Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Great Famine (Ireland)" in English language version.
[page 4] While no academic historian continues to take the claim of genocide seriously, the issue of blame remains controversial [page 68]. In sum, the Great Famine of the 1840s, instead of being inevitable and inherent in the potato economy, was a tragic ecological accident. Ireland's experience during these years supports neither the complacency exemplified by the Whig view of political economy nor the genocide theories formerly espoused by a few nationalist historians.
[page 4] While no academic historian continues to take the claim of genocide seriously, the issue of blame remains controversial [page 68]. In sum, the Great Famine of the 1840s, instead of being inevitable and inherent in the potato economy, was a tragic ecological accident. Ireland's experience during these years supports neither the complacency exemplified by the Whig view of political economy nor the genocide theories formerly espoused by a few nationalist historians.
population declining dramatically from 8.2 million to 6.5 million between 1841 and 1851 and then declining gradually and almost continuously to 4.5 million in 1961
[Donnelly] has noted that statistics for grain exports and imports were readily available during the second half of the nineteenth century 'and if honestly confronted, would at least have raised serious doubts about the accuracy of the nationalist perspective'. Modern scholars have even less of an excuse for prevarication. Peter Solar calculated that on the eve of the Famine Ireland produced sufficient food for 9.5 to 10m people; during the years 1846–50 it produced little more than half that amount. Austin Bourke showed that food imports were considerably in excess of exports during the Famine years, though a ban on exports during the autumn of 1846 might have eased food shortages. Food exports during the autumn and winter of 1846 were equivalent to one-tenth of the potatoes lost... [Kinealy] seems to imply that Mitchel's case is more credible than recent scholars suggest; few would agree.
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: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)[Donnelly] has noted that statistics for grain exports and imports were readily available during the second half of the nineteenth century 'and if honestly confronted, would at least have raised serious doubts about the accuracy of the nationalist perspective'. Modern scholars have even less of an excuse for prevarication. Peter Solar calculated that on the eve of the Famine Ireland produced sufficient food for 9.5 to 10m people; during the years 1846–50 it produced little more than half that amount. Austin Bourke showed that food imports were considerably in excess of exports during the Famine years, though a ban on exports during the autumn of 1846 might have eased food shortages. Food exports during the autumn and winter of 1846 were equivalent to one-tenth of the potatoes lost... [Kinealy] seems to imply that Mitchel's case is more credible than recent scholars suggest; few would agree.
[Donnelly] has noted that statistics for grain exports and imports were readily available during the second half of the nineteenth century 'and if honestly confronted, would at least have raised serious doubts about the accuracy of the nationalist perspective'. Modern scholars have even less of an excuse for prevarication. Peter Solar calculated that on the eve of the Famine Ireland produced sufficient food for 9.5 to 10m people; during the years 1846–50 it produced little more than half that amount. Austin Bourke showed that food imports were considerably in excess of exports during the Famine years, though a ban on exports during the autumn of 1846 might have eased food shortages. Food exports during the autumn and winter of 1846 were equivalent to one-tenth of the potatoes lost... [Kinealy] seems to imply that Mitchel's case is more credible than recent scholars suggest; few would agree.
Legend has it ...
[Donnelly] has noted that statistics for grain exports and imports were readily available during the second half of the nineteenth century 'and if honestly confronted, would at least have raised serious doubts about the accuracy of the nationalist perspective'. Modern scholars have even less of an excuse for prevarication. Peter Solar calculated that on the eve of the Famine Ireland produced sufficient food for 9.5 to 10m people; during the years 1846–50 it produced little more than half that amount. Austin Bourke showed that food imports were considerably in excess of exports during the Famine years, though a ban on exports during the autumn of 1846 might have eased food shortages. Food exports during the autumn and winter of 1846 were equivalent to one-tenth of the potatoes lost... [Kinealy] seems to imply that Mitchel's case is more credible than recent scholars suggest; few would agree.
Legend has it ...
[page 4] While no academic historian continues to take the claim of genocide seriously, the issue of blame remains controversial [page 68]. In sum, the Great Famine of the 1840s, instead of being inevitable and inherent in the potato economy, was a tragic ecological accident. Ireland's experience during these years supports neither the complacency exemplified by the Whig view of political economy nor the genocide theories formerly espoused by a few nationalist historians.
[page 4] While no academic historian continues to take the claim of genocide seriously, the issue of blame remains controversial [page 68]. In sum, the Great Famine of the 1840s, instead of being inevitable and inherent in the potato economy, was a tragic ecological accident. Ireland's experience during these years supports neither the complacency exemplified by the Whig view of political economy nor the genocide theories formerly espoused by a few nationalist historians.
[Donnelly] has noted that statistics for grain exports and imports were readily available during the second half of the nineteenth century 'and if honestly confronted, would at least have raised serious doubts about the accuracy of the nationalist perspective'. Modern scholars have even less of an excuse for prevarication. Peter Solar calculated that on the eve of the Famine Ireland produced sufficient food for 9.5 to 10m people; during the years 1846–50 it produced little more than half that amount. Austin Bourke showed that food imports were considerably in excess of exports during the Famine years, though a ban on exports during the autumn of 1846 might have eased food shortages. Food exports during the autumn and winter of 1846 were equivalent to one-tenth of the potatoes lost... [Kinealy] seems to imply that Mitchel's case is more credible than recent scholars suggest; few would agree.