In Alaskan Haida, the definite article takes high tone if added to a low-tone syllable, and also takes the high tone from stems ending in a sonorant, nasal, or /iː/ or /uː/ "unless their vowel is lengthened", e.g. x̱akw "halibut" becomes x̱agwáay. See Lawrence (1977:61) Lawrence, Erma (1977). Haida dictionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
In Alaskan Haida, -gyaa takes high tone if the noun does not have a high tone already. See Lawrence (1977:65) Lawrence, Erma (1977). Haida dictionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
As seen in this example, the suffix takes high tone after a low-tone stem. Also note that the suffix -(a)ng 'one's own' disappears after this suffix. See Lawrence (1977:68) Lawrence, Erma (1977). Haida dictionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
The stem of a verb, which is "the form which most people will give as the basic form of a verb if you ask them how to say 'to do so and so'", may be determined by removing -saang from the future form of the verb, e.g. kíngsaang "will see" has stem kíng "to see". See Lawrence (1977:78) Lawrence, Erma (1977). Haida dictionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
This clitic hl becomes hahl if the previous word ends in a lateral consonant. See Lawrence (1977:149) Lawrence, Erma (1977). Haida dictionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
When both pronouns are object pronouns, the pronoun translating to a subject in English comes last. See Lawrence (1977:147) Lawrence, Erma (1977). Haida dictionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
An exception to this construction is that gyáagan is used for "my" instead of the expected *díigyaan, e.g. gyáagan x̱áay "my dog". See Lawrence (1977:65) Lawrence, Erma (1977). Haida dictionary. Fairbanks: Alaska Native Language Center.
Keen also translated 3 books of the New Testament into Haida: Acts, published in 1898; and the gospels of Luke and John, published 1899. Hatch, Melville H. (Autumn 1957). "A Biographical Memoir of Rev. Keen". The Coleopterists Bulletin. XI (3/4): 62–64. JSTOR3999009.