, we can say that it is a traditional Croatian language. Numerous records speak of this, all Croatian linguists, all world Slavic linguists, and even leading Serbian linguists have never questioned the Croatian origin of the Bunjevac dialect. Željko Jozić
Bunjevci su, dakle, Vlasi romanskog i ilirskog podrijetla, Morlaci ili crni Vlasi, odnosno katolički Raci ili južni Slaveni. Na područje balkanskog poluotoka naseljavaju se u 10. stoljeću, a na današnji hrvatski prostor od Cetine do Velebita dolaze u 14. stoljeću. Pojam Vlah danas se koristi za nomadske stočare, odnosno novopridošlo stanovništvo (vlaji), najčešće ono koje iz zaleđa dolazi na priobalje. Radi se o narodu koji se mnogo bunio i selio, ratničkom narodu određenom migracijama. Bunjevce dijelimo u tri ogranka – primorsko-lički, dalmatinski i podunavski.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)Povodom odluke Skupštine grada Subotice izglasane 4. ožujka da se tzv. bunjevački jezik uvrsti kao službeni u Statut Grada Subotice, dopis našem Uredništvu poslao je umirovljeni odvjetnik Grgo Bačlija, koji je s skupa Markom Peićem, autor Rečnika bačkih Bunjevaca iz 1990. godine. Drugo, dopunjeno izdanje toga rječnika objavljeno je 2018. u nakladi Bunjevačkog nacionalnog savita i Matice srpske i smatra se jednim od temelja standardizacije tzv. bunjevačkog jezika u Srbiji. Bačlija ističe kako su se Peić i on, prilikom istraživanja u Bajskom trokutu za potrebe rječnika, vodili činjenicom da se radi o govoru, odnosno dijalektu Bunjevaca a ne o jeziku. Podsjeća i da je rječnik izišao kao prva knjiga u ediciji Dijalekatski rečnici Matice srpske.
Časnu sestru Eleonoru Merković, odgovornu i zaslužnu za brojna hodačašća mladih u Taizé, poznatu i po svom misionarskom radu, mnogi Subotičani i mještani okolnih naselja znaju i po njenoj ljubavi prema bunjevačkoj nošnji, koju desetljećima sakuplja, šije, posuđuje i u nju oblači mlade i djecu – sudionike proslava velikih kršćanskih blagdana te najvećih manifestacija bunjevačkih Hrvata.
The Magyarization (Hungarianization) of Hungarian Croats proceeded according to their social structures and status. Their aristocracy with Hungarian identity underwent this process first, followed by the assimilation of the citizens in the 19th century and the early 20th century. This does not mean that, in border towns during the first half of the 20th century, most of the aforementioned were not bilingual (or trilingual), but their identities had mostly become Hungarian by then, and in the mid-20th century homogeneous Croat communities were only found in rural environments.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)During and after the Yugoslav War, Serbian academic circles (fueled to a high degree by nationalism) also started to emphasize the theory that the Bunjevci (and the Sokci) were indeed Catholic Serbs.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)Bunjevački govori, koji pripadaju novoštokavskomu ikavskom dijalektu štokavskoga narječja hrvatskoga jezika, a govore se u dijelovima Dalmatinske zagore, Ravnih kotara, Like, Primorja, Gorskoga kotara, Bosne i Hercegovine, Srbije i Mađarske, na inicijativu Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje upisani su u listopadu 2021. u Registar kulturnih dobara Republike Hrvatske kao nematerijalno kulturno dobro.
Institut za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje uputio je Ministarstvu kulture RH prijedlog da se bunjevački govor proglasi hrvatskom nematerijalnom kulturnom baštinom, kao važan čin pomoći bunjevačkomu govoru i svim Bunjevcima u Hrvatskoj i inozemstvu.
Bunjevački govori pripadaju novoštokavskom ikavskom dijalektu štokavskoga narječja hrvatskoga jezika. Govore se u dijelovima Dalmatinske zagore, Ravnih kotara, Like, Primorja, Gorskoga kotara, Slavonije i Baranje. Tim se govorima govori i u Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji i Mađarskoj. Povijesno i etnološki razlikuju se tri ogranka: podunavski (Bačka, južna Mađarska i okolica Budimpešte), primorsko-lički (Hrvatsko primorje, Lika i Gorski kotar) te dalmatinski Bunjevci (Dalmacija s dinarskim zaleđem, jugozapadna Bosna i Hercegovina). Svim je Bunjevcima prostorno ishodište jugoistočno dinarsko-jadransko granično područje, a vremensko je ishodište razdoblje srednjega vijeka. Bunjevački ogranci prema povijesnim, etnološkim i lingvističkim istraživanjima pokazuju kulturnu povezanost i bliskost.
Osporavanja koja iznose u istupima političari isprid hrvatske nacionalne manjine u Srbiji, i nekih krugova u Hrvatskoj, smatramo narušavanjem međunacionalni odnosa, nepoštovanjem ljudski i manjinski prava, i vriđanjem na nacionalnoj osnovi, jer u suštini iznose stav da Bunjevci nisu autohtona nacionalna manjina, nego etnička grupa Hrvata, ili kako to u žargonu definišu – „bunjevački Hrvati" i da bunjevački jezik nije maternji jezik Bunjevaca nego dijalekt hrvatskog jezika. Zaista je neshvatljivo i neprihvatljivo da i danas zastupaju stav, koji proističe iz navedene Naredbe iz 1945-te godine – da su Bunjevci Hrvati, kao da je taj akt i danas u zvaničnoj primeni.
Cultural autonomy, reflected in a form of self-government in the areas of education, use of language and media control, establishment of specific associations, foundations, etc. transform into a relevant flow of financial means. In effect, leading a minority council stands for disposal of finances, governing various institutions and controlling minority's media. Therefore the leaders within one minority group are likely to turn against each other, rather than cooperate. The financial and economic benefits may constitute a strong argument for a leadership and influential tools in an impoverished society. Competition there is also very likely to happened, with all of it consequences.
While language previously had been a means to unite Balkan Slavs, it became an instrument of nationalism wielded by politically motivated actors to widen the division among the ethnicities. Language disputes did not destroy Yugoslavia, but they may hinder recovery and modernization. As each Yugoslav successor state strives toward integration into the European Union, political questions concerning language may polarize domestic politics and inhibit regional cooperation, thereby hampering efforts to carry out needed economic and political reforms
DECISION."Official Gazette of RS", No. 18 of March 9, 2018. The standard of the Bunjevac language is determined:- the established standard must be applied in textbooks and teaching of the Bunjevac language / speech;- the established standard must be applied in the media registered in order to achieve the public interest of information in the Bunjevac language;- The National Council of the Bunjevac National Minority may support in co-financing only those publications in the Bunjevac language that are in accordance with the established standard of the Bunjevac language;
(Jovan Erdeljanović beleži ovaj običaj u Sinjskoj krajini pod imenom „Doženjancija", u Lici „Dožinjancija", a u dalmatinskoj Zagori „Dožencija")
The cultural historian Ante Sekulić (Tavankut, 16. XI. 1920 – Zagreb, 18. III. 2016), who himself belonged to the Bunjevac community, asserted that they were Slavicized Vlachs that converted to Catholicism.
"After the battle of Mohacs (1526) and the fall of Buda (1541), the middle third of the medieval kingdom of Hungary was occupied by the Turks. Large numbers of southern Slavs moved into the Turkish-occupied areas of Hungary. While many of these people were Catholics, overall the Catholic Church in Hungary was significantly weakened by the effects of the Reformation.(pp.409) Franciscan friars appeared in Bosnia at the end of the thirteenth century. They were given the task of challenging the Bogomil heretic church. The Pope declared the whole of Bosnian Kingdom to be a missionary territory and appointed the Franciscans as local inquisitors." (pp.410).
Following the worldwide acceptance of dual citizenship since the 1990s, millions of people in Latin America, Eastern Europe and elsewhere have secured a second citizenship from a Western or European Union country on the basis of their ancestry, ethnicity, place of birth or migration history. I refer to this phenomenon as "compensatory citizenship," since the second citizenship does not necessarily lead to emigration; instead, it acts as insurance policy, enhancer of opportunities and mobility and even status symbol
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)Postoje mnoge teorije o poreklu Bunjevaca. Vuk Karadžić izneo je pretpostavku da se Bunjevci zovu po hercegovačkoj reci Buni, sa koje su doselili u Bačku. Za Bunjevce se sigurno zna, da su kao katolici došli u Bačku, u pratnji kotoličkih kaluđera, a sem toga ih u svim tadašnjim vojnim dokumentima nazivaju katoličkim Srbima. Doselili su se sa teritorije oko Svilaje i Dinare, najpre u Liku i Slavoniju, a zatim i na teritorije u kojima i danas žive. Bunjevci se u najstarijoj mađarskoj literaturi najčešće nazivaju upravo Bunjevcima, katoličkim Racima, Ilirima ili Dalmatima. Dr Aleksa Ivić navodi da se Bunjevci u najstarijoj literaturi najčešće nazivaju katoličkim Srbima, a tek kasnije Dalmatincima i Bunjevcima. Prošlost i poreklo Bunjevaca nepoznato je, tako reći i za njih same i za ostali svet, jer se nije nigde očuvao nikakav pouzdan podatak, koji bi u tom pogledu dao verodostojna razjašnjenja.
Tu su se izmiješali s tamošnjim starosjediocima, koji su ih, po svoj prilici, i prozvali Bunjevcima, kao ljude koji žive i stanuju u bunjama, tj. u primitivnim kućama, najčešće okrugla, rjeđe četvrtasta oblika, zidanih u suho i različitog od tipa primorskih kuća.
The valid data from the mountain of Velebit and Dinara suggest a possibility that the pre-Indo-European population the carriers of the Alpine type of cattle breeding was present in the Dinaric Mountains, there underwent Indoeuropaisation and Romanisation, but preserved the old type of cattle breeding. In the eastern regions, in the central Balkan, another type of cattle breeding, transhumanic, was also existent and contained its typical elements, but was also present in several variants, and also possibly inherited from the older population (Morlaci) which was Romanised during the Roman rule in this region, but which differed from the Þrst one. During the historically confirmed migrations during the middle ages, which were initiated by the Turkish occupation of the region, the Morlacs carried with themselves the newly accepted eastern (Orthodox) Christianity, ijekavian dialect and the transhumanic type of cattle breeding and were mixed, almost to the point of non-recognition, with the older Alpine Vlachs which we know as Bunjevci
The Morlach society, known in medieval sources also under the name of Vlachs, was not new to the Dalmatian communities and those mentioned in written sources before the major Ottoman intrusions were mostly composed of pre-Roman-Roman-Slavic fragments of predominately shepherd groups. The Vlach/Morlachs who moved to the Ottoman areas in the Dalmatian hinterland, had by 1573 mostly moved from the areas of Bosnia (where they had once previously moved to during the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia and Herzegovina). These were migrations controlled and planned by the Ottoman government. The Morlachs were mostly enrolled as Ottoman irregular military troops called martolosi. Martolosi were also the main actors in the slave trade on the Ottoman border. They were predominantly Slavic-Christians (mostly Orthodox from eastern Herzegovina and western Montenegro, but there was also a significant number of Catholics from western Herzegovina known as Bunjevci).
Kod mlade generacije javlja se buđenje interesa prema etničkom identitetu i unatoč prisutnosti različitih kulturnih sredina, to ne dovodi u pitanje naslijeđenu bunjevačku baštinu, njegovu vrijednost i legitimitet koji sve više dolazi u dodir s matičnom zemljom Hrvatskom i suvremenim "hrvatstvom".
... nevjesta na svadbenom piru ljubi svatove i za poljubac dobiva uzdarje u novcu. Taj je običaj zabilježen u svih regionalnih skupina podunavskih Bunjevaca: u Somboru i Subotici i u okolici u Bačkoj, u Baji i u okolici u južnoj Mađarskoj te u okolici Budimpešte, a traga mu ima i u primorsko-ličkih Bunjevaca.
Bùnjevci... etn. Hrvati naseljeni u Bačkoj, koji su se u 17. st. doselili iz Kliškog i Krčkog sandžaka (kraj oko Zrmanje)...
Od 2007. godine u škole se uvodi izborni predmet Bunjevački govor sa elementima nacionalne kulture, a predmet nakon standardizacije jezika menja svoj naziv u Bunjevački jezik sa elementima nacionalne kulture.
Bunjevačke Hrvate nisu stvorili komunisti. Nisu ih stvorili jer ih nisu ni mogli stvoriti. Bunjevci su se izjašnjavali Hrvatima i prije 1945. godine. Zapravo, izjašnjavali su se već i prije 1918. godine, ali je poznato da je hrvatstvo Bunjevaca bilo proganjano i prije i poslije Prvoga svjetskog rata. Ipak, nakon dugotrajne borbe bački su Bunjevci konačno uoči Drugoga svjetskog rata uspjeli biti prihvaćeni kao Hrvati. Uspjeli su to u monarhističkoj Jugoslaviji i to zato jer su srpski političari tada odlučili prekinuti neprijateljstvo prema Hrvatima.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)Prvi Hrvati koji su se doselili u Mađarsku bili su bosanski franjevci koji su se u Segedinu već 1339. udomili u donjogradskoj crkvi Gospe Sniježne i u franjevačkom samostanu. (p.58) Prva značajnija migracija među Bunjevcima izazvana je turskim osvajanjima u Bosni, Hercegovini i Dalmaciji. Turci su na novoosvojenim područjima uveli svoj sustav vlasti, a lojalnim građanima su smatrali one južne Slavene koji su prihvatili islam. (p.59) Pater Bernardin Únyi ističe kako su Turci domicilno pučanstvo prisiljavali da se odreknu svoje vjeroispovijesti. Tko to nije bio voljan učiniti, konfiscirali su mu imovinu i podvrgnuli su ga različitim torturama. Imućniji sloj pučanstva i bogumili, u namjeri da spase život i imovinu, prešli su na islamsku vjeroispovijest. (p.60) Oni su kasnije postali begovi. Velik dio puka izabrao je ipak radije izbjeglištvo, nego odricanje od svoje vjeroispovijesti. (p.61) Tako su katolički Slaveni s područja oko Mostara, Nevesinja, Blagaja, Stolca i Počitelja najkraćim putom pošli preko Metkovića i Gabele u izbjeglištvo, te su se naselili u južnoj Dalmaciji. Na područje Like i Krbave prvi Bunjevci pristigli su oko 1550.-1551. godine te su se do 17. stoljeća postupno naseljavali u tome području. (p.62) Turci su, međutim, nastavili s provalama u hrvatsko državno područje, pa je dio Bunjevaca prinukan na novo izbjeglištvo. Tada su novu domovinu pronašli na sjeveroistoku, u području između Dunava i Tise.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)According to the Bunjevac National Council's website, the Bunjevci are Dacians who in the sixth century fled to Herzegovina and Dalmatia (now western Bosnia and southern Croatia) when Bulgarians invaded their lands in present-day Romania.
It appears that the concept of standardization, whatever it may mean to the various parties involved, occupies a central position, or – actually – the central position in the Bunyev language debate, for it looks as though it is only thanks to standardization that a speech variety may gain the label of language.
Bis in die 1990er-Jahre wurde diese Sprache einheitlich offiziell als Serbokroatisch/Kroatoserbisch, inoffiziell als Serbisch und Kroatisch bezeichnet. Den Namen Serbokroatisch verwendete erstmals Jacob Grimm im Vorwort zu seiner Übersetzung der Kleinen Serbischen Grammatik (1824) von Vuk Stefanović Karadžić. Im Jahre 1836 benutzt Jernej Kopitar den Ausdruck "serbochorvatica sive chorvatocoserbica". P. Budmani veröffentlichte 1867 die Grammatica della lingua serbo-croata (illirica), und im Jahre 1877 erschien die Grammaire de la language serbo-croate des Kroaten Dragutin Pančić. Die Sprache, beziehungsweise die Sprachen, die aus dem ehemaligen Serbokroatischen entstanden sind, stellen ein kompliziertes soziolinguistisches Phänomen dar. Diese Komplexität ist gegeben, weil eine genetisch identische Sprache von (1) mehreren Nationen (Serben, Montenegrinen, Kroaten, Muslime/Bosniaken), (2) mehreren Religionen (Orthodoxen, Katholiken, Muslimen) gesprochen wird und weil diese Sprache (3) eine breite dialektologische Gliederung (das Štokavische, das Čakavische, das Kajkavische), (4) verschiedene Aussprachen (das Ekavische, das Ijekavische, das Ikavische) und (5) zwei Schriften (Lateinschrift, Kyrillica) aufweist.
ostaci povijesnokulturnoga naslijeđa poput tragova kulta predaka (krsno ime, krsna slava), [...] mnogo pak govore o akulturacijskim tijekovima koji su zahvaćali bunjevačke zajednice.
U osnovnim školama na teritoriji AP Vojvodine, pored nastave na srpskom jeziku, nastava se ostvaruje i na još pet jezika (mađarski, slovački, rumunski, rusinski i hrvatski). Pored redovne nastave na navedenim jezicima, učenicima je omogućeno i izučavanje mađarskog, slovačkog, rumunskog, rusinskog i hrvatskog jezika, kao i još šest jezika (ukrajinski, bunjevački, romski, bugarski, makedonski i češki), što je ukupno jedanaest jezika u okviru izborne nastave – Maternji jezik / govor sa elementima nacionalne kulture. 11.05.2021
Bùnjevci... etn. Hrvati naseljeni u Bačkoj, koji su se u 17. st. doselili iz Kliškog i Krčkog sandžaka (kraj oko Zrmanje)...
Povodom odluke Skupštine grada Subotice izglasane 4. ožujka da se tzv. bunjevački jezik uvrsti kao službeni u Statut Grada Subotice, dopis našem Uredništvu poslao je umirovljeni odvjetnik Grgo Bačlija, koji je s skupa Markom Peićem, autor Rečnika bačkih Bunjevaca iz 1990. godine. Drugo, dopunjeno izdanje toga rječnika objavljeno je 2018. u nakladi Bunjevačkog nacionalnog savita i Matice srpske i smatra se jednim od temelja standardizacije tzv. bunjevačkog jezika u Srbiji. Bačlija ističe kako su se Peić i on, prilikom istraživanja u Bajskom trokutu za potrebe rječnika, vodili činjenicom da se radi o govoru, odnosno dijalektu Bunjevaca a ne o jeziku. Podsjeća i da je rječnik izišao kao prva knjiga u ediciji Dijalekatski rečnici Matice srpske.
Bis in die 1990er-Jahre wurde diese Sprache einheitlich offiziell als Serbokroatisch/Kroatoserbisch, inoffiziell als Serbisch und Kroatisch bezeichnet. Den Namen Serbokroatisch verwendete erstmals Jacob Grimm im Vorwort zu seiner Übersetzung der Kleinen Serbischen Grammatik (1824) von Vuk Stefanović Karadžić. Im Jahre 1836 benutzt Jernej Kopitar den Ausdruck "serbochorvatica sive chorvatocoserbica". P. Budmani veröffentlichte 1867 die Grammatica della lingua serbo-croata (illirica), und im Jahre 1877 erschien die Grammaire de la language serbo-croate des Kroaten Dragutin Pančić. Die Sprache, beziehungsweise die Sprachen, die aus dem ehemaligen Serbokroatischen entstanden sind, stellen ein kompliziertes soziolinguistisches Phänomen dar. Diese Komplexität ist gegeben, weil eine genetisch identische Sprache von (1) mehreren Nationen (Serben, Montenegrinen, Kroaten, Muslime/Bosniaken), (2) mehreren Religionen (Orthodoxen, Katholiken, Muslimen) gesprochen wird und weil diese Sprache (3) eine breite dialektologische Gliederung (das Štokavische, das Čakavische, das Kajkavische), (4) verschiedene Aussprachen (das Ekavische, das Ijekavische, das Ikavische) und (5) zwei Schriften (Lateinschrift, Kyrillica) aufweist.
A few Bunjevac leaders and political activists, who are influential in the Bunjevac National Council, are strongly involved in developing a "national" identity of Bunjevci: stimulating folklore activities, and searching for political and linguistic support to transform Bunjevac dialect in to a distinct language.
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