Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Cultural achievements of pre-colonial Philippines" in English language version.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)San Nicholas also mentions infanticide as a practice in Pangasinan indicating that children in excess to what a family wanted or could support would be buried alive.
To propagate the new plow technology—a contribution by Spanish friars often elided in Philippine nationalist histories—a foundry for casting plowshares was established in Manila in 1584, with Panday Pira as the first foundryman.
It was 20 to 25 centimeters long, with smaller ones made especially for youngsters since even a small boy felt naked without one.
The kris was a long double-edged blade (modern specimens run to 60 or 70 centimeters), either straight or wavy but characterized by an asymmetrical hornlike flare at the hilt end, called kalaw-kalaw after the kalaw hornbill.
Kris blades are forged from finely tempered steel of different grades, giving it the appearance of the revered Damascus blade.
But even the best Visayan products were considered inferior to those from Mindanao or Sulu, and these in turn were less esteemed than imports from Makassar and Borneo. Alcina thought the best of them excelled Spanish blades.
Like the kris, it was coated with poison before going into battle, and the fiction that the metal itself had been rendered poisonous by some arcane alchemy no doubt enhanced its market value.
It apparently was never manufactured by Visayan smiths but imported from parts of Mindanao, both Muslim and pagan, which had direct culture contact with the Moluccas.
The Bornean arquebus (astingal) was also known, but the Spaniards seem never to have faced any in Luzon encounters as they did in Mindanao.
As in the Visayas, there were specialists whose occupation was to take the virginity of women because virginity was thought to be an impediment to marriage.
Abortions were also common for unmarried women for whom it was a disgrace to become pregnant.
Although infanticide was routinely practiced for children born to unmarried women, since it was considered a disgrace (Quirino and Garcia 1958:373, 427), it does not appear to have been as widespread as in the Visayas.
Tagalogs considered it desirable to have large families. This is evident from superstitions that encouraged fertility and the survival of infants.
The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, but evidence that will support the 2000-year old origin of the Ifugao terraces is completely absent from five major sites (Old Kiangan Village, Hapao, Nagacadan, Batad, and Banaue), which were excavated by the IAP. As such, in this case, the absence of evidence is evidence of absence.
Previously thought to be at least 2000 years old, the recent findings of the Ifugao Archaeological Project (IAP) show that landscape modification for terraced wet-rice cultivation started at ca. 1650 CE. The archaeological record implies that economic intensification and political consolidation occurred in Ifugao soon after the appearance of the Spanish empire in the northern Philippines (ca. 1575 CE). The foremost indication of this shift was the adoption of wet-rice agriculture in the highlands, zones that served as refuge for local populations. I argue that the subsistence shift was precipitated by political pressures and was then followed by political and economic consolidation.
Equally interesting is a platform North Northwest in the rock that seems to serve as a lantaka emplacement (cannon). It should be stated that although Juan de Salcedo was the first European to undertake a conquest in Luzon armed with advanced weaponry, his soldiers were also met with lantaka fire (cannon fire) on the part of the natives (Scott, 1982).
Equally interesting is a platform North Northwest in the rock that seems to serve as a lantaka emplacement (cannon). It should be stated that although Juan de Salcedo was the first European to undertake a conquest in Luzon armed with advanced weaponry, his soldiers were also met with lantaka fire (cannon fire) on the part of the natives (Scott, 1982).
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link){{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)Historical evidence provided by Retana is supported by recent archeological research. Dr. Eusebio Dizon, Chief of the Archaeology Division of the National Museum of the Philippines, wrote his doctoral dissertation on pre-Hispanic Philippine metal implements. His research showed that the indios were a metal-using people, but did not possess the metallurgical knowledge attributed to them by Rizal or the subsequent historians who drew on Rizal's work.
The pre- Hispanic indios, as far as current archaeological data is concerned, were not capable of founding the heavy European-style cannons used in the sixteenth century (Dizon 1991, interview).
The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, but evidence that will support the 2000-year old origin of the Ifugao terraces is completely absent from five major sites (Old Kiangan Village, Hapao, Nagacadan, Batad, and Banaue), which were excavated by the IAP. As such, in this case, the absence of evidence is evidence of absence.
Previously thought to be at least 2000 years old, the recent findings of the Ifugao Archaeological Project (IAP) show that landscape modification for terraced wet-rice cultivation started at ca. 1650 CE. The archaeological record implies that economic intensification and political consolidation occurred in Ifugao soon after the appearance of the Spanish empire in the northern Philippines (ca. 1575 CE). The foremost indication of this shift was the adoption of wet-rice agriculture in the highlands, zones that served as refuge for local populations. I argue that the subsistence shift was precipitated by political pressures and was then followed by political and economic consolidation.
Equally interesting is a platform North Northwest in the rock that seems to serve as a lantaka emplacement (cannon). It should be stated that although Juan de Salcedo was the first European to undertake a conquest in Luzon armed with advanced weaponry, his soldiers were also met with lantaka fire (cannon fire) on the part of the natives (Scott, 1982).
The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, but evidence that will support the 2000-year old origin of the Ifugao terraces is completely absent from five major sites (Old Kiangan Village, Hapao, Nagacadan, Batad, and Banaue), which were excavated by the IAP. As such, in this case, the absence of evidence is evidence of absence.
Previously thought to be at least 2000 years old, the recent findings of the Ifugao Archaeological Project (IAP) show that landscape modification for terraced wet-rice cultivation started at ca. 1650 CE. The archaeological record implies that economic intensification and political consolidation occurred in Ifugao soon after the appearance of the Spanish empire in the northern Philippines (ca. 1575 CE). The foremost indication of this shift was the adoption of wet-rice agriculture in the highlands, zones that served as refuge for local populations. I argue that the subsistence shift was precipitated by political pressures and was then followed by political and economic consolidation.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link){{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)San Nicholas also mentions infanticide as a practice in Pangasinan indicating that children in excess to what a family wanted or could support would be buried alive.
It is well known that Spanish missionaries introduced plows to Filipino farmers, a transfer of technology which is memorialized by the word for plow in modern Philippine languages – Spanish arado.
To propagate the new plow technology—a contribution by Spanish friars often elided in Philippine nationalist histories—a foundry for casting plowshares was established in Manila in 1584, with Panday Pira as the first foundryman.
The absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, but evidence that will support the 2000-year old origin of the Ifugao terraces is completely absent from five major sites (Old Kiangan Village, Hapao, Nagacadan, Batad, and Banaue), which were excavated by the IAP. As such, in this case, the absence of evidence is evidence of absence.
Previously thought to be at least 2000 years old, the recent findings of the Ifugao Archaeological Project (IAP) show that landscape modification for terraced wet-rice cultivation started at ca. 1650 CE. The archaeological record implies that economic intensification and political consolidation occurred in Ifugao soon after the appearance of the Spanish empire in the northern Philippines (ca. 1575 CE). The foremost indication of this shift was the adoption of wet-rice agriculture in the highlands, zones that served as refuge for local populations. I argue that the subsistence shift was precipitated by political pressures and was then followed by political and economic consolidation.
Historical evidence provided by Retana is supported by recent archeological research. Dr. Eusebio Dizon, Chief of the Archaeology Division of the National Museum of the Philippines, wrote his doctoral dissertation on pre-Hispanic Philippine metal implements. His research showed that the indios were a metal-using people, but did not possess the metallurgical knowledge attributed to them by Rizal or the subsequent historians who drew on Rizal's work.
The pre- Hispanic indios, as far as current archaeological data is concerned, were not capable of founding the heavy European-style cannons used in the sixteenth century (Dizon 1991, interview).
Equally interesting is a platform North Northwest in the rock that seems to serve as a lantaka emplacement (cannon). It should be stated that although Juan de Salcedo was the first European to undertake a conquest in Luzon armed with advanced weaponry, his soldiers were also met with lantaka fire (cannon fire) on the part of the natives (Scott, 1982).