History of the State of Palestine (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "History of the State of Palestine" in English language version.

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  • Steiner & Killebrew, p. 9 Archived 1 November 2022 at the Wayback Machine: "The general limits ..., as defined here, begin at the Plain of 'Amuq in the north and extend south until the Wâdī al-Arish, along the northern coast of Sinai. ... The western coastline and the eastern deserts set the boundaries for the Levant ... The Euphrates and the area around Jebel el-Bishrī mark the eastern boundary of the northern Levant, as does the Syrian Desert beyond the Anti-Lebanon range's eastern hinterland and Mount Hermon. This boundary continues south in the form of the highlands and eastern desert regions of Transjordan."
  • Politics and government in the Middle East and North Africa, p. 303, at Google Books, by Tareq Y. Ismael, Jacqueline S. Ismael, Kamel Abu Jaber, p 303.
  • Part II. - Boundaries recommended in UNGA Res 181, p. 78, at Google Books Molinaro, Enrico The Holy Places of Jerusalem in Middle East Peace Agreements p. 78.
  • Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements. Vol. 4, Edmund Jan Osmanczyk, and Anthony Mango, Routledge, 3rd edition, 2004, ISBN 0-415-93924-0, p. 2, 354, p. 2354, at Google Books
  • See Israel and the West Bank, By Thomas S. Kuttner, Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1977, Volume 7; Volume 1977, edited by Yoram Dinstein, Kluwer Law International, 1989, ISBN 0-7923-0357-1, [3], p. 166, at Google Books
  • See Israel and the creation of a Palestinian state: a European perspective, by Joseph Weiler, Croom Helm, Ltd. 1985, ISBN 0-7099-3605-2, p. 48 [4], p. 47, at Google Books
  • Gelber, Y. Palestine, 1948. Pp. 177–78, p. 364, at Google Books
  • Sanger, Andrew (2011). "The Contemporary Law of Blockade and the Gaza Freedom Flotilla". In M.N. Schmitt; Louise Arimatsu; Tim McCormack (eds.). Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law - 2010. Vol. 13. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 429. doi:10.1007/978-90-6704-811-8_14. ISBN 9789067048118. Israel claims it no longer occupies the Gaza Strip, maintaining that it 'is neither a State nor a territory occupied or controlled by Israel', but rather, it has 'sui generis' status. Pursuant to the Disengagement Plan, Israel dismantled all military institutions and settlements in Gaza and there is no longer a permanent Israeli military or civilian presence in the territory. However, the Plan also provided that 'Israel will guard and monitor the external land perimeter of the Gaza Strip, will continue to maintain exclusive authority in Gaza air space, and will continue to exercise security activity in the sea off the coast of the Gaza Strip', as well as maintaining an Israeli military presence on the Egyptian/Gaza border, and reserving the right to reenter Gaza at will.
    Israel continues to control six of Gaza's seven land crossings, its maritime borders and airspace, and the movement of goods and persons in and out of the territory. [Egypt controls one of Gaza's land crossings.] Troops from the Israeli Defence Force regularly enter parts of the territory and/or deploy missile attacks, drones and sonic bombs into Gaza. Israel has declared a no-go buffer zone that stretches deep into Gaza: if Gazans enter this zone, they are shot on sight. Gaza is also dependent on Israel for, inter alia, electricity, currency, telephone networks, issuing IDs, and permits to enter and leave the territory. Israel also has sole control of the Palestinian Population Registry, through which the Israeli Army regulates who is classified as a Palestinian and who is a Gazan or West Banker. Since 2000, aside from a limited number of exceptions, Israel has refused to add people to the Palestinian Population Registry.
    It is this direct external control over Gaza and indirect control over life within Gaza that has led the United Nations, the UN General Assembly, the UN Fact Finding Mission to Gaza, International human rights organisations, US Government websites, the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office and a significant number of legal commentators, to reject the argument that Gaza is no longer occupied.
  • Scobbie, Iain (2012). Elizabeth Wilmshurst (ed.). International Law and the Classification of Conflicts. Oxford University Press. p. 295. ISBN 9780199657759. Even after the accession to power of Hamas, Israel's claim that it no longer occupies Gaza has not been accepted by UN bodies, most States, nor the majority of academic commentators because of its exclusive control of its border with Gaza and crossing points including the effective control it exerted over the Rafah crossing until at least May 2011, its control of Gaza's maritime zones and airspace which constitute what Aronson terms the 'security envelope' around Gaza, as well as its ability to intervene forcibly at will in Gaza.
  • Gawerc, Michelle (2012). Prefiguring Peace: Israeli-Palestinian Peacebuilding Partnerships. Lexington Books. p. 44. ISBN 9780739166109. Archived from the original on 2023-02-28. Retrieved 2016-11-11. While Israel withdrew from the immediate territory, Israel still controlled all access to and from Gaza through the border crossings, as well as through the coastline and the airspace. In addition, Gaza was dependent upon Israel for water electricity sewage communication networks and for its trade (Gisha 2007. Dowty 2008). In other words, while Israel maintained that its occupation of Gaza ended with its unilateral disengagement Palestinians - as well as many human right organizations and international bodies - argued that Gaza was by all intents and purposes still occupied.
  • Anis F. Kassim, ed. (1988). The Palestine Yearbook of International Law 1987-1988. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 247. ISBN 9041103414. Archived from the original on 2023-03-03. Retrieved 2016-03-25.

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  • Sanger, Andrew (2011). "The Contemporary Law of Blockade and the Gaza Freedom Flotilla". In M.N. Schmitt; Louise Arimatsu; Tim McCormack (eds.). Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law - 2010. Vol. 13. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 429. doi:10.1007/978-90-6704-811-8_14. ISBN 9789067048118. Israel claims it no longer occupies the Gaza Strip, maintaining that it 'is neither a State nor a territory occupied or controlled by Israel', but rather, it has 'sui generis' status. Pursuant to the Disengagement Plan, Israel dismantled all military institutions and settlements in Gaza and there is no longer a permanent Israeli military or civilian presence in the territory. However, the Plan also provided that 'Israel will guard and monitor the external land perimeter of the Gaza Strip, will continue to maintain exclusive authority in Gaza air space, and will continue to exercise security activity in the sea off the coast of the Gaza Strip', as well as maintaining an Israeli military presence on the Egyptian/Gaza border, and reserving the right to reenter Gaza at will.
    Israel continues to control six of Gaza's seven land crossings, its maritime borders and airspace, and the movement of goods and persons in and out of the territory. [Egypt controls one of Gaza's land crossings.] Troops from the Israeli Defence Force regularly enter parts of the territory and/or deploy missile attacks, drones and sonic bombs into Gaza. Israel has declared a no-go buffer zone that stretches deep into Gaza: if Gazans enter this zone, they are shot on sight. Gaza is also dependent on Israel for, inter alia, electricity, currency, telephone networks, issuing IDs, and permits to enter and leave the territory. Israel also has sole control of the Palestinian Population Registry, through which the Israeli Army regulates who is classified as a Palestinian and who is a Gazan or West Banker. Since 2000, aside from a limited number of exceptions, Israel has refused to add people to the Palestinian Population Registry.
    It is this direct external control over Gaza and indirect control over life within Gaza that has led the United Nations, the UN General Assembly, the UN Fact Finding Mission to Gaza, International human rights organisations, US Government websites, the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office and a significant number of legal commentators, to reject the argument that Gaza is no longer occupied.
  • Rabie, Mohamed (Summer 1992). "The U.S.–PLO Dialogue: The Swedish Connection". Journal of Palestine Studies. 21 (4). University of California Press: 54–66. doi:10.1525/jps.1992.21.4.00p0140g. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2537663. Retrieved 1 July 2007.

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  • "Declaration accepting the Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court" [9] Archived 2022-03-07 at the Wayback Machine website ICC, 31 December 2014

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  • See paragraph 2.20 of the Written Statement submitted by the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-05-11. Retrieved 2010-06-06.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link).

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  • See "An Interview with Yasser Arafat", NY Review of Books, Volume 34, Number 10, 11 June 1987 [7] Archived 2009-01-07 at the Wayback Machine

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  • "The Mandate years: colonialism and the creation of Israel". The Guardian. 2001-05-31. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2024-06-18.
  • "How Unesco countries voted on Palestinian membership". The Guardian. 1 November 2011. Archived from the original on 29 January 2013. Retrieved 4 November 2012.
  • "Fatou Bensouda: the truth about the ICC and Gaza" [8] Archived 2020-07-04 at the Wayback Machine, theguardian.com, 29 August 2014

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  • "The Mandate years: colonialism and the creation of Israel". The Guardian. 2001-05-31. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2024-06-18.
  • Rabie, Mohamed (Summer 1992). "The U.S.–PLO Dialogue: The Swedish Connection". Journal of Palestine Studies. 21 (4). University of California Press: 54–66. doi:10.1525/jps.1992.21.4.00p0140g. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2537663. Retrieved 1 July 2007.

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