Cham Albanians (English Wikipedia)

Γκότοβος, Αθανάσιος (2013). Ετερότητα και σύγκρουση: ταυτότητες στην κατοχική Θεσπρωτία και ο ρόλος της Μουσουλμανικής μειονότητας. University of Ioannina, Dodoni Journal. p. 65. Archived from the original on 17 February 2017. Retrieved 1 November 2016. Σε σύγκριση πάντως με τα αιματηρά επεισόδια με θύματα (εθνοτικά) Γερμανούς... επειδή τελικά ο Ζέρβας μπόρεσε να επιβάλει την αναγκαία πειθαρχία για την περιφρούρηση του συγκεντρωμένου σε διάφορα ασφαλή σημεία άμαχου μουσουλμανικού πληθυσμού

academia.edu

Manta, Eleftheria (2009). "The Cams of Albania and the Greek State (1923–1945)". Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 4. (29): 2. "On 19 January 1923 the Greek delegation which had participated in the negotiations in Lausanne had declared, through Dimitrios Caclamanos, official representative of Greece at the negotiations, that "Greece has no intention to proceed to an exchange of Muslims of Albanian origin."
Tsoutsoumpis 2015, p. 127 Tsoutsoumpis, Spyros (December 2015). "Violence, resistance and collaboration in a Greek borderland: the case of the Muslim Chams of Epirus "Qualestoria" n. 2, dicembre 2015". Qualestoria: 119–138. Retrieved 14 June 2016.

albanianhistory.net

"Document of the Committee of Cham Albanians in exile, on Greek persecution of the Chams, submitted to the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations in 1946". Online version Archived 17 June 2010 at the Wayback Machine
"Document of the Committee of Chams in exile, on Greek persecution of the Chams, submitted to the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations in 1946" (in Albanian and English). Tirana, Albania: Cham Anti-Fascist Committee. 1946. Retrieved 31 March 2009.

antigone.gr

Tsitselikis, Konstandinos (2004). Citizenship in Greece: Present challenges and future changes (PDF). Thessaloniki, Greece: University of Macedonia. p. 9. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 March 2009. Retrieved 17 March 2009.

archive.org

Isufi (2004) citing: Braudel, Fernand (1977). Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip Second. Vol. I (2 ed.). California, United States of America: Harper Collins. p. 1418. ISBN 9780060905675.
Clogg, Richard (2002). Concise History of Greece (Second ed.). Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. p. 67. ISBN 9780521004794. Retrieved 31 March 2009.

archiviostudiadriatici.it

asa.archiviostudiadriatici.it

Galanti, Arturo (1901). L'Albania: notizie geografiche, etnografiche e storiche (PDF) (in Italian). Rome: Societa' Ed. Dante Alighieri. p. 38.

balkaninsight.com

"Greece Accuses Hahn of Backing Albania over Chams". 29 September 2016.

balkans.gr

Grigorova – Mincheva, Lyubov (1995). "Comparative Balkan Parliamentarism" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 January 2010.

books.google.com

Roudometof, Victor (2002). Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian question. Westport, Connecticut, United States of America: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 182. ISBN 9780275976484.
Ahmed, Akbar (2018). Journey Into Europe: Islam, Immigration, and Identity. Brookings Institution Press. p. 303. ISBN 9780815727590.
Meyer, Hermann Frank (2008). Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg [Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII] (in German). Ch. Links Verlag. p. 705. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1. The Albanian minority of the Chams collaborated in large parts with the Italians and the Germans.
Russell King, Nicola Mai, Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers, The New Albanian Migration, Sussex Academic Press, 2005, ISBN 9781903900789, p. 67.
Victor Roudometof; Roland Robertson (2001). Nationalism, Globalization, and Orthodoxy: The Social Origins of Ethnic Conflict in the Balkans. Westport, Conn. [u.a.]: Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 190–. ISBN 978-0-313-31949-5. "During World War II, the majority of Chams sided with the Axis forces..."
Winnifrith, Tom (2002). Badlands, Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania. London, UK: Duckworth. p. 219. ISBN 9780715632017. Retrieved 15 March 2009.
Kretsi, Georgia (2007). Verfolgung und Gedächtnis in Albanien: eine Analyse postsozialistischer Erinnerungsstrategien. Balkanologische Veröffentlichungen. Vol. 44. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. p. 283. ISBN 978-3-447-05544-4.
Vickers, Miranda; Pettifer, James (1997). Albania: From Anarchy to a Balkan Identity. London: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 207. ISBN 9781850652793.
Leake, William Martin (1967). Travels in Northern Greece. New York, United States of America: M. Hakkert. p. 27. ISBN 9781402167713.
Yildirim, Onur (2006). Diplomacy and Displacement: Reconsidering the Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations, 1922–1934. Istanbul, Turkey: CRC Press. p. 121. ISBN 9780415979825. Retrieved 31 March 2009.
Kretsi 2002, p. 182. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Fine, John Van Antwerp (1991). The Early Medieval Balkans. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 9780472081493.
Lopasic, Alexander (1992). "Cultural Values of the Albanians in the Diaspora". In Winnifrith, Tom (ed.). Perspectives On Albania. Springer. p. 90. ISBN 978-1-349-22050-2.
Steven G. Ellis; Lud'a Klusáková (2007). "Imagining frontiers, contesting identities". Speculum. 37. Edizioni Plus. ISBN 9788884924667.
Fine, John Van Antwerp (1994). The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 9780472082605. The rugged mountains of the region helped Michael to prepare the defense of his lands against the Crusader attack. He maintained good relations with the Albanian and Vlach chieftains in the area, and their men provided able troops for his army....large-scale migration of Albanians from the mountains of Albania occurred. This migration, particularly heavy in Epirus and Thessaly, carried them all over Greece, and many came to settle in Attica and the Peloponnesus as well.
Nicol, Donald MacGillivray (1997). "Late Byzantine Period (1204–1479)". Epirus, 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Ekdotike Athenon: 198–237. ISBN 9789602133712. They sent a deputation of their leading citizens, together with some from the province of Vagenetia (in Thesprotia), to Symeon to beg him to help them preserve their freedom from the Albanians.
Nicol, Donald MacGillivray (1997). "Late Byzantine Period (1204–1479)". Epirus, 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Ekdotike Athenon: 198–237. ISBN 9789602133712. Retrieved 11 March 2015. ...finally capture Dryinoupolis and Argyrokastron in 1419. Many of the Albanians fled, to take refuge in the Morea
Fleming, Katherine Elizabeth (1999). The Muslim Bonaparte: Diplomacy and Orientalism in Ali Pasha's Greece. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691001944.
Malcolm 2020, p. 94. Malcolm, Noel (2020). Rebels, Believers, Survivors: Studies in the History of the Albanians. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0192599223.
Somel, Selçuk Akşin (2001). The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839–1908: Islamization, Autocracy, and Discipline. Istanbul, Turkey: BRILL. p. 414. ISBN 9789004119031. Retrieved 18 March 2009.
William Norton Medlicott (1956). Bismarck, Gladstone, and the Concert of Europe. University of London, Athlone Press. p. 77. ISBN 9780837105673.
Jelavich, Barbara (1989). History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The Joint Committee on Eastern Europe Publication Series. Cambridge University Press. p. 365. ISBN 0-521-27458-3.
Skendi, Stavro (1967). The Albanian national awakening, 1878–1912. Princeton University Press. p. 70. ISBN 9780691650029.
Gawrych, George (2006). The crescent and the eagle: Ottoman rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874–1913. I.B.Tauris. p. 54. ISBN 1-84511-287-3.
Ortayli, İlber (1998). Belleten. Vol. 62. Türk Tarih Kurumu. p. 153.
P. J. Ruches. Albanian historical folksongs, 1716–1943. a survey of oral epic poetry from southern Albania, with original texts. Argonaut, 1967, p. 99-100 " The Labs and Cams... implements. Sacked and put to the torch before the arrival of the Greek army...being evacuated to Corfu, the ragged inhabitants of Nivitsa mourned".
Dēmosthenēs Ch Dōdos. Hoi Hevraioi tēs Thessalonikēs stis ekloges tou Hellēnikou kratous 1915–1936. Savvalas, 2005
Dinstein, Yoram (1996). Israel Year Book on Human Rights, 1995. Jerusalem, Israel: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 456. ISBN 9789041100269. Retrieved 31 March 2009.
Roudometof, Victor (2002). Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian question. Westport, Connecticut, United States of America: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 179. ISBN 9780275976484. Retrieved 31 March 2009.
Mazower, Mark (2000). "Three Forms of Political Justice, 1944-1945". After The War Was Over: Reconstructing the Family, Nation and State in Greece, 1943–1960 (illustrated ed.). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. pp. 25–26. ISBN 9780691058429. Retrieved 15 March 2009.
Potz, Richard; Wieshaider, Wolfgang (2004). Islam and the European Union. Brussels, Belgium: Peeters Publishers. pp. 102–103. ISBN 9789042914452. Retrieved 31 March 2009.
Haddad, Emma (2008). The Refugee in International Society: Between Sovereigns. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 121. ISBN 9780521868884.
Tsitselikis, Konstantinos (2002). "Exchange of population: A paradigm of legal perversion". In European Commission for Democracy through Law (ed.). The Protection of National Minorities by Their Kin-state. Strasbourg, France: Council of Europe. p. 141. ISBN 9789287150820.
Mai, Nicola; Schwandner-Sievers, Stephanie (2005). Russell, King (ed.). The New Albanian Migration. Sussex, UK: Sussex Academic Press. p. 87. ISBN 9781903900789. Retrieved 31 March 2009.
Pentzopoulos, Dimitris (7 October 2002). The Balkan Exchange of Minorities and Its Impact on Greece. London, UK: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 128. ISBN 9781850656746. Retrieved 31 March 2009.
Robert Elsie; Bejtullah D. Destani; Rudina Jasini (18 December 2012). The Cham Albanians of Greece: A Documentary History. I.B.Tauris. p. 360. ISBN 978-1-78076-000-1.
M. V., Sakellariou (1997). Epirus, 4000 years of Greek history and civilization. Athens, Greece: Ekdotike Athenon. ISBN 9789602133712. The Albanians believed that a voluntarily exchange of the Greeks of Northern Epirus for the Muslims of Chameria...Northern Epirus.
Hetaireia Makedonikōn Spoudōn. Hidryma Meletōn Cheresonēsou tou Haimou (1995). Balkan studies. Vol. 36. Thessaloniki, Greece: Institute for Balkan Studies, Society for Macedonian Studies. p. 88.
Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (1999). Albania at War, 1939–1945. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. pp. 75–76. ISBN 978-1-85065-531-2.
Mario Cervi, Eric Mosbacher. The Hollow Legions. Doubleday. 1971, p. 21 "Hoggia was an illiterate cattle-drover and notorious brigand who had been sought by the Greek authorities for twenty years: the 'celebrated partiot' had an exceptional vivid police record."
Owen Pearson. Albania in Occupation and War: From Fascism To Communism 1940–1945. I.B.Tauris, 2006. ISBN 978-1-84511-104-5, p. 18 "He was in fact a notorious bandit sought by the Greek police for murders that he had committed many years before, but was killed in fight with two sheperds after a quarrel over some sheep".
P. J. Ruches Albania's captives. Argonaut, 1965, p. 142-144 "his ingrained 'faith' permitted him to slit the throat or shoot a Christian Greek and an Albanian Moslem with equal facility".
MacGregor Knox. Mussolini unleashed, 1939–1941. Cambridge University Press, 1986. ISBN 978-0-521-33835-6,"In June unknown assailants had decapidated an obscure, Albanian bandit and sheep stealer, Daut Hodja."
Martin L. Van Creveld. Hitler's Strategy 1940–1941. Cambridge University Press, 1973. ISBN 978-0-521-20143-8, "the headless corpse of Daut Hoxha, cattle thief,..."
Bernard Newman. The New Europe. Ayer Publishing, 1972. ISBN 978-0-8369-2963-8, "Then a certain Albanian brigand, Daut Hoggia..."
Tobacco, arms, and politics. Museum Tusculanum Press, 1998. ISBN 978-87-7289-450-8, "Thereafter a deceased Albanian sheep-thief, became the focus of attention. The thief -Daut Hoxha-..."
Curt Riess. They were there"Daut Hohxa, a bandit described by Italians as an Albanian patriot."
Reynolds And Eleanor Packard. Balcony Empire. Kessinger Publishing, 2005. ISBN 978-1-4179-8528-9, "a local drunkard and bandit, Daut Hoggia..."
P. J. Ruches Albania's Captives. Argonaut, 1965, p. 142–144." the death of an Albanian brigand...This was the cause celebre Musolini chose to trumpet around the world to justify the move he was soon to make."
Gizem Bilgin, Aytaç (2020). Conflict areas in the Balkans. Lanham: Lexington Books. p. 116. ISBN 9781498599207.
Jowett, Stephen; Andrew (2001). The Italian Army 1940–45: (1) Europe 1940–43. Osprey Publishing. pp. 6–7. ISBN 1-85532-864-X.
Ethnologia Balkanica. Vol. 6. 2002. Very soon numerous voluntary Albanians fled to the Italian lines and parts of the Albanian population of Chameria supported Mussolini's attack against Greece.
P. J. Ruches Albania's captives. Argonaut, 1965, p. 147
Ethnologia Balkanica. Vol. 6. 2002. Cham support for the Italian army was paid back by the Greeks. Most of the male population were interned "for security reasons".
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 152
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 702
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 152, 464.
Kretsi 2002, p. 179. "It is difficult however, to make final statements on Cham participation in this systematic persecution of the Christian population in the region, especially as there is evidence that the arbitrary rule of the Dino clan was directed even against some Muslims and Albanian-speaking Christians (Arbanits) (Isufi 2002: 2 19—254)." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 178. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 204, 476.
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 469
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 469-471
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 498
Kondis, Basil (1997). "The Developments of the Northern Epirus Question". Epirus, 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Ekdotike Athenon: 401. ISBN 9789602133712. Retrieved 10 May 2015. After the capitulation of Italy in September 1943, the British mission in Epirus tried to arrive at an understanding with the Chams in the hope of persuading them to turn against the Germans. The Chams refused
Hermann Frank Meyer. [Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 539
Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. (in German) ISBN 978-3-86153-447-1, p. 620
Eriksonas, Linas; Leos Müller (2005). Statehood before and beyond ethnicity: minor states in Northern and Eastern Europe, 1600–2000 (vol 33 ed.). P.I.E.-Peter Lang. p. 308. ISBN 9780820466460.
Kretsi 2002, p. 182. "They did not have the opportunity, however, to make any significant contributions in fight against the Germans. Likewise, the Cham partisans quoted above could describe the battles against EDES, but non-against the Germans. Admittedly these fighting units were formed at the end of the war and therefore could no longer exert any broad influence on the Cham population" Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 187. "The social component of the respective redistribution or property transfers is evident. At the point where the "national" redistribution halted in the prewar period, the "hellenization" of property was taken up once and for all after the war. The economic mobilization of loyal majority groups (i.e., Vlachs along the entire northern Greek border) for the purposes of national homogenization was more often than not carried out to the disadvantage of minorities. In this case it was combined with a strategic purpose, namely the "national stabilization" of the border region and the guarantee of ideological and thus military loyalty to the central state. This becomes evident in a series of laws giving a social or populist character to the expropriation of the Chams and explicitly concerned with supporting border settlers: Athanasakos (n. d.:70 f.) names: 1. N.Δ. 2536/1953 "on the resettlement of the border regions and the enforcement of these populations" art. 6. and 2. N. Δ. 2180/1952 "on the compulsory expropriation of lands for the restitution of the landless farmers and cattle-breeders" which were completed and modified later. According to the aforementioned, the financial revenue office took possession of the properties. In coordination with the direction for agriculture and under the Committee for the expropriations they were bestowed on persons entitled to a share. According to the same author, these persons received title-deeds in the 1960s to 1970s by buying them for the amounts defined by the Committee. The owners of urban properties received acts of concession." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Charles R. Shrader. The withered vine. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1999. ISBN 978-0-275-96544-0, p. 188.
Kretsi 2002, p. 185. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 186. "In the census of 1951 there were only 127 Muslims left of a minority that once had 20,000 members. A few of them could merge into the Greek population by converting to Christianity and changing their names and marital practices. After the expulsion, two families of Lopësi found shelter in Sagiáda and some of their descendants still live there today under new names and being Christians. Another inhabitant of Lopësi, then a child, is living in nearby Asproklissi..... The eye-witness Arhimandritēs (n. d.: 93) writes about a gendarmerie officer and member of the EDES named Siaperas who married a very prosperous Muslim widow whose children had converted to Christianity. One interviewee, an Albanian Cham woman, told me that her uncle stayed in Greece, "he married a Christian, he changed his name, he took the name Spiro. Because it is like that, he changed it, and is still there in loannina, with his children". A Greek man from Sagiáda also stated that at this time many people married and in saving the women also were able to take over their lands." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
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brill.com

Dorlhiac 2023, p. 62 Dorlhiac, Renaud (2023). "Muslims of Epirus, Muslims of Empire? The Cham Issue in Relation to Albanian, Greek and Turkish National Projects (1908–25)". In Horel, Catherine; Severin-Barboutie, Bettina (eds.). Population Displacements and Multiple Mobilities in the Late Ottoman Empire. Brill. ISBN 9789004543690.
Dorlhiac 2023, p. 63 Dorlhiac, Renaud (2023). "Muslims of Epirus, Muslims of Empire? The Cham Issue in Relation to Albanian, Greek and Turkish National Projects (1908–25)". In Horel, Catherine; Severin-Barboutie, Bettina (eds.). Population Displacements and Multiple Mobilities in the Late Ottoman Empire. Brill. ISBN 9789004543690.

cameria.eu

Democratic Foundation of Chameria (2009). "Official website of the Democratic Foundation of Chameria". The Hague, Netherlands. Archived from the original on 7 May 2008. Retrieved 16 April 2009.

cameriainstitute.org

"Official site of the Institute of Cham Studies" (in Albanian and English). Tirana, Albania: Institute of Cham Studies. 2009. Archived from the original on 8 October 2018. Retrieved 31 March 2009.

cec.org.al

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ceeol.com

Kretsi 2002, p. 182. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Isufi, Hajredin (2004). "Aspects of Islamization in Çamëri". Historical Studies (in Albanian). 3 (4). Tirana, Albania: Institute of History: 17–32.
Meta, Beqir (2005). "Kosova and Çamëria in the First Half of the XXth Century – A Comparative Look". Historical Studies (in Albanian). 3 (4). Tirana, Albania: Albanian Institute of History: 20.
Halili, Rigels (2007). "The issue of Epirus in political writings of Mid'hat bey Frashëri". Nationalities Affairs (31). Warsaw, Poland: Albanian Institute of History: 275–286.
Petrov, Bisser (2005). "The Problem of Collaboration in Post-war Greece 1944–46". Balkan Studies. 25 (3). Los Angeles, California, United States: University of California: 15–36. Chams recruited in the army, and replaced their active service by labour service. Some time later the authorities rounded up all men, who had not been mobilized and sent them to camps and islands.
Kretsi 2002, p. 179. "It is difficult however, to make final statements on Cham participation in this systematic persecution of the Christian population in the region, especially as there is evidence that the arbitrary rule of the Dino clan was directed even against some Muslims and Albanian-speaking Christians (Arbanits) (Isufi 2002: 2 19—254)." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 178. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 182. "They did not have the opportunity, however, to make any significant contributions in fight against the Germans. Likewise, the Cham partisans quoted above could describe the battles against EDES, but non-against the Germans. Admittedly these fighting units were formed at the end of the war and therefore could no longer exert any broad influence on the Cham population" Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 187. "The social component of the respective redistribution or property transfers is evident. At the point where the "national" redistribution halted in the prewar period, the "hellenization" of property was taken up once and for all after the war. The economic mobilization of loyal majority groups (i.e., Vlachs along the entire northern Greek border) for the purposes of national homogenization was more often than not carried out to the disadvantage of minorities. In this case it was combined with a strategic purpose, namely the "national stabilization" of the border region and the guarantee of ideological and thus military loyalty to the central state. This becomes evident in a series of laws giving a social or populist character to the expropriation of the Chams and explicitly concerned with supporting border settlers: Athanasakos (n. d.:70 f.) names: 1. N.Δ. 2536/1953 "on the resettlement of the border regions and the enforcement of these populations" art. 6. and 2. N. Δ. 2180/1952 "on the compulsory expropriation of lands for the restitution of the landless farmers and cattle-breeders" which were completed and modified later. According to the aforementioned, the financial revenue office took possession of the properties. In coordination with the direction for agriculture and under the Committee for the expropriations they were bestowed on persons entitled to a share. According to the same author, these persons received title-deeds in the 1960s to 1970s by buying them for the amounts defined by the Committee. The owners of urban properties received acts of concession." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 185. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 186. "In the census of 1951 there were only 127 Muslims left of a minority that once had 20,000 members. A few of them could merge into the Greek population by converting to Christianity and changing their names and marital practices. After the expulsion, two families of Lopësi found shelter in Sagiáda and some of their descendants still live there today under new names and being Christians. Another inhabitant of Lopësi, then a child, is living in nearby Asproklissi..... The eye-witness Arhimandritēs (n. d.: 93) writes about a gendarmerie officer and member of the EDES named Siaperas who married a very prosperous Muslim widow whose children had converted to Christianity. One interviewee, an Albanian Cham woman, told me that her uncle stayed in Greece, "he married a Christian, he changed his name, he took the name Spiro. Because it is like that, he changed it, and is still there in loannina, with his children". A Greek man from Sagiáda also stated that at this time many people married and in saving the women also were able to take over their lands." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books

chameriaassociation.org

Chameria Human Rights Association (2009). "Official site of the Chameria Human Rights Association" (in Albanian and English). Tirana, Albania. Archived from the original on 3 December 2008. Retrieved 31 March 2009.

chameriaorganization.blogspot.com

http://chameriaorganization.blogspot.com ^{[user-generated source]}

cup.gr

Βόγλη, Ελπίδα. "Τα κριτήρια της ελληνικής ιθαγένειας κατά την περίοδο της Επανάστασης" (PDF). Πανεπιστημιακές Εκδόσεις Κρήτης. Archived from the original (PDF) on 14 May 2015. Retrieved 3 October 2011.

didaktorika.gr

Baltsiotis 2009, pp. 18–20 Baltsiotis, Lambros (2009). The Muslim Chams from their entry into the Greek state until the start of the Greco-Italian war (1913-1940): the story of a community from millet to nation [Οι μουσουλμάνοι Τσάμηδες από την είσοδό τους στο ελληνικό κράτος μέχρι την έναρξη του ελληνοϊταλικού πολέμου (1913-1940): η ιστορία μιας κοινότητας από το millet στο έθνος] (Thesis). University of Panteion.
Pitouli-Kitsou, Hristina (1997). Οι Ελληνοαλβανικές Σχέσεις και το βορειοηπειρωτικό ζήτημα κατά περίοδο 1907– 1914 (Thesis). National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. p. 168.
Theodoros, Sabatakakis (2003). "Οι Βρετανικές Υπηρεσίες κατά την Περίοδο του Δευτέρου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου στην Ελλάδα [British Intelligence in World War II Greece]". didaktorika.gr. Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences: 30. doi:10.12681/eadd/17487. hdl:10442/hedi/17487. Retrieved 10 May 2015. ...τον Ιούνιο του 1941, ξεκίνησαν τη δράση τους οι πρώτες ένοπλες συμμορίες Αλβανών τσάμηδων στην Ήπειρο...
Kouzas 2013, p. 134: "Η μνήμη της γενοκτονίας, όμως, είναι ένα εσωτερικό θέμα της Αλβανίας και δεν έχει διαστάσεις διεθνούς αναγνώρισης." [The 27 June is commemorated as a day of genocide. The commemoration of genocide, however, is an internal issue of Albania and has not received any international recognition.] Kouzas, Ioannis, Michail (2013). "The Greek-Albanian Relations (1990–2010): The Bilateral Relations under the Influence of two Issues: The Greek Minority in Albania and the Issue of the Chams". Democritus University of Thrace. doi:10.12681/eadd/33128. Retrieved 2 May 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
Kouzas 2013, p. 119. Kouzas, Ioannis, Michail (2013). "The Greek-Albanian Relations (1990–2010): The Bilateral Relations under the Influence of two Issues: The Greek Minority in Albania and the Issue of the Chams". Democritus University of Thrace. doi:10.12681/eadd/33128. Retrieved 2 May 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
Kouzas 2013, p. 121. Kouzas, Ioannis, Michail (2013). "The Greek-Albanian Relations (1990–2010): The Bilateral Relations under the Influence of two Issues: The Greek Minority in Albania and the Issue of the Chams". Democritus University of Thrace. doi:10.12681/eadd/33128. Retrieved 2 May 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)

doi.org

Hart, Laurie Kain (1999). "Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece". American Ethnologist. 26: 196. doi:10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.196. Archived from the original on 12 November 2014. Retrieved 9 September 2017. Speaking Albanian, for example, is not a predictor with respect to other matters of identity .. There are also long standing Christian Albanian (or Arvanitika speaking) communities both in Epirus and the Florina district of Macedonia with unquestioned identification with the Greek nation. .. The Tschamides were both Christians and Muslims by the late 18th century [in the 20th century, Cham applies to Muslim only]
Pallis, A. A. (June 1929). "The Greek census of 1928". The Geographical Journal. 73 (6): 543–548. Bibcode:1929GeogJ..73..543P. doi:10.2307/1785338. JSTOR 1785338.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, "De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique", in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448. Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "During the beginning of the 20th Century, the northwestern part of the Greek region of Epirus was mostly populated by an Albanian-speaking population, known under the ethnonyme "Chams" [Çamë, Çam (singular) in Albanian, Τσ(ι)άμηδες, Τσ(ι)άμης in Greek]. The Chams are a distinct ethno-cultural group which consisted of two integral religious groups: Orthodox Christians and Sunni Muslims. This group lived in a geographically wide area, expanding to the north of what is today the Preveza prefecture, the western part of which is known as Fanari [Frar in Albanian], covering the western part of what is today the prefecture of Thesprotia, and including a relatively small part of the region which today constitutes Albanian territory. These Albanian speaking areas were known under the name Chamouria [Çamëri in Albanian, Τσ(ι)αμουριά or Τσ(ι)άμικο in Greek].... Applying linguistic principles, the whole area constituted an Albanian speaking enclave, isolated at least in strict geographical terms, with a continuum of Albanian language in today’s Albania and adjoining areas, i.e, Kosovo and the Republic of Macedonia. In the north-eastern part of that area, east to the city of Filiat(i) within Greek territory, a Greek speaking area began growing and expanding eastwards to today’s Albanian territory and up to the coast of Albania.... The Albanian speaking area was quite compact and well marked by the local geography, as the Greek speaking communities were settled at the eastern mountainous areas. Chamouria and Prevezaniko were also symbolically distinguished as the land where the Arvanitēs lived. We can rather confidently argue that Muslim and Christian Chams of the plains made up a distinct "ethno-economic" group. However, there was a particular pattern in the settlements of religious groups inside the area of Chamouria annexed to Greece: most Muslim villages were located at the center of the area, while the large majority of the Christian Orthodox Albanian speaking villages were to the south and the east of the area. Although the langue-vehiculaire of the area was Albanian, a much higher status was attributed to the Greek language, even among the Muslims themselves. Thus, during the late Ottoman era, besides the official Ottoman Turkish, Greek functioned as a second, semi-official language, accepted by the Ottoman Administration. This characteristic can be followed partly from public documents of the era." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "It’s worth mentioning that the Greek speaking Muslim communities, which were the majority population at Yanina and Paramythia, and of substantial numbers in Parga and probably Preveza, shared the same route of identity construction, with no evident differentiation between them and their Albanian speaking co-habitants." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. It is quite characteristic that it was in 1880, when the British Valentine Chirol visited the Christian "Albanian" village of Tourkopalouko (today Kypseli, at the northwest part of the Preveza prefecture), that his confidence for his Greek friends in Yanina "was first shaken". He was surprised that no one in the village spoke or understood any other language than Albanian although his friends "had assured me that south [of the river] Kalamas there were no Albanian communities" (V. Chirol, "Twixt Greek and Turk, or Jottings during a journey through Thessaly, Macedonia and Epirus, in the Autumn of 1880", Blackwood’s Edinbrurgh Magazine, n. 785, March 1881, p. 313). Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The Albanian-speaking, Orthodox population did not share the national ideas of their Muslim neighbors and remained Greek-oriented, identifying themselves as Greeks." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Prior to this period, Chamouria was already a nuisance both for the Greek state and the Christians of Epirus who identified themselves as Greeks." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "As the less ambitious Greek irredentists' target in 1912 was to include all the areas up to a line including Korçë-Gjirokastër-Himarë within the frontiers of the expanded Greek state, the aim was to obscure the fact that the Christian, or even the Muslim population, didn’t speak Greek but Albanian." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Concealing the existence of the Albanian language appeared as a concept as soon as the possibility of Greek expansion into Epirus appeared.... The first policy was to take measures to hide the language(s) the population spoke, as we have seen in the case of "Southern Epirus"." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The second was to put forth the argument that the language used by the population had no relation to their national affiliation." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Under the prevalent ideology in Greece at the time every Orthodox Christian was considered Greek, and conversely after 1913, when the territory which from then onwards was called "Northern Epirus" in Greece was ceded to Albania, every Muslim of that area was considered Albanian." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The existence of a region (Chamouria) whose population was roughly half Muslim and almost entirely Albanian speaking was considered a serious problem for the Greek state, which had to be confronted both practically and discursively." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The existence of a region (Chamouria) whose population was roughly half Muslim and almost entirely Albanian speaking was considered a serious problem for the Greek state, which had to be confronted both practically and discursively. Every pro-Albanian movement in these areas had to be eliminated by all means." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Muslim Chams were not eager to fight on the side of the Ottoman army during the Balkan Wars" Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "While there is no Greek source describing the behavior of the Greek army against the Muslim population after they seized the area, there are several relevant descriptions in Albanian sources. There are only indirect (but clear) references to atrocities committed by the Greek army.... in the spirit of the times, offensive acts such as defilement of mosques and, obviously, looting, would most certainly have taken place.... For example see HAMFA, The Vice-governor of Paramythia to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 30.03.1917 (1917/A/4X(16)).... The lieutenant of the Greek Army Dimitrios (Takis) Botsaris, after a looting incident during the First Balkan War, pronounces an order that "from this time on every one who will dare to disturb any Christian property will be strictly punished" (see K.D. Sterghiopoulos..., op.cit., pp. 173–174). In pronouncing the order in this manner he left Muslim properties without protection. Botsaris, coming from Souli, was a direct descendant of the Botsaris' family and was fluent in Albanian. He was appointed as lieutenant in charge of a Volunteers' company consisting of persons originating from Epirus and fighting mostly in South Western Epirus." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The presence of a population considered hostile to national interests near the frontier caused anxiety to Greek officials which was exacerbated by a militaristic perception of security and territory. The central Greek state was eager to push the "hostile" population to migrate to Turkey. To that end it utilized harassment tactics which were carried out by local paramilitary groups. This was a practice that was well known and had been adopted as early as the period of the Balkan Wars. In other cases it just forced people to leave the country, after handing down ultimatums." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Kritikos, Georgios (2005). "The Agricultural Settlement of Refugees: A Source of Productive Work and Stability in Greece, 1923–1930" (PDF). Agricultural History. 79 (3). Little Rock, Arkansas, United States of America: Department of History, University of Arkansas at Little Rock: 321–346. doi:10.1525/ah.2005.79.3.321. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 31 March 2009.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Besides beys, it seems that the majority of the Muslim population consisted of middle sized estate owners. The land they owned varied in size, fertility and production." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Although there is no sufficient written proof to support the idea, it’s almost certain that families owning very small parcels of land, or just a few small fields and a small number of sheep, were not an exception and were also present in villages.... According to a 1936 document, at the Muslim village of Liopsi there are 170 families. More than one hundred of them "prosper" as they own land at the Chamouria plain, the rest of them being "poor and driven to desperation", The Local Authorities Inspector [attached at the General Governance of Epirus], Jianina 30.07.1936, HAMFA, 1936, 21.1. At the document it is underlined that at the neighboring village of Kotsika 150 persons left to Turkey during 1926–1927, reducing the current (at 1936) population to 450. One can suppose that the emigrants were coming from the "poor" families, although further research should be undertaken." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. " Two years earlier, Greek refugees from Asia Minor had been settled in the area. These newcomers were used as a tool for applying more pressure against Muslims for them to decide to leave Greece." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The newcomers took advantage of the land expropriations, and settled in the houses of Muslims. These actions were in accordance with legal provisions applicable to the whole territory of Greece. It is highly probable, therefore, that some Muslims, pressed by the legislation relating to expropriation and the presence of refugees who presented a threat to them, sold their estates and remained landless." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The restrictions imposed on the right to sell, rent or even cultivate land, due to the consideration of Muslims as "exchangeable", gradually led to the financial devastation of the Muslim population." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "For instance, as late as February 1925, the General Administration of Epirus undertook the task of carrying out a special operation with the purpose of persuading them to leave the country." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The great majority of the refugees were resettled when it was decided that the Muslim population would not be exchanged." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Hart, Laurie Kain (1999). "Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece". American Ethnologist. 26 (1): 196–220. doi:10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.196. JSTOR 647505.
Baltsiotis 2011. "A concrete description of the lives of the Muslims is clearly referred to in a special report drawn by K. Stylianopoulos, the "Inspector" in charge of Minority issues, who was directly appointed by the Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos and was accountable to him. The report relates to us in graphic terms that "[...] persecutions and heavier confiscations, even led to the decision of classifying as chiftlik the town of Paramythia [...] and in that way small properties and gardens had been expropriated against the Constitution and the Agrarian law; not a single stremma was left to them for cultivation and for sustaining their families, nor were the rents of their properties paid to them regularly (some of them being even lower than a stamp duty). They were not permitted to sell or buy land, and were forced to evaluate their fields at ridiculously low prices (as low as 3 drahmi per stremma), [...], only to be imprisoned for taxes not paid for land already confiscated or expropriated..... Report, 15 October 1930, Archive of Eleftherios Venizelos, Minorities, f. 58/173/4573. See the more detailed report on illegal real estate expropriations and confiscations and the financial results upon the Muslim population at the documents contacted by the General Inspector of the Central Department (of the Ministry of Agriculture) to his Ministry, dated 13. 01. 1932 and 7 August 1932 (HAMFA, 1935, f. A/4/9/2), where he underlines that even plots of 2–3 stremmata had been expropriated." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Various documents indicate that the Greek Authorities either prompted dislocation, or, as one document vividly puts it, "all of our services, but most of all the Sub-prefecture and the Gendarmerie [Χωροφυλακή] of Filiati and Igoumenitsa are working hardly to reinforce the [migration] flow". Practical incentives were provided to individuals and most of all to families wanting to migrate to Turkey. Another mechanism that was used in some cases was the demographic disruption of Muslim communities targeting the disassociation of the social web of the communities with a view to put additional pressure to emigrate. This migration flow presents a prima facie controversial acknowledgment in consideration of the fact that we have mentioned that an Albanian national minority was called into being: The great majority of the emigrants chose to leave for Turkey and not Albania. However, a closer reading of the relevant documents indicates that the Greek Authorities were unofficially encouraging (legal) migration to Turkey while discouraging, or even forbidding, migration to Albania. One more fact that should not be underestimated is that there was an underground migration to Albania, which was not documented in the reports of Local Authorities to the Centre (since, for instance, no passports were issued) and only indirectly referred to in Greek sources. However, this migration is testified to by the relevant Albanian bibliography which includes the testimonies of members of the community. This underground migration of individuals and families to Albania continued until 1940." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "In the 1930s it was obvious that the Chams were viewed as a hostile population and "a lost cause for "Hellenism" Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Parallel measures were taken at the same time regarding the language in Christian Albanian speaking villages. The most important and easily confirmed measure consisted of opening kindergartens in villages selected either by the absence of knowledge of Greek or by their demographic importance. According to a 1931 document, these villages included Aghia, Anthoussa, Eleftheri[o], Kanallaki, Narkissos, Psakka, Aghios Vlassios, Kastri (Dagh) and Draghani." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Finally, so as to exercise better control over the minority, the Greek state created in late 1936 a new prefecture, that of Thesprotia, consisting of areas that previously belonged to the Prefectures of Ioannina (Yanina) and Preveza, embodying all the Muslim population.... According to the suggestion of the General Administration of Epirus to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (24 October 1936), the presence of Albanian Muslims and the difficulties in "administrating" them from a far away capital calls for the creation of a new prefecture (HAMFA, 1937, A4/9)." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011, Paragraph 56. Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Theodoros, Sabatakakis (2003). "Οι Βρετανικές Υπηρεσίες κατά την Περίοδο του Δευτέρου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου στην Ελλάδα [British Intelligence in World War II Greece]". didaktorika.gr. Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences: 30. doi:10.12681/eadd/17487. hdl:10442/hedi/17487. Retrieved 10 May 2015. ...τον Ιούνιο του 1941, ξεκίνησαν τη δράση τους οι πρώτες ένοπλες συμμορίες Αλβανών τσάμηδων στην Ήπειρο...
Baltsiotis 2011. "The process of extinguishing any signs of previous minority existence occurred both in real and symbolic ways. The villages of Muslim Chams were repopulated by Greek speaking populations from the adjacent mountainous areas and Vlachs, immediately after their expulsion." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Kouzas 2013, p. 134: "Η μνήμη της γενοκτονίας, όμως, είναι ένα εσωτερικό θέμα της Αλβανίας και δεν έχει διαστάσεις διεθνούς αναγνώρισης." [The 27 June is commemorated as a day of genocide. The commemoration of genocide, however, is an internal issue of Albania and has not received any international recognition.] Kouzas, Ioannis, Michail (2013). "The Greek-Albanian Relations (1990–2010): The Bilateral Relations under the Influence of two Issues: The Greek Minority in Albania and the Issue of the Chams". Democritus University of Thrace. doi:10.12681/eadd/33128. Retrieved 2 May 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
Baltsiotis 2011. "A few hundred Muslims stayed behind. 127 of them were counted in the 1951 census, while the rest, whose number remains unknown and in need of research, converted to Christianity and intermarried with Greeks..... Except for two small communities that mostly avoided conversion, namely Kodra and Koutsi (actual Polyneri), the majority of others were baptized. Isolated family members that stayed behind were included in the Greek society, and joined the towns of the area or left for other parts of Greece (author’s field research in the area, 1996–2008)." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The Albanian language, and the Christian population who spoke it- and still do- had to be concealed also, since the language was perceived as an additional threat to the Greekness of the land. It could only be used as a proof of their link with the Muslims, thus creating a continuum of non-Greekness." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Kouzas 2013, p. 119. Kouzas, Ioannis, Michail (2013). "The Greek-Albanian Relations (1990–2010): The Bilateral Relations under the Influence of two Issues: The Greek Minority in Albania and the Issue of the Chams". Democritus University of Thrace. doi:10.12681/eadd/33128. Retrieved 2 May 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
Kouzas 2013, p. 121. Kouzas, Ioannis, Michail (2013). "The Greek-Albanian Relations (1990–2010): The Bilateral Relations under the Influence of two Issues: The Greek Minority in Albania and the Issue of the Chams". Democritus University of Thrace. doi:10.12681/eadd/33128. Retrieved 2 May 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
Baltsiotis 2011. "In the official censuses of the Greek State in the Interwar period there is major manipulation involving the numbers of the Albanian speakers in the whole of the Greek territory.... The issue here is not the underestimation of the numbers of speakers as such, but the vanishing and reappearing of linguistic groups according to political motives, the crucial one being the "stabilization" of the total number of Albanian speakers in Greece." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The Orthodox Albanian-speakers' "return" to Southern Greece and Epirus, Macedonia and Thrace also present at this time, at the 1951 census (7,357 are counted in Epirus)." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.

eens.org

Elias G Skoulidas (22 February 2011). Identities, Locality and Otherness in Epirus during the Late Ottoman period.(doc). European Society of Modern Greek studies. p. 7. Retrieved 18 April 2015. "Nikolaos Konemenos takes a different approach, by not denying his Albanian identity, although he participated in Greek public life. He accepts this identity and embodies it, without excluding the other identity: κι εγώ είμαι φυσικός Αρβανίτης, επειδή κατάγομαι από τα' χωριά της Λάκκας (Τσαμουριά) και είμαι απόγονος ενός καπετάν Γιώργη Κονεμένου 'λ που εμίλειε τα' αρβανίτικα κι όπου ταις αρχαίς του προπερασμένου αιώνος... είχε καταιβεί κι είχε αποκατασταθεί στην Πρέβεζα...[I too am a natural Albanian, because I originate from the villages of Lakka (Tsamouria) and I’m a descendant of a kapetan Giorgis Konemenos, who spoke Albanian and who at the beginning of the last century... had come down and had settled in Preveza]. The spelling mistakes in this passage are a good indicator of what is happening."

ekt.gr

helios-eie.ekt.gr

Μιχάλης Κοκολάκης (2003). Το ύστερο Γιαννιώτικο Πασαλίκι: χώρος, διοίκηση και πληθυσμός στην τουρκοκρατούμενη Ηπειρο (1820–1913). EIE-ΚΝΕ. pp. 50–51: "Ακόμη νοτιότερα και στο εσωτερικό της ελληνόφωνης ζώνης, παράλληλα με τις ακτές του Ιονίου, σχηματίζεται ο μεγάλος αλβανόφωνος θύλακας της Τσαμουριάς, που στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος του (με εξαίρεση την περιοχή της Κονίσπολης) πέρασε στην Ελλάδα με βάση το Πρωτόκολλο της Φλωρεντίας (1913). Στο θύλακα αυτό υπάγονταν από το σημερινό νομό Θεσπρωτίας οι επαρχίες Θυάμιδος και Μαργαριτίου και τα δυτικότερα χωριά των δύο επαρχιών Παραμυθιάς και Φιλιατών. Αλβανόφωνα ήταν και τα βόρεια τμήματα του σημερινού νομού της Πρέβεζας, όπως ο κάμπος του Φαναριού, η ενδοχώρα της Πάργας και τα παλιά παρασουλιώτικα χωριά του Ανω Αχέροντα (Ζερμή, Κρανιά, Παπαδάτες, Ρουσάτσα, Δερβίζιανα, Μουσιωτίτσα -τα δύο τελευταία υπάγονται διοικητικά στα Γιάννενα). Χωρίς να ταυτίζεται με το σύνολο του αλβανόφωνου πληθυσμού, η ομάδα των Μουσουλμάνων Τσάμηδων ήταν σημαντικό συστατικό του στοιχείο."
Kokolakis 2003, p. 51:Ακόμη νοτιότερα και στο εσωτερικό της ελληνόφωνης ζώνης, παράλληλα με τις ακτές του Ιονίου, σχηματίζεται ο μεγάλος αλβανόφωνος θύλακας της Τσαμουριάς, που στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος του (με εξαίρεση την περιοχή της Κονίσπολης) πέρασε στην Ελλάδα με βάση το Πρωτόκολλο της Φλωρεντίας (1913). Στο θύλακα αυτό υπάγονταν από το σημερινό νομό Θεσπρωτίας οι επαρχίες Θυάμιδος και Μαργαριτίου και τα δυτικότερα χωριά των δύο επαρχιών Παραμυθιάς και Φιλιατών. Αλβανόφωνα ήταν και τα βόρεια τμήματα του σημερινού νομού της Πρέβεζας, όπως ο κάμπος του Φαναριού, η ενδοχώρα της Πάργας και τα παλιά παρασουλιώτικα χωριά του Ανω Αχέροντα (Ζερμή, Κρανιά, Παπαδάτες, Ρουσάτσα, Δερβίζιανα, Μουσιωτίτσα -τα δύο τελευταία υπάγονται διοικητικά στα Γιάννενα). Χωρίς να ταυτίζεται με το σύνολο του αλβανόφωνου πληθυσμού, η ομάδα των Μουσουλμάνων Τσάμηδων ήταν σημαντικό συστατικό του στοιχείο Kokolakis, Mihalis (2003). Το ύστερο Γιαννιώτικο Πασαλίκι: χώρος, διοίκηση και πληθυσμός στην τουρκοκρατούμενη Ηπειρο (1820–1913) [The late Pashalik of Ioannina: Space, administration and population in Ottoman ruled Epirus (1820–1913)]. Athens: EIE-ΚΝΕ. ISBN 960-7916-11-5.
Kokolakis 2003, p. 48. Kokolakis, Mihalis (2003). Το ύστερο Γιαννιώτικο Πασαλίκι: χώρος, διοίκηση και πληθυσμός στην τουρκοκρατούμενη Ηπειρο (1820–1913) [The late Pashalik of Ioannina: Space, administration and population in Ottoman ruled Epirus (1820–1913)]. Athens: EIE-ΚΝΕ. ISBN 960-7916-11-5.
Kokolakis, Michalis (2004). Η ΤΟΥΡΚΙΚΗ ΣΤΑΤΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΤΗΣ ΗΠΕΙΡΟΥ ΣΤΟ ΣΑΛΝΑΜΕ ΤΟΥ 1895 (PDF) (in Greek). Athens, Greece: Institute of Modern Greek Studies. pp. 261–312. Retrieved 18 March 2009.
Kallivretakis, Leonidas (1995). "Η ελληνική κοινότητα της Αλβανίας υπό το πρίσμα της ιστορικής γεωγραφίας και δημογραφίας [The Greek Community of Albania in terms of historical geography and demography." In Nikolakopoulos, Ilias, Kouloubis Theodoros A. & Thanos M. Veremis (eds). Ο Ελληνισμός της Αλβανίας [The Greeks of Albania]. University of Athens. p. 12: "δίδασκε ο Αθανάσιος Ψαλίδας στις αρχές του 19ου αιώνα και συνέχιζε: "Κατοικείται από Γραικούς και Αλβανούς· οι πρώτοι είναι περισσότεροι", ενώ διέκρινε τους δεύτερους σε Αλβανούς Χριστιανούς και Αλβανούς Μουσουλμάνους"

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For a more detailed view on settlement renames see Institute of Neo-Hellenic Studies` collection

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Laggaris, Panagiotis (November 2003), ""Η ΝΕΑ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΜΕΤΑΝΑΣΤΕΥΤΙΚΗ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΑ ΕΘΝΙΚΑ ΜΑΣ ΣΥΜΦΕΡΟΝΤΑ" (The New Greek Migration Policy and Our Ethnic Interest)", Problimatismoi (in Greek) (14), Athens, Greece: Hellenic Institute of Strategic Studies, archived from the original on 12 May 2003, retrieved 31 March 2009

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Gordon, Raymond G.; Gordon Jr., Raymond G.; Grimes, Barbara F. (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World (15 ed.). Dallas, Texas, US: Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) International. p. 789. ISBN 9781556711596. Retrieved 31 March 2009.

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Vickers, Miranda. The Cham Issue - Where to Now? (PDF). Defence Academy of the United Kingdom. pp. 1–2. Retrieved 3 August 2017.
Vickers, Miranda. The Cham Issue - Where to Now? (PDF). Defence Academy of the United Kingdom. p. 12. Retrieved 3 August 2017. The Greeks must accept the historical truth about the confiscation of Cham-owned land, and the intimidation and persecution the Chams suffered under the dictatorship of General Metaxas during the late 1930s.

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Winnifrith, Tom (1995). "Southern Albania, Northern Epirus: Survey of a Disputed Ethnological Boundary Archived 10 July 2015 at the Wayback Machine". Society Farsharotu. Retrieved 18 April 2015. "I tried unsuccessfully in 1994 to find Albanian speakers in Filiates, Paramithia and Margariti. The coastal villages near Igoumenitsa have been turned into tourist resorts. There may be Albanian speakers in villages inland, but as in the case with the Albanian speakers in Attica and Boeotia the language is dying fast. It receives no kind of encouragement. Albanian speakers in Greece would of course be almost entirely Orthodox."

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Jazexhi, Olsi (2007). The Bektashi Order of Dervishes (PDF). Algeris, Algeria. p. 11. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 April 2008.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)

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Theodoros, Sabatakakis (2003). "Οι Βρετανικές Υπηρεσίες κατά την Περίοδο του Δευτέρου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου στην Ελλάδα [British Intelligence in World War II Greece]". didaktorika.gr. Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences: 30. doi:10.12681/eadd/17487. hdl:10442/hedi/17487. Retrieved 10 May 2015. ...τον Ιούνιο του 1941, ξεκίνησαν τη δράση τους οι πρώτες ένοπλες συμμορίες Αλβανών τσάμηδων στην Ήπειρο...

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Pallis, A. A. (June 1929). "The Greek census of 1928". The Geographical Journal. 73 (6): 543–548. Bibcode:1929GeogJ..73..543P. doi:10.2307/1785338. JSTOR 1785338.

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Antonina Zhelyazkova. Urgent anthropology. Vol. 3. Problems of Multiethnicity in the Western Balkans Archived 19 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine. International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations. Sofia 2004. ISBN 978-954-8872-53-9, p. 67.

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Pallis, A. A. (June 1929). "The Greek census of 1928". The Geographical Journal. 73 (6): 543–548. Bibcode:1929GeogJ..73..543P. doi:10.2307/1785338. JSTOR 1785338.
Hart, Laurie Kain (1999). "Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece". American Ethnologist. 26 (1): 196–220. doi:10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.196. JSTOR 647505.
Tsitsipis, Lukas D.; Elmendorf, William W. (1983). "Language Shift among the Albanian Speakers of Greece". Anthropological Linguistics. 25 (3). Indiana, United States of America: The Trustees of Indiana University: 288–308. JSTOR 30027674. Metaxas' linguistic totalitarianism as part of his political platform is well remembered by senior Arvanitika informants. They mention that he introduced open discrimination against the Arvanitika language and punished its use at school or in the army.

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"Σε αρβανιτοχώρι της Θεσπρωτίας αναβίωσαν τον αρβανίτικο γάμο! In an Arvanite village, Arvanite customs have reappeared !". Katopsi. Retrieved 18 April 2015.

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Ktistakis, Giorgos (February 2006). Περιουσίες Αλβανών και Τσάμηδων στην Ελλάδα: Aρση του εμπολέμου και διεθνής προστασία των δικαιωμάτων του ανθρώπου' [Properties of Albanians and Chams in Greece: Nullification of the State of War and international protection of human rights] (PDF). Minorities in Balkans (in Greek). Athens, Greece: Center of Studying of Minority Groups. p. 53. Retrieved 24 March 2009.

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Vickers 2007, p. 2 "Whereas in Albania and the diaspora Cham communities have managed to preserve their dialect, traditions and folk songs, in Greece itself those Orthodox Chams, now numbering around 40,000, who were allowed to remain in Greece, have suffered from assimilation and the public suppression of their Albanian heritage and language. As a result, Albanian is only spoken privately in the home." Vickers, Miranda (2007). "The Cham Issue – Where to Now?". Archived from the original on 8 February 2016. Retrieved 18 March 2009.
Vickers 2002, p. 21 Vickers, Miranda (2002). "The Cham Issue – Albanian National & Property Claims in Greece". Archived from the original on 18 October 2015. Retrieved 18 March 2009.
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Hart, Laurie Kain (1999). "Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece". American Ethnologist. 26: 196. doi:10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.196. Archived from the original on 12 November 2014. Retrieved 9 September 2017. Speaking Albanian, for example, is not a predictor with respect to other matters of identity .. There are also long standing Christian Albanian (or Arvanitika speaking) communities both in Epirus and the Florina district of Macedonia with unquestioned identification with the Greek nation. .. The Tschamides were both Christians and Muslims by the late 18th century [in the 20th century, Cham applies to Muslim only]

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Baltsiotis 2011. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, "De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique", in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448. Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "During the beginning of the 20th Century, the northwestern part of the Greek region of Epirus was mostly populated by an Albanian-speaking population, known under the ethnonyme "Chams" [Çamë, Çam (singular) in Albanian, Τσ(ι)άμηδες, Τσ(ι)άμης in Greek]. The Chams are a distinct ethno-cultural group which consisted of two integral religious groups: Orthodox Christians and Sunni Muslims. This group lived in a geographically wide area, expanding to the north of what is today the Preveza prefecture, the western part of which is known as Fanari [Frar in Albanian], covering the western part of what is today the prefecture of Thesprotia, and including a relatively small part of the region which today constitutes Albanian territory. These Albanian speaking areas were known under the name Chamouria [Çamëri in Albanian, Τσ(ι)αμουριά or Τσ(ι)άμικο in Greek].... Applying linguistic principles, the whole area constituted an Albanian speaking enclave, isolated at least in strict geographical terms, with a continuum of Albanian language in today’s Albania and adjoining areas, i.e, Kosovo and the Republic of Macedonia. In the north-eastern part of that area, east to the city of Filiat(i) within Greek territory, a Greek speaking area began growing and expanding eastwards to today’s Albanian territory and up to the coast of Albania.... The Albanian speaking area was quite compact and well marked by the local geography, as the Greek speaking communities were settled at the eastern mountainous areas. Chamouria and Prevezaniko were also symbolically distinguished as the land where the Arvanitēs lived. We can rather confidently argue that Muslim and Christian Chams of the plains made up a distinct "ethno-economic" group. However, there was a particular pattern in the settlements of religious groups inside the area of Chamouria annexed to Greece: most Muslim villages were located at the center of the area, while the large majority of the Christian Orthodox Albanian speaking villages were to the south and the east of the area. Although the langue-vehiculaire of the area was Albanian, a much higher status was attributed to the Greek language, even among the Muslims themselves. Thus, during the late Ottoman era, besides the official Ottoman Turkish, Greek functioned as a second, semi-official language, accepted by the Ottoman Administration. This characteristic can be followed partly from public documents of the era." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "It’s worth mentioning that the Greek speaking Muslim communities, which were the majority population at Yanina and Paramythia, and of substantial numbers in Parga and probably Preveza, shared the same route of identity construction, with no evident differentiation between them and their Albanian speaking co-habitants." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. It is quite characteristic that it was in 1880, when the British Valentine Chirol visited the Christian "Albanian" village of Tourkopalouko (today Kypseli, at the northwest part of the Preveza prefecture), that his confidence for his Greek friends in Yanina "was first shaken". He was surprised that no one in the village spoke or understood any other language than Albanian although his friends "had assured me that south [of the river] Kalamas there were no Albanian communities" (V. Chirol, "Twixt Greek and Turk, or Jottings during a journey through Thessaly, Macedonia and Epirus, in the Autumn of 1880", Blackwood’s Edinbrurgh Magazine, n. 785, March 1881, p. 313). Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The Albanian-speaking, Orthodox population did not share the national ideas of their Muslim neighbors and remained Greek-oriented, identifying themselves as Greeks." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Prior to this period, Chamouria was already a nuisance both for the Greek state and the Christians of Epirus who identified themselves as Greeks." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "As the less ambitious Greek irredentists' target in 1912 was to include all the areas up to a line including Korçë-Gjirokastër-Himarë within the frontiers of the expanded Greek state, the aim was to obscure the fact that the Christian, or even the Muslim population, didn’t speak Greek but Albanian." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Concealing the existence of the Albanian language appeared as a concept as soon as the possibility of Greek expansion into Epirus appeared.... The first policy was to take measures to hide the language(s) the population spoke, as we have seen in the case of "Southern Epirus"." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The second was to put forth the argument that the language used by the population had no relation to their national affiliation." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Under the prevalent ideology in Greece at the time every Orthodox Christian was considered Greek, and conversely after 1913, when the territory which from then onwards was called "Northern Epirus" in Greece was ceded to Albania, every Muslim of that area was considered Albanian." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The existence of a region (Chamouria) whose population was roughly half Muslim and almost entirely Albanian speaking was considered a serious problem for the Greek state, which had to be confronted both practically and discursively." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The existence of a region (Chamouria) whose population was roughly half Muslim and almost entirely Albanian speaking was considered a serious problem for the Greek state, which had to be confronted both practically and discursively. Every pro-Albanian movement in these areas had to be eliminated by all means." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Muslim Chams were not eager to fight on the side of the Ottoman army during the Balkan Wars" Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "While there is no Greek source describing the behavior of the Greek army against the Muslim population after they seized the area, there are several relevant descriptions in Albanian sources. There are only indirect (but clear) references to atrocities committed by the Greek army.... in the spirit of the times, offensive acts such as defilement of mosques and, obviously, looting, would most certainly have taken place.... For example see HAMFA, The Vice-governor of Paramythia to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 30.03.1917 (1917/A/4X(16)).... The lieutenant of the Greek Army Dimitrios (Takis) Botsaris, after a looting incident during the First Balkan War, pronounces an order that "from this time on every one who will dare to disturb any Christian property will be strictly punished" (see K.D. Sterghiopoulos..., op.cit., pp. 173–174). In pronouncing the order in this manner he left Muslim properties without protection. Botsaris, coming from Souli, was a direct descendant of the Botsaris' family and was fluent in Albanian. He was appointed as lieutenant in charge of a Volunteers' company consisting of persons originating from Epirus and fighting mostly in South Western Epirus." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The presence of a population considered hostile to national interests near the frontier caused anxiety to Greek officials which was exacerbated by a militaristic perception of security and territory. The central Greek state was eager to push the "hostile" population to migrate to Turkey. To that end it utilized harassment tactics which were carried out by local paramilitary groups. This was a practice that was well known and had been adopted as early as the period of the Balkan Wars. In other cases it just forced people to leave the country, after handing down ultimatums." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Besides beys, it seems that the majority of the Muslim population consisted of middle sized estate owners. The land they owned varied in size, fertility and production." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Although there is no sufficient written proof to support the idea, it’s almost certain that families owning very small parcels of land, or just a few small fields and a small number of sheep, were not an exception and were also present in villages.... According to a 1936 document, at the Muslim village of Liopsi there are 170 families. More than one hundred of them "prosper" as they own land at the Chamouria plain, the rest of them being "poor and driven to desperation", The Local Authorities Inspector [attached at the General Governance of Epirus], Jianina 30.07.1936, HAMFA, 1936, 21.1. At the document it is underlined that at the neighboring village of Kotsika 150 persons left to Turkey during 1926–1927, reducing the current (at 1936) population to 450. One can suppose that the emigrants were coming from the "poor" families, although further research should be undertaken." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. " Two years earlier, Greek refugees from Asia Minor had been settled in the area. These newcomers were used as a tool for applying more pressure against Muslims for them to decide to leave Greece." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The newcomers took advantage of the land expropriations, and settled in the houses of Muslims. These actions were in accordance with legal provisions applicable to the whole territory of Greece. It is highly probable, therefore, that some Muslims, pressed by the legislation relating to expropriation and the presence of refugees who presented a threat to them, sold their estates and remained landless." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The restrictions imposed on the right to sell, rent or even cultivate land, due to the consideration of Muslims as "exchangeable", gradually led to the financial devastation of the Muslim population." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "For instance, as late as February 1925, the General Administration of Epirus undertook the task of carrying out a special operation with the purpose of persuading them to leave the country." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The great majority of the refugees were resettled when it was decided that the Muslim population would not be exchanged." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "A concrete description of the lives of the Muslims is clearly referred to in a special report drawn by K. Stylianopoulos, the "Inspector" in charge of Minority issues, who was directly appointed by the Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos and was accountable to him. The report relates to us in graphic terms that "[...] persecutions and heavier confiscations, even led to the decision of classifying as chiftlik the town of Paramythia [...] and in that way small properties and gardens had been expropriated against the Constitution and the Agrarian law; not a single stremma was left to them for cultivation and for sustaining their families, nor were the rents of their properties paid to them regularly (some of them being even lower than a stamp duty). They were not permitted to sell or buy land, and were forced to evaluate their fields at ridiculously low prices (as low as 3 drahmi per stremma), [...], only to be imprisoned for taxes not paid for land already confiscated or expropriated..... Report, 15 October 1930, Archive of Eleftherios Venizelos, Minorities, f. 58/173/4573. See the more detailed report on illegal real estate expropriations and confiscations and the financial results upon the Muslim population at the documents contacted by the General Inspector of the Central Department (of the Ministry of Agriculture) to his Ministry, dated 13. 01. 1932 and 7 August 1932 (HAMFA, 1935, f. A/4/9/2), where he underlines that even plots of 2–3 stremmata had been expropriated." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Various documents indicate that the Greek Authorities either prompted dislocation, or, as one document vividly puts it, "all of our services, but most of all the Sub-prefecture and the Gendarmerie [Χωροφυλακή] of Filiati and Igoumenitsa are working hardly to reinforce the [migration] flow". Practical incentives were provided to individuals and most of all to families wanting to migrate to Turkey. Another mechanism that was used in some cases was the demographic disruption of Muslim communities targeting the disassociation of the social web of the communities with a view to put additional pressure to emigrate. This migration flow presents a prima facie controversial acknowledgment in consideration of the fact that we have mentioned that an Albanian national minority was called into being: The great majority of the emigrants chose to leave for Turkey and not Albania. However, a closer reading of the relevant documents indicates that the Greek Authorities were unofficially encouraging (legal) migration to Turkey while discouraging, or even forbidding, migration to Albania. One more fact that should not be underestimated is that there was an underground migration to Albania, which was not documented in the reports of Local Authorities to the Centre (since, for instance, no passports were issued) and only indirectly referred to in Greek sources. However, this migration is testified to by the relevant Albanian bibliography which includes the testimonies of members of the community. This underground migration of individuals and families to Albania continued until 1940." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "In the 1930s it was obvious that the Chams were viewed as a hostile population and "a lost cause for "Hellenism" Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Parallel measures were taken at the same time regarding the language in Christian Albanian speaking villages. The most important and easily confirmed measure consisted of opening kindergartens in villages selected either by the absence of knowledge of Greek or by their demographic importance. According to a 1931 document, these villages included Aghia, Anthoussa, Eleftheri[o], Kanallaki, Narkissos, Psakka, Aghios Vlassios, Kastri (Dagh) and Draghani." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "Finally, so as to exercise better control over the minority, the Greek state created in late 1936 a new prefecture, that of Thesprotia, consisting of areas that previously belonged to the Prefectures of Ioannina (Yanina) and Preveza, embodying all the Muslim population.... According to the suggestion of the General Administration of Epirus to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (24 October 1936), the presence of Albanian Muslims and the difficulties in "administrating" them from a far away capital calls for the creation of a new prefecture (HAMFA, 1937, A4/9)." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011, Paragraph 56. Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The process of extinguishing any signs of previous minority existence occurred both in real and symbolic ways. The villages of Muslim Chams were repopulated by Greek speaking populations from the adjacent mountainous areas and Vlachs, immediately after their expulsion." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "A few hundred Muslims stayed behind. 127 of them were counted in the 1951 census, while the rest, whose number remains unknown and in need of research, converted to Christianity and intermarried with Greeks..... Except for two small communities that mostly avoided conversion, namely Kodra and Koutsi (actual Polyneri), the majority of others were baptized. Isolated family members that stayed behind were included in the Greek society, and joined the towns of the area or left for other parts of Greece (author’s field research in the area, 1996–2008)." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The Albanian language, and the Christian population who spoke it- and still do- had to be concealed also, since the language was perceived as an additional threat to the Greekness of the land. It could only be used as a proof of their link with the Muslims, thus creating a continuum of non-Greekness." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "In the official censuses of the Greek State in the Interwar period there is major manipulation involving the numbers of the Albanian speakers in the whole of the Greek territory.... The issue here is not the underestimation of the numbers of speakers as such, but the vanishing and reappearing of linguistic groups according to political motives, the crucial one being the "stabilization" of the total number of Albanian speakers in Greece." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.
Baltsiotis 2011. "The Orthodox Albanian-speakers' "return" to Southern Greece and Epirus, Macedonia and Thrace also present at this time, at the 1951 census (7,357 are counted in Epirus)." Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144.

thanassismoraitis.gr

Moraitis, Thanassis. "publications as a researcher". thanassis moraitis: official website. Retrieved 18 April 2015. "Οι Αρβανίτες αυτοί είναι σε εδαφική συνέχεια με την Αλβανία, με την παρεμβολή του ελληνόφωνου Βούρκου (Vurg) εντός της Αλβανίας, και η Αλβανική που μιλιέται εκεί ακόμα, η Τσάμικη, είναι η νοτιότερη υποδιάλεκτος του κεντρικού κορμού της Αλβανικής, αλλά έμεινε ουσιαστικά εκτός του εθνικού χώρου όπου κωδικοποιήθηκε η Αλβανική ως επίσημη γλώσσα του κράτους..... Οι αλβανόφωνοι χριστιανοί θεωρούν τους εαυτούς τους Έλληνες. Στα Ελληνικά αποκαλούν τη γλώσσα τους "Αρβανίτικα", όπως εξ άλλου όλοι οι Αρβανίτες της Ελλάδας, στα Αρβανίτικα όμως την ονομάζουν "Σκιπ""..... "The Albanian idiom still spoken there, Çamërisht, is the southernmost sub-dialect of the main body of the Albanian language, but has remained outside the national space where standard Albanian has been standardized as official language of the state..... Ethnic Albanophone Christians perceive themselves as national Greeks. When speaking Greek, members of this group call their idiom Arvanitic, just as all other Arvanites of Greece; yet, when conversing in their own idiom, they call it "Shqip"."

thefreedictionary.com

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Antonina Zhelyazkova. Urgent anthropology. Vol. 3. Problems of Multiethnicity in the Western Balkans Archived 19 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine. International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations. Sofia 2004. ISBN 978-954-8872-53-9, p. 67.
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Kretsi 2002, p. 179. "It is difficult however, to make final statements on Cham participation in this systematic persecution of the Christian population in the region, especially as there is evidence that the arbitrary rule of the Dino clan was directed even against some Muslims and Albanian-speaking Christians (Arbanits) (Isufi 2002: 2 19—254)." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 178. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 182. "They did not have the opportunity, however, to make any significant contributions in fight against the Germans. Likewise, the Cham partisans quoted above could describe the battles against EDES, but non-against the Germans. Admittedly these fighting units were formed at the end of the war and therefore could no longer exert any broad influence on the Cham population" Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
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Kretsi 2002, p. 187. "The social component of the respective redistribution or property transfers is evident. At the point where the "national" redistribution halted in the prewar period, the "hellenization" of property was taken up once and for all after the war. The economic mobilization of loyal majority groups (i.e., Vlachs along the entire northern Greek border) for the purposes of national homogenization was more often than not carried out to the disadvantage of minorities. In this case it was combined with a strategic purpose, namely the "national stabilization" of the border region and the guarantee of ideological and thus military loyalty to the central state. This becomes evident in a series of laws giving a social or populist character to the expropriation of the Chams and explicitly concerned with supporting border settlers: Athanasakos (n. d.:70 f.) names: 1. N.Δ. 2536/1953 "on the resettlement of the border regions and the enforcement of these populations" art. 6. and 2. N. Δ. 2180/1952 "on the compulsory expropriation of lands for the restitution of the landless farmers and cattle-breeders" which were completed and modified later. According to the aforementioned, the financial revenue office took possession of the properties. In coordination with the direction for agriculture and under the Committee for the expropriations they were bestowed on persons entitled to a share. According to the same author, these persons received title-deeds in the 1960s to 1970s by buying them for the amounts defined by the Committee. The owners of urban properties received acts of concession." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
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Kretsi 2002, p. 182. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 179. "It is difficult however, to make final statements on Cham participation in this systematic persecution of the Christian population in the region, especially as there is evidence that the arbitrary rule of the Dino clan was directed even against some Muslims and Albanian-speaking Christians (Arbanits) (Isufi 2002: 2 19—254)." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 178. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 182. "They did not have the opportunity, however, to make any significant contributions in fight against the Germans. Likewise, the Cham partisans quoted above could describe the battles against EDES, but non-against the Germans. Admittedly these fighting units were formed at the end of the war and therefore could no longer exert any broad influence on the Cham population" Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 187. "The social component of the respective redistribution or property transfers is evident. At the point where the "national" redistribution halted in the prewar period, the "hellenization" of property was taken up once and for all after the war. The economic mobilization of loyal majority groups (i.e., Vlachs along the entire northern Greek border) for the purposes of national homogenization was more often than not carried out to the disadvantage of minorities. In this case it was combined with a strategic purpose, namely the "national stabilization" of the border region and the guarantee of ideological and thus military loyalty to the central state. This becomes evident in a series of laws giving a social or populist character to the expropriation of the Chams and explicitly concerned with supporting border settlers: Athanasakos (n. d.:70 f.) names: 1. N.Δ. 2536/1953 "on the resettlement of the border regions and the enforcement of these populations" art. 6. and 2. N. Δ. 2180/1952 "on the compulsory expropriation of lands for the restitution of the landless farmers and cattle-breeders" which were completed and modified later. According to the aforementioned, the financial revenue office took possession of the properties. In coordination with the direction for agriculture and under the Committee for the expropriations they were bestowed on persons entitled to a share. According to the same author, these persons received title-deeds in the 1960s to 1970s by buying them for the amounts defined by the Committee. The owners of urban properties received acts of concession." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 185. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002, p. 186. "In the census of 1951 there were only 127 Muslims left of a minority that once had 20,000 members. A few of them could merge into the Greek population by converting to Christianity and changing their names and marital practices. After the expulsion, two families of Lopësi found shelter in Sagiáda and some of their descendants still live there today under new names and being Christians. Another inhabitant of Lopësi, then a child, is living in nearby Asproklissi..... The eye-witness Arhimandritēs (n. d.: 93) writes about a gendarmerie officer and member of the EDES named Siaperas who married a very prosperous Muslim widow whose children had converted to Christianity. One interviewee, an Albanian Cham woman, told me that her uncle stayed in Greece, "he married a Christian, he changed his name, he took the name Spiro. Because it is like that, he changed it, and is still there in loannina, with his children". A Greek man from Sagiáda also stated that at this time many people married and in saving the women also were able to take over their lands." Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books
Kretsi 2002. Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6). Munich, Germany: Waxmann Verlag: 171–195. OCLC 41714232. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2009. Via Google Books

yorku.ca

arts.yorku.ca

Kritikos, Georgios (2005). "The Agricultural Settlement of Refugees: A Source of Productive Work and Stability in Greece, 1923–1930" (PDF). Agricultural History. 79 (3). Little Rock, Arkansas, United States of America: Department of History, University of Arkansas at Little Rock: 321–346. doi:10.1525/ah.2005.79.3.321. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 31 March 2009.