Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Cvetković–Maček Agreement" in English language version.
Their draft proposed the creation of [33] administrative districts, a balkanizing tactic intended to maximize the electoral power of the Serb vote.
An addendum to the programme [in 1922] of the Croatian Republican Peasant Party sketched out the map of an independent Croatia, which would cooperate with Serbia on the basis of a confederation. The incident showed that Radić was quite prepared to usurp the authority of the government in the conduct of foreign affairs. In Belgrade, murmurings were heard that the time had come to 'amputate' Croatia and let the Serbs get on with their own affairs.
On 6 January 1929, after five months of protracted efforts to resolve matters through a cabinet headed by Korosec, again including talk of the 'amputation' of Croatia, the King proclaimed a royal dictatorship, pending the promulgation of a new constitution.
In fact, Radić became a resolved federalist only after the results of the Constituent Assembly forced him to abandon any further illusions about the willingness of foreign powers to effect Croatia's independence, and after the NRS and Aleksandar launched several trial balloons about a possible "amputation" of troublesome northwest Croatia, which would have mutilated Croat national territory.
Footnote 10: Certain NRS circles and their allies in the camarilla repeatedly threatened to create a Great Serbia by "amputating" northwestern Croatia and Slovenia and letting these areas fend for themselves. A concrete amputation proposal was voiced in a 1923 pamphlet, following the centralist reversals in parliamentary elections. The author of this anonymous work proposed to incorporate most of Slavonia, parts of Croatia proper, and all of Bosnia-Hercegovlna and Dalmatia into such a Serbian slate.
Stojadinović formed a second administration, but at the beginning of February 1939 his Slovene and Muslim ministerial colleagues, together with Dragisa Cvetkoviç, a Serb, resigned, stating as their reason the government's intransigence over the Croat problem. Stojadinović's position was now untenable[.]
By July [1923], Radić was abroad, fleeing from an arrest warrant issued for publicly insulting the Queen in an inflammatory Bastille Day speech.
Radić's maverick antics again proved a fatal handicap in the attempt to build a united opposition. During the summer, his wanderings around the European capitals brought him to Moscow, where (with the prior agreement of the HRSS leadership) he took his party into the Communist Peasant International on 1 July [1924].
Vesting authority in a Serbian dynasty was asking for trouble when combined with the Serb domination of the Peoples' Assembly, leading to repeated charges of collusion between the government and King Aleksandar. The King's wide discretionary powers in the conduct of foreign affairs were a particular source of tension. The Court played host to thousands of White Russian soldiers commanded by General Wrangel, who used Belgrade as a base to plan his strategy against the Bolshevik government in Moscow, provoking an outcry by opposition deputies in the Peoples' Assembly, in March 1922, against 'hidden government'.
Within three months, Davidović was out of office. Radić's maverick antics again proved a fatal handicap in the attempt to build a united opposition. [...] The Radicals jumped at the opportunity to accuse Radić of treasonable commerce with godless Bolshevism. Using their influence at Court, Pasić and Pribicević campaigned to bring down the government 'in the name of those sacrificed in the war'. As Radić continued to attack the 'militarists and shysters' in Belgrade, the war minister, General Hadžić, declared he could not serve in a government associated with the HRSS, and contrived to bring it down. Davidović privately made it clear that the King had forced his resignation, and he complained about the subversion of civilian government by the generals, who consistently exaggerated the degree of unrest in the country in their reports to Aleksandar.
From prison, he issued a statement to the Peoples' Assembly on 27 March in which he renounced his republican and federalist ambitions, and offered to work within the Vidovdan Constitution, though his communication to the King (coolly received) spoke of its eventual revision. In language as obsequious as it had been vitriolic in opposition, Radić accepted the authority of the Crown.
Pasić immediately [...] formed a government (18 July 1925) [...], with [five] portfolios going to members of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS), as it was now promptly renamed. However, nothing of substance changed in the conduct of politics. Radić [continued to berate] his Radical colleagues in public for corruption. The Radicals for their part were openly contemptuous of Radić's capitulation, which they ascribed to fear and cupidity in equal parts. In early April 1926, Radić left the government, and the HSS reverted to its traditional opposition role. Four days later, Pasić also resigned, and his alliance with Radić proved to be his last taste of office.
The HSS had in this way abandoned the program of the democratic opposition, whose main goal was fundamental change of the 1931 constitution.
