Donald Leslie wrote in 1972 that the most detailed and convincing report about them, written in 1932 by an American Jew, David A. Brown, stated that: "They know they are Jews, but know nothing of Judaism. They realize they are Chinese, completely assimilated, yet there is pride in the knowledge that they spring from an ancient people who are different from the other Chinese in K'ai feng" (Leslie 1972, p. 71). Leslie, Donald (1972). The Survival of the Chinese Jews: The Jewish Community of Kaifeng. BRILL. ISBN978-9-004-03413-6.
"In China, the merchant Jews who arrived around the eleventh century were, given the length, difficulties, and danger of the journey, unlikely to have brought wives with them. Those who elected to remain in China took Chinese wives, who, as is well documented, converted to Judaism." (Paper 2012, p. 9) Paper, Jordan (2012). The Theology of the Chinese Jews, 1000–1850. Wilfrid Laurier University Press. ISBN978-1-554-58404-8.
reference="They were again deprived of their books by a fire, and the loss was in part supplied by the purchase of a roll of the Law from a Mohammedan at Ning-keang-chow (ed. note =寧羌州: níng qiāng zhōu) in Shen-se, who had received it by legacy from a dying Israelite at Canton, and from this Hebrew roll they were able to make several copies." (Wylie 1864, p. 48) Wylie, Alexander (1864). "Israelites in China". In Summers, James (ed.). Chinese and Japanese Repository. Vol. 1. W. H. Allen & Co. pp. 43–52.
In his Notes Taken in a Nan Village (南村輟耕錄:Nán Cūn Chuò Gēng Lù), the Yuan scholar Tao Zongyi (陶宗儀: Táo Zōngyí 1322-1403) noted down 31 ethnic groups as belonging to the second, Semu, rank of the four class Mongol classificatory system ((a) Mongols, (b) Semu, (c) Han (including Jin) and (d) Dali and Koreans). Jews do not figure there, but there are several names in the third class that look like a reference to them, such as Zhuyin-dai, (竹因歹: Zhúyīn- dǎi); Zhuyi-dai, (竹亦歹:zhúyì-dǎi) and Zhuwen (竹温:Zhú wēn). In Mongolian, dai signifies "people", hence the suspicion by Yin Gang that this is an ethnonym marker for Jews (Judah). Unfortunately there is no evidence that might allow one to assert that the three terms denote an ethnic group (Yin 2008, p. 190). Yin, Gang (2008). "Between Disintegration and Expansion; A Comparative Retrospection of the Kaifeng Jewish and Muslim Communities". In Kupfer, Peter (ed.). Youtai - Presence and Perception of Jews and Judaism in China. Peter Lang. pp. 185–200. ISBN978-3-631-57533-8.
S.M. Perlmann, a Shanghai businessman and scholar, wrote in 1912 that "they bury their dead in coffins, but of a different shape than those of the Chinese are made, and do not attire the dead in secular clothes as the Chinese do, but in linen." (Dawid 1999, p. 117) Dawid, Heinz (1999). "From Berlin To Tianjin". In Goldstein, Jonathan (ed.). The Jews of China. A Sourcebook and Research Guide. Vol. 2. M. E. Sharpe. pp. 110–119. ISBN978-0-765-60105-6.
"Later, in the 19th and 20th centuries, it is likely, as suggested by many scholars, that several of the Kaifeng Jews did convert to Islam rather than simply being swallowed up in the Buddhist or Confucian multitude. Today, a number of Muslims (and possibly non-Muslims) have discovered that their ancestors were Kaifeng Jews. ... (Jin Xiaojing 金效靜, 1981) discovered she was of Jewish descent when on the hajj to Mecca." (Yin 2008, p. 194) Yin, Gang (2008). "Between Disintegration and Expansion; A Comparative Retrospection of the Kaifeng Jewish and Muslim Communities". In Kupfer, Peter (ed.). Youtai - Presence and Perception of Jews and Judaism in China. Peter Lang. pp. 185–200. ISBN978-3-631-57533-8.
"Islamic works translated into Chinese played a very important role in the popularization of Islam. At the same time, many Jews who did not like to abandon their tradition converted to Islam and were known as the 'Huihui with blue hats. The missionary work of Christians from the beginning of the 17th century and the Chinese Bible did not affect them'." (Yin 2008, p. 196) Yin, Gang (2008). "Between Disintegration and Expansion; A Comparative Retrospection of the Kaifeng Jewish and Muslim Communities". In Kupfer, Peter (ed.). Youtai - Presence and Perception of Jews and Judaism in China. Peter Lang. pp. 185–200. ISBN978-3-631-57533-8.
"It is clear from Shi's later descriptions that many of the tombstones he saw were Muslim rather than Jewish, though one, he claimed, read 'Religion of Israel' in Hebrew. In Hangzhou, according to Ricci in 1608, there had been a synagogue. We can only wonder whether the Jews there had a separate cemetery of their own or were accepted by the Muslims in their special cemetery." (Leslie 2008, p. 50) Leslie, Donald (2008). "Jews and Judaism in Traditional China: Prospects for Research". In Kupfer, Peter (ed.). Youtai - Presence and Perception of Jews and Judaism in China. Peter Lang. pp. 23–54. ISBN978-3-631-57533-8.
"The issue of lineage is important because a critique of Chinese Judaism as not being authentically Jewish is based on the fact that the clan lineages were patrilineal..Since it is now assumed by many contemporary Jews that Judaism is matrilineal, Chinese Judaism was therefore spurious and the Chinese Jews cannot really be Jews..This criticism is absurd, because the practices of the Chinese Jews in this regard were and are no different from traditional Jewish practices elsewhere...The similarity of patrilineality in both Jewish and Chinese cultures is but another way in which the two cultures were compatible." (Paper 2012, pp. 8–9) Paper, Jordan (2012). The Theology of the Chinese Jews, 1000–1850. Wilfrid Laurier University Press. ISBN978-1-554-58404-8.
Chong 2013, p. 315. Chong, Key Ray (2013) [First published 2000]. "Kaifeng". In Friedman, John Block; Figg, Kristen Mossler (eds.). Trade, Travel, and Exploration in the Middle Ages: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. p. 315. ISBN978-1-135-59094-9.
"The debate about the origin, arrival and nature of the Kaifeng Jews is one of the most heated in the entire field of Sino-Judaica, arguably second only to that surrounding the history of the Jewish refugee community of Shanghai." (Yu 2017, p. 369) Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
The report in The Travels of Marco Polo that Kubilai Khan reverenced Moses, and kissed a volume of the Hebrew scriptures, often used as evidence for Jews in China in the 13th century, is regarded as a later interpolation, probably the handiwork of Giambattista Ramusio in his 1553 edition of that work (Pollak 2005, p. 207). Pollak, Michael (Spring 2005). "Review: The Jews of Kaifeng, China: History, Culture, and Religion by Xu Xin". Shofar. 23 (3): 206–209. doi:10.1353/sho.2005.0118. JSTOR42943875. S2CID143183748.
"In 998, the Central Indian monk Ni-wei-ni (沙門你尾抳) and others came to China to meet Emperor Song Zhenzong with Buddhist relics, scriptures, banyan leafs and several banyan seeds." (Yu 2017, p. 372; Zhi-pan 2002, p. 444) Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017. Zhi-pan (4 November 2002). Buddha Almanac 佛祖統紀 [Fózǔ Tǒngjì] (CBETA Electronic Version) (in Chinese). Vol. 44. Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association.
Earlier scholarship transcribed 俺都喇 as "Yen-tu-la". In the 1489 and 1512 inscriptions, this 俺/Yen represents a family name which was later changed to Zhao by imperial favour. 俺 is to be read Ăn. The character has a variant pronunciation yàn, which may account for the earlier transcription as yen. One suggestion is that rather than the Moslem "Abdullah", the Chinese may have represented an original Hamdullah(i) (Leslie 1962, pp. 352–353). Leslie, Donald (July–September 1962). "Some Notes on the Jewish Inscriptions of K'aifeng". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 82 (3): 346–361. doi:10.2307/597646. JSTOR597646.
Ăn Chéng two years later, in 1423, received, the surname Zhao (趙: Zhào) conferred as an imperial memorial for his meritorious services, together with the rank of rank of Military Commissioner in the Embroidered Uniform Guard (錦衣公: Jǐnyīgōng). Thereafter he was known as Zhao Cheng (趙誠:Zhào Chéng). This is almost identical to a passage in the Ming biography of the Emperor at that time Yong-le (永樂: Yǒnglè (reigned 1402 to 1424), where mention is made of a Henan soldier, An San (俺三: Ăn Sān),[o] who was promoted within the same Embroidered Uniform Guard and had the same surname bestowed on him in 1421 in recognition for acting as an informer concerning the treasonous designs of the Prince of Zhou, namely Zhu Su (朱橚: Zhū Sù). Fang Chao-ying (房兆楹: Fáng Zhào-yíng) had identified in 1965 the Kaifeng Jewish physician with this An San, an identification endorsed by Leslie (Yu 2017, pp. 378–379, 383–384Leslie 1967, p. 138). Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017. Leslie, Donald (1967). "The K'aifeng Jew Chao Ying-ch'eng and His Family". T'oung Pao. 53 (1–3): 147–179. doi:10.1163/156853267X00025. JSTOR4527667.
"This fits the Chinese pronunciation far better – the Hebrew gutteral ayin (ע) could easily have been converted into the Chinese nasal final n. Moreover, according to Professor Rabin, the term ma'lā was used to refer to honoured members of the community by the Jews of eastern countries of the time concerned and meant 'the honourable, your highness'." (Leslie 1962, pp. 351–352, 352) Leslie, Donald (July–September 1962). "Some Notes on the Jewish Inscriptions of K'aifeng". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 82 (3): 346–361. doi:10.2307/597646. JSTOR597646.
Pangu (盤古:Pángǔ), identified or conflated with Adam in the 1489 inscription, was the mythical first being of Chinese cosmology. In the 1663 inscription, instead, Adam is depicted as a descendant of Pangu. Likewise, Noah was rendered, in a similar assimilative manner, as Nüwa (女媧:Nǚwā), the name for a Chinese goddess of creation remembered in myth for her intervention in staying a great flood that threatened mankind. (Löwenthal 1947, pp. 100–101). Löwenthal, Rudolf (1947). "The Nomenclature of Jews in China". Monumenta Serica. 12: 97–126. doi:10.1080/02549948.1947.11744892. JSTOR40726671.
"it is impossible to deny that the Jewish community did exist." (Yu 2017, p. 374) Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, p. 371. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, p. 370. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, pp. 372–373. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, p. 373. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, p. 384. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, pp. 369–386, 375. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, pp. 385–386. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, pp. 373–374, 377. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, pp. 370, 378. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, pp. 375–376, 386. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Yu 2017, p. 376. Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017.
Katz 1995, pp. 129–130. Katz, Nathan (May 1995). "The Judaisms of Kaifeng and Cochin: Parallel and Divergent Styles of Religious Acculturation". Numen. 42 (2): 118–140. doi:10.1163/1568527952598594. JSTOR3270171.
"this observer would hazard a guess that some of these 500 Kaifeng Jews will indeed become Jewish over the next several decades, because the Jews of the West will make them into Jews. Once discovered, they will be pursued in one way or another until they and their neighbors become so conscious of their 'Jewishness' that the deed will be done even if it will not be halakhically recognized." (Elazar 1987) Elazar, Daniel J. (1987). "Are There Really Jews in China?: An Update". Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.
The report in The Travels of Marco Polo that Kubilai Khan reverenced Moses, and kissed a volume of the Hebrew scriptures, often used as evidence for Jews in China in the 13th century, is regarded as a later interpolation, probably the handiwork of Giambattista Ramusio in his 1553 edition of that work (Pollak 2005, p. 207). Pollak, Michael (Spring 2005). "Review: The Jews of Kaifeng, China: History, Culture, and Religion by Xu Xin". Shofar. 23 (3): 206–209. doi:10.1353/sho.2005.0118. JSTOR42943875. S2CID143183748.
"It was only by way of exception that Jewish persons or activities were of interest to Chinese officials or men of letters. There are no specific Chinese monographs on the Jews, as there are, for example, about the Tibetan or Turkish groups with whom the imperial government perforce came into contact." (Loewe 1988, p. 1) Loewe, Michael (1988). "The Jewish Presence in Imperial China". Jewish Historical Studies. 30: 1–20. JSTOR29779835.
Earlier scholarship transcribed 俺都喇 as "Yen-tu-la". In the 1489 and 1512 inscriptions, this 俺/Yen represents a family name which was later changed to Zhao by imperial favour. 俺 is to be read Ăn. The character has a variant pronunciation yàn, which may account for the earlier transcription as yen. One suggestion is that rather than the Moslem "Abdullah", the Chinese may have represented an original Hamdullah(i) (Leslie 1962, pp. 352–353). Leslie, Donald (July–September 1962). "Some Notes on the Jewish Inscriptions of K'aifeng". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 82 (3): 346–361. doi:10.2307/597646. JSTOR597646.
Ăn Chéng two years later, in 1423, received, the surname Zhao (趙: Zhào) conferred as an imperial memorial for his meritorious services, together with the rank of rank of Military Commissioner in the Embroidered Uniform Guard (錦衣公: Jǐnyīgōng). Thereafter he was known as Zhao Cheng (趙誠:Zhào Chéng). This is almost identical to a passage in the Ming biography of the Emperor at that time Yong-le (永樂: Yǒnglè (reigned 1402 to 1424), where mention is made of a Henan soldier, An San (俺三: Ăn Sān),[o] who was promoted within the same Embroidered Uniform Guard and had the same surname bestowed on him in 1421 in recognition for acting as an informer concerning the treasonous designs of the Prince of Zhou, namely Zhu Su (朱橚: Zhū Sù). Fang Chao-ying (房兆楹: Fáng Zhào-yíng) had identified in 1965 the Kaifeng Jewish physician with this An San, an identification endorsed by Leslie (Yu 2017, pp. 378–379, 383–384Leslie 1967, p. 138). Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017. Leslie, Donald (1967). "The K'aifeng Jew Chao Ying-ch'eng and His Family". T'oung Pao. 53 (1–3): 147–179. doi:10.1163/156853267X00025. JSTOR4527667.
"This fits the Chinese pronunciation far better – the Hebrew gutteral ayin (ע) could easily have been converted into the Chinese nasal final n. Moreover, according to Professor Rabin, the term ma'lā was used to refer to honoured members of the community by the Jews of eastern countries of the time concerned and meant 'the honourable, your highness'." (Leslie 1962, pp. 351–352, 352) Leslie, Donald (July–September 1962). "Some Notes on the Jewish Inscriptions of K'aifeng". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 82 (3): 346–361. doi:10.2307/597646. JSTOR597646.
Pangu (盤古:Pángǔ), identified or conflated with Adam in the 1489 inscription, was the mythical first being of Chinese cosmology. In the 1663 inscription, instead, Adam is depicted as a descendant of Pangu. Likewise, Noah was rendered, in a similar assimilative manner, as Nüwa (女媧:Nǚwā), the name for a Chinese goddess of creation remembered in myth for her intervention in staying a great flood that threatened mankind. (Löwenthal 1947, pp. 100–101). Löwenthal, Rudolf (1947). "The Nomenclature of Jews in China". Monumenta Serica. 12: 97–126. doi:10.1080/02549948.1947.11744892. JSTOR40726671.
"The reasons for Ai Tian's journey are not stated; possibly his visit was connected with his official duties; possibly he may have undertaken it in the hope of securing promotion in the civil service." (Loewe 1988, p. 3) Loewe, Michael (1988). "The Jewish Presence in Imperial China". Jewish Historical Studies. 30: 1–20. JSTOR29779835.
Katz 1995, pp. 129–130. Katz, Nathan (May 1995). "The Judaisms of Kaifeng and Cochin: Parallel and Divergent Styles of Religious Acculturation". Numen. 42 (2): 118–140. doi:10.1163/1568527952598594. JSTOR3270171.
"In 998, the Central Indian monk Ni-wei-ni (沙門你尾抳) and others came to China to meet Emperor Song Zhenzong with Buddhist relics, scriptures, banyan leafs and several banyan seeds." (Yu 2017, p. 372; Zhi-pan 2002, p. 444) Yu, Peng (Autumn 2017). "Revising the date of Jewish arrival in Kaifeng, China, from the Song Dynasty (960–1279) to the Hung-wu period (1368–98) of the Ming Dynasty". Journal of Jewish Studies. LXVIII (2): 369–386. doi:10.18647/3330/JJS-2017. Zhi-pan (4 November 2002). Buddha Almanac 佛祖統紀 [Fózǔ Tǒngjì] (CBETA Electronic Version) (in Chinese). Vol. 44. Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association.
The report in The Travels of Marco Polo that Kubilai Khan reverenced Moses, and kissed a volume of the Hebrew scriptures, often used as evidence for Jews in China in the 13th century, is regarded as a later interpolation, probably the handiwork of Giambattista Ramusio in his 1553 edition of that work (Pollak 2005, p. 207). Pollak, Michael (Spring 2005). "Review: The Jews of Kaifeng, China: History, Culture, and Religion by Xu Xin". Shofar. 23 (3): 206–209. doi:10.1353/sho.2005.0118. JSTOR42943875. S2CID143183748.
The self-published sinologist and independent researcher Tiberiu Weisz undertook a new translation of the stelae, and based on it, he theorizes that after the Babylonian exile, disenchanted Levites and Kohanim broke with the ProphetEzra and settled in Northwestern India. he further guesses that sometime prior to 108 BCE, these Jews migrated to Gansu province, China, where they were spotted by the Chinese general Li Guangli, who was sent to the region and ordered to expand the borders of Han dynasty China. Centuries later, during the Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution (845–46), the Jews were expelled from Ningxia, the region of China proper, which they were then living in. Weisz believes that they later returned to China during the Song dynasty, when its second emperor, Taizong, circulated a decree which stated that he was seeking the wisdom of foreign scholars. In his review of Weisz's book, Irvin Berg states that the author excluded many religious documents—Torah, Haggadah, prayer books, etc.—in his thesis, he only quoted the stories which were recounted on the stelae. Berg also criticized Weisz's failure to study the implications of the fact that the Kaifeng liturgical documents were written in the Judeo-Persian language, a language which was only developed in the 8th century CE. Weisz ignores the anachronisms which are written on the stelae, such as the attribution of a grant of land to build a synagogue to a Ming dynasty emperor even though it dates back to the Song dynasty Weisz 2014, pp. 23–32;[11] Weisz, Tiberiu (2014). "From East To Farther East: The Jewish Experience in Kaifeng, China". Sephardic Horizons. 4 (3): 23–32.