Krauskopf and Dahlinger, p. 288 (351 entries); Krauskopf, p. 331 (118 entries); Paoletti, pp. 345–346 (206 entries). For a comprehensive discussion of Gorgon/gorgoneion iconography see: Krauskopf and Dahlinger, pp. 285–330 (images: LIMC IV-2, pp. 163–188); Krauskopf, pp. 330–345 (images: LIMC IV-2, pp. 188–195); Paoletti, pp. 345–362 (images: LIMC IV-2, pp. 195–207. For other discussions see: Carpenter, pp. 134–139; Karoglou, pp. 4–25; Ogden 2013, pp. 93–94; Vernant, pp. 112–116.
Vernant p. 112, which also mentions Gorgons "decorating household utensils, hanging in artisan's' workshops, attached to kilns, set up in private residences". For architecture, see Belson 1981. For Greek shield devices, see Chase 1902. Although preserved gorgoneia on actual shields are rare, Chase lists 47 examples (pp. 95 (XVII, XXVII), 106–108 (CXIX–CXXV)) of gorgoneia on representations of shields, and argues (p. 79) that "the constant recurrence of the commoner devices—the bull's head, the gorgoneion, the lion, the serpent, the tripod, can hardly be explained except upon the supposition that these devices were in constant and widespread use throughout the whole period of Greek civilization". For coins, see Kroll 1981; Cook, pp. 853–856.
Ogden 2013, p. 96; Karoglou, pp. 4–5, places this transition, along with similar transitions for other mythical female human-monster hybrids, in the larger context of "the idealizing humanism" of Greek art of the Classical period, "when ugliness was largely avoided"). For a discussion of this Iconographic transition see Karoglou, pp. 6–26, which traces Medusan iconography from the ancient to the modern. See also Cook, pp. 848–858.
Krauskopf and Dahlinger, p. 300, no. 158a, which says that Pausanias's Μέδουσαν τὴν Γοργόνα ("Medusa the Gorgon") probably means a gorgoneion rather than a running Gorgon; Chase, p. 74; Pausanias, 5.10.4.
For discussions of such previous speculations (usually followed by new speculations of their own) see, for example, Hopkins 1934, pp. 341–344; Cook 1940, pp. 845–846; Howe 1954, pp. 209–212; Phinney 1971, p. 446; Belson 1981, II p. 8 n. 1; Wilk 2000, pp. 87–104.
Ogden 2008, pp. 37–38. For the Tiryns masks see Carter, p. 360; Napier 1986, pp. 85, 86 Pl. 34. For the Spartan masks see: Rosenberg 2015; Carter 1987; Napier 1986, pp. 46–47, Pls. 9a-12b; Dickins, pp. 163–186 (Pls. XLVII–LXII).
Ogden 2008, pp. 38–40; Carter, pp. 355, 357 fig. 2, 358 fig. 3, 360–366; Napier 1986, p. 49 Pls. 11a, 12b; Dickens, pp. 166–167 (Pls. XLVII–XLIX), which classifies these masks as "Old Women".
Fowler 2013, p. 252; Hard 2004, pp. 59–60; Gantz, p. 20.
Bremmer 2006, s.v. Gorgo 1; Hard 2004, p. 60; Ganz, p. 20; West 1966, p. 246 line 274 πέρην κλυτοῦ Ὠκεανοῖο; West 2003, Cypria fr. 30 West [= fr. 24 Allen = fr. 32 Bernabé]. Pherecydes also has the Gorgons living somewhere in Oceanus, see Gantz, p. 20; Pherecydes fr. 11 Fowler (Fowler 2000, pp. 280–281) [= Scolia on Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1515a].
Ogden 2013, p. 96; Karoglou, pp. 4–5, places this transition, along with similar transitions for other mythical female human-monster hybrids, in the larger context of "the idealizing humanism" of Greek art of the Classical period, "when ugliness was largely avoided"). For a discussion of this Iconographic transition see Karoglou, pp. 6–26, which traces Medusan iconography from the ancient to the modern. See also Cook, pp. 848–858.
Bremmer 2006, s.v. Gorgo 1; Hard 2004, p. 60; Ganz, p. 20; West 1966, p. 246 line 274 πέρην κλυτοῦ Ὠκεανοῖο; West 2003, Cypria fr. 30 West [= fr. 24 Allen = fr. 32 Bernabé]. Pherecydes also has the Gorgons living somewhere in Oceanus, see Gantz, p. 20; Pherecydes fr. 11 Fowler (Fowler 2000, pp. 280–281) [= Scolia on Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1515a].
Bremmer 2006, s.v. Gorgo 1; Hard 2004, p. 60; Ganz, p. 20; West 1966, p. 246 line 274 πέρην κλυτοῦ Ὠκεανοῖο; West 2003, Cypria fr. 30 West [= fr. 24 Allen = fr. 32 Bernabé]. Pherecydes also has the Gorgons living somewhere in Oceanus, see Gantz, p. 20; Pherecydes fr. 11 Fowler (Fowler 2000, pp. 280–281) [= Scolia on Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1515a].
Fowler 2013, p. 254; Bremmer (2006), s.v. Gorgo 1; Gantz, p. 20; Pindar, Phythian10.30–48. Although Bremmer reads Pindar as having located the Gorgons "among the Hyperboreans", Fowler does not conclude that Pindar did this, while Gantz says that Pindar "may or may not" have done so.
Fowler 2013, p. 254; Gantz, p. 20; Hesiod, Theogony274–282. As to whether Hesiod means to include the Graeae as also living there, Fowler reads Hesiod as including the Graeae, while Gantz does not. Compare with Apollodorus, 2.4.2, which has Perseus fly to "the ocean" [i.e Oceanus] to find the Gorgons.
Fowler 2013, p. 254; Bremmer (2006), s.v. Gorgo 1; Gantz, p. 20; Pindar, Phythian10.30–48. Although Bremmer reads Pindar as having located the Gorgons "among the Hyperboreans", Fowler does not conclude that Pindar did this, while Gantz says that Pindar "may or may not" have done so.
Apollodorus, 3.10.3. Compare with Apollodorus, 2.7.3, which says that Heracles, who had received a lock of Medusa's hair from Athena, gave it to Tegea for the city's protection from attack (according to Pausanias, 87.47.5, the lock of hair was given to Tegea by Athena herself), see Gantz, p. 428.
Svarlien's translation of Pindar, Pythian12.7–11, 18–21. According to Vernant, p. 117, Pindar is saying here that the sound emitted by the pursuing Gorgons came "both from their maiden mouths and from the horrible heads of snakes associated with them".
Krauskopf and Dahlinger, p. 300, no. 158a, which says that Pausanias's Μέδουσαν τὴν Γοργόνα ("Medusa the Gorgon") probably means a gorgoneion rather than a running Gorgon; Chase, p. 74; Pausanias, 5.10.4.
Fowler 2013, p. 254; Gantz, p. 20; Hesiod, Theogony274–282. As to whether Hesiod means to include the Graeae as also living there, Fowler reads Hesiod as including the Graeae, while Gantz does not. Compare with Apollodorus, 2.4.2, which has Perseus fly to "the ocean" [i.e Oceanus] to find the Gorgons.
