Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution" in English language version.

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  • Lee, Margaret. "Birthright Citizenship Under the 14th Amendment of Persons Born in the United States to Alien Parents", Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine, Congressional Research Service (August 12, 2010): "Over the last decade or so, concern about illegal immigration has sporadically led to a re-examination of a long-established tenet of U.S. citizenship, codified in the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution and §301(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) (8 U.S.C. §1401(a)), that a person who is born in the United States, subject to its jurisdiction, is a citizen of the United States regardless of the race, ethnicity, or alienage of the parents ... some scholars argue that the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment should not apply to the children of unauthorized aliens because the problem of unauthorized aliens did not exist at the time the Fourteenth Amendment was considered in Congress and ratified by the states."

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  • "Fair Treatment by the Government: Equal Protection". GeorgiaLegalAid.org. Carl Vinson Institute of Government at University of Georgia. July 30, 2004. Archived from the original on March 20, 2020. Retrieved July 24, 2020. The basic intent of equal protection is to make sure that people are treated as equally as possible under our legal system. For example, it is to see that everyone who gets a speeding ticket will face the same procedures. A further intent is to ensure that all Americans are provided with equal opportunities in education, employment, and other areas. [...] The U.S. Constitution makes a similar provision in the Fourteenth Amendment. It says that no state shall make or enforce any law that will "deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law." These provisions require the government to treat persons equally and impartially.

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  • "Civil Rights Cases (1883)". Pearson Education, Inc., publishing as Pearson Prentice Hall. Pearson Education. 2005. Archived from the original on January 14, 2021. Retrieved October 23, 2013.

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  • An Act to provide for the more efficient Government of the Rebel States, enacted March 2, 1867, 14 Stat. 428, 429

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  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 4, p. 2893 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. Senator Reverdy Johnson said in the debate: "Now, all this amendment provides is, that all persons born in the United States and not subject to some foreign Power—for that, no doubt, is the meaning of the committee who have brought the matter before us—shall be considered as citizens of the United States ... If there are to be citizens of the United States entitled everywhere to the character of citizens of the United States, there should be some certain definition of what citizenship is, what has created the character of citizen as between himself and the United States, and the amendment says citizenship may depend upon birth, and I know of no better way to give rise to citizenship than the fact of birth within the territory of the United States, born of parents who at the time were subject to the authority of the United States."
  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 4, p. 2897 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine
  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 1, p. 572 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine
  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 4, pp. 2890, 2892–4, 2896 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine
  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 4, p. 2893 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. Trumbull, during the debate, said, "What do we [the committee reporting the clause] mean by 'subject to the jurisdiction of the United States'? Not owing allegiance to anybody else. That is what it means." He then proceeded to expound upon what he meant by "complete jurisdiction": "Can you sue a Navajoe Indian in court? ... We make treaties with them, and therefore they are not subject to our jurisdiction. ... If we want to control the Navajoes or any other Indians of which the Senator from Wisconsin has spoken, how do we do it? Do we pass a law to control them? Are they subject to our jurisdiction in that sense? ... Would he [Senator Doolittle] think of punishing them for instituting among themselves their own tribal regulations? Does the Government of the United States pretend to take jurisdiction of murders and robberies and other crimes committed by one Indian upon another? ... It is only those persons who come completely within our jurisdiction, who are subject to our laws, that we think of making citizens."
  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 4, p. 2895 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. Howard additionally stated the word jurisdiction meant "the same jurisdiction in extent and quality as applies to every citizen of the United States now" and that the U.S. possessed a "full and complete jurisdiction" over the person described in the amendment.
  • 9 March 1866 Congressional Globe 39.1 (1866) p. 1291 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. (middle column, 2nd paragraph)
  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 1, p. 2893 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. From the debate on the Civil Rights Act:

    Mr. Johnson: "... Who is a citizen of the United States is an open question. The decision of the courts and doctrine of the commentators is, that every man who is a citizen of the State becomes ipso facto a citizen of the United States; but there is no definition as to how citizenship can exist in the United States except through the medium of a citizenship in a State ..."

  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 1, p. 498 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. The debate on the Civil Rights Act contained the following exchange:

    Mr. Cowan: "I will ask whether it will not have the effect of naturalizing the children of Chinese and Gypsies born in this country?"
    Mr. Trumbull: "Undoubtedly."
    ...
    Mr. Trumbull: "I understand that under the naturalization laws the children who are born here of parents who have not been naturalized are citizens. This is the law, as I understand it, at the present time. Is not the child born in this country of German parents a citizen? I am afraid we have got very few citizens in some of the counties of good old Pennsylvania if the children born of German parents are not citizens."
    Mr. Cowan: "The honorable Senator assumes that which is not the fact. The children of German parents are citizens; but Germans are not Chinese; Germans are not Australians, nor Hottentots, nor anything of the kind. That is the fallacy of his argument."
    Mr. Trumbull: "If the Senator from Pennsylvania will show me in the law any distinction made between the children of German parents and the children of Asiatic parents, I may be able to appreciate the point which he makes; but the law makes no such distinction; and the child of an Asiatic is just as much of a citizen as the child of a European."

  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 4, pp. 2891–2892 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine During the debate on the Amendment, Senator John Conness of California declared, "The proposition before us, I will say, Mr. President, relates simply in that respect to the children begotten of Chinese parents in California, and it is proposed to declare that they shall be citizens. We have declared that by law [the Civil Rights Act]; now it is proposed to incorporate that same provision in the fundamental instrument of the nation. I am in favor of doing so. I voted for the proposition to declare that the children of all parentage, whatever, born in California, should be regarded and treated as citizens of the United States, entitled to equal Civil Rights with other citizens."
  • Congressional Globe, 1st Session, 39th Congress, pt. 1, p. 2891 Archived January 14, 2021, at the Wayback Machine. From the debate on the Civil Rights Act:

    Mr. Cowan: "Therefore I think, before we assert broadly that everybody who shall be born in the United States shall be taken to be citizen of the United States, we ought to exclude others besides Indians not taxed, because I look upon Indians not taxed as being much less dangerous and much less pestiferous to a society than I look upon Gypsies. I do not know how my honorable friend from California looks upon Chinese, but I do know how some of his fellow citizens regard them. I have no doubt that now they are useful, and I have no doubt that within proper restraints, allowing that State and the other Pacific States to manage them as they may see fit, they may be useful; but I would not tie their hands by the Constitution of the United States so as to prevent them hereafter from dealing with them as in their wisdom they see fit ..."

  • A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774–1875. Library of Congress. p. 707. Archived from the original on December 30, 2020. Retrieved January 14, 2021.
  • A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774–1875. Library of Congress. p. 709. Archived from the original on January 14, 2021. Retrieved January 14, 2021.
  • A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774–1875. Library of Congress. p. 710. Archived from the original on January 14, 2021. Retrieved January 14, 2021.
  • A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774–1875. Library of Congress. p. 708. Archived from the original on January 14, 2021. Retrieved January 14, 2021.
  • A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774–1875. Library of Congress. p. 711. Archived from the original on January 14, 2021. Retrieved January 14, 2021.

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