Kashmir conflict (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Kashmir conflict" in English language version.

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  • "International Conspiracies Behind the J&K Imbroglio". Archived from the original on 23 February 2017. In 1953, Mr Adlai Stevenson the then Governor of Illinois (USA) met Sheikh Abdullah in Sri Nagar. Commenting on this meeting, Manchester Guardian disclosed in August 1953, that he (Mr Stevenson) "seems to have listened to suggestions that the best status for Kashmir could be independence from both India and Pakistan" and that Sheikh Abdullah had been encouraged by Adlai Stevenson. "Sheikh was suspected of planning a session of the constituent Assembly which instead of ratifying the accession to India, would declare the vale of Kashmir, independent." According to New York Times July, 1953 "Kashmir valley would gain independence, possibly guaranteed by both countries and the rest of the state would be partitioned between them roughly along the present cease-fire line. It was said that John Foster Dulles, U.S Secretary of State supported a solution of this nature"

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  • Korbel (1953, p. 502): "Though India accepted the resolution, Pakistan attached to its acceptance so many reservations, qualifications and assumptions as to make its answer 'tantamount to rejection'." Korbel, Josef (1953), "The Kashmir dispute after six years", International Organization, 7 (4), Cambridge University Press: 498–510, doi:10.1017/s0020818300007256, JSTOR 2704850, S2CID 155022750
  • Korbel (1953, pp. 506–507): "When a further Security Council resolution urged the governments of India and Pakistan to agree within thirty days on the demilitarization of Kashmir, on the basis of Dr. Graham's recommendation, Pakistan once more accepted and India once more refused....Dr. Graham met the Indian request for retaining in Kashmir 21,000 men, but continued to propose 6,000 soldiers on the Azad side. Pakistan could not accept the first provision and India continued to insist on its stand concerning the Azad forces. The meeting, which ended in failure, was accompanied by bitter comments in the newspapers of both India and Pakistan about United Nations intervention in the Kashmir dispute." Korbel, Josef (1953), "The Kashmir dispute after six years", International Organization, 7 (4), Cambridge University Press: 498–510, doi:10.1017/s0020818300007256, JSTOR 2704850, S2CID 155022750
  • Korbel (1953, pp. 506–507): "When a further Security Council resolution urged the governments of India and Pakistan to agree within thirty days on the demilitarization of Kashmir, on the basis of Dr. Graham's recommendation, Pakistan once more accepted and India once more refused....Dr. Graham met the Indian request for retaining in Kashmir 21,000 men, but continued to propose 6,000 soldiers on the Azad side. Pakistan could not accept the first provision and India continued to insist on its stand concerning the Azad forces. The meeting, which ended in failure, was accompanied by bitter comments in the newspapers of both India and Pakistan about United Nations intervention in the Kashmir dispute." Korbel, Josef (1953), "The Kashmir dispute after six years", International Organization, 7 (4), Cambridge University Press: 498–510, doi:10.1017/s0020818300007256, JSTOR 2704850, S2CID 155022750
  • Korbel (1953, pp. 506–507): "When a further Security Council resolution urged the governments of India and Pakistan to agree within thirty days on the demilitarization of Kashmir, on the basis of Dr. Graham's recommendation, Pakistan once more accepted and India once more refused....Dr. Graham met the Indian request for retaining in Kashmir 21,000 men, but continued to propose 6,000 soldiers on the Azad side. Pakistan could not accept the first provision and India continued to insist on its stand concerning the Azad forces. The meeting, which ended in failure, was accompanied by bitter comments in the newspapers of both India and Pakistan about United Nations intervention in the Kashmir dispute." Korbel, Josef (1953), "The Kashmir dispute after six years", International Organization, 7 (4), Cambridge University Press: 498–510, doi:10.1017/s0020818300007256, JSTOR 2704850, S2CID 155022750
  • Copland, Ian (2003). "Review of War and Diplomacy in Kashmir: 1947-48. By C. Dasgupta". Pacific Affairs. 76 (1): 144–145. ISSN 0030-851X. JSTOR 40024025. As is well known, this Hindu-ruled Muslim majority state could conceivably have joined either India or Pakistan, but procrastinated about making a choice until a tribal invasion - the term is not contentious - forced the ruler's hand.
  • Copland, Ian (February 1991), "The Princely States, the Muslim League, and the Partition of India in 1947", The International History Review, 13 (1): 38–69, doi:10.1080/07075332.1991.9640572, JSTOR 40106322
  • Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India (2010, pp. 110–111); Noorani, The Kashmir Dispute (2014, pp. 13–14); See also Khurshid, Tooba (Spring 2014), "The Kashmir Dispute: 1947-2012 by A.G. Noorani (review)", Strategic Studies, 34 (1): 121–124, JSTOR 48527560 Raghavan, Srinath (2010), War and Peace in Modern India, Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 978-1-137-00737-7 Noorani, A. G. (2014) [first published in 2013 by Tulika Books], The Kashmir Dispute, 1947–2012, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-940018-8
  • Noorani, A. G. (1996), "Partition of Kashmir (Book review of Pauline Dawson, The Peacekeepers of Kashmir: The UN Military Observer Group in India)", Economic and Political Weekly, 32 (5): 271–273, JSTOR 4403745
  • Retzlaff, R. J. (1963). "India: A Year of Stability and Change". Asian Survey. 3 (2): 97. doi:10.2307/3023681. JSTOR 3023681.
  • Fisher, M. W.; Rose, L. E. (1962). "Ladakh and the Sino-Indian Border Crisis". Asian Survey. 2 (8): 31. doi:10.2307/3023601. JSTOR 3023601.
  • Guha, Opening a Window in Kashmir 2004, p. 80. Guha, Ramachandra (28 August 2004), "Opening a Window in Kashmir", Economic and Political Weekly, 39 (35): 3905–3913, JSTOR 4415473
  • Sikand, Yoginder (2002). "The Emergence and Development of the Jama'at-i-Islami of Jammu and Kashmir (1940s-1990)". Modern Asian Studies. 36 (3): 705–751. doi:10.1017/S0026749X02003062. ISSN 0026-749X. JSTOR 3876651. S2CID 145586329.
  • Singh, Baljit (August 1965), "Pundits and Panchsheela: Indian Intellectuals and Their Foreign Policy", Background, 9 (2), Wiley on behalf of The International Studies Association: 127–136, doi:10.2307/3013665, JSTOR 3013665
  • Whitehead, Andrew (Autumn 2004), "Kashmir's Conflicting Identities (Book Reviews)", History Workshop Journal, 58: 335–340, doi:10.1093/hwj/58.1.335, JSTOR 25472773, S2CID 154896059
  • Balagopal, K. (1996). "Kashmir: Self-Determination, Communalism and Democratic Rights". Economic and Political Weekly. 31 (44): 2916–2917. JSTOR 4404738.
  • Guha, Opening a Window in Kashmir 2004, p. 87. Guha, Ramachandra (28 August 2004), "Opening a Window in Kashmir", Economic and Political Weekly, 39 (35): 3905–3913, JSTOR 4415473

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  • Din, Zahir-ud (1 April 2016). "Probe the Exodus". Kashmir Ink. Greater Kashmir. Archived from the original on 1 July 2018. Retrieved 14 August 2018.

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  • Ved Bhasin (3 October 2009). "Riots changed J&K politics". Kashmir Life.
  • Ved Bhasin (3 October 2009). "Riots changed J&K politics". Kashmir Life. Senior Jammu journalist Ved Bhasin has said: "That(Abdullah's) government was not a democratic government. They did not behave in a democratic manner. Corruption had started. [...]he denied democratic rights to people. He did not tolerate any opposition. He crushed the freedom of press. He and other NC leaders did not tolerate any voice of dissent. He acted as an authoritarian ruler. The constituent assembly elections of 1951 were totally rigged. [...]Within the state, freedom was curbed, civil liberties were denied, there was no freedom for public meetings, demonstrations."
  • Ved Bhasin (3 October 2009). "Riots changed J&K politics". Kashmir Life. Ved Bhasin has remarked: "Obviously, Abdullah was more concerned in absolute power. His struggle was for greater autonomy, maximum powers, which he tried to concentrate in his own hands. He was interested in absolute power, and if India gave him absolute power, he was willing for it. It is not that for people he was interested. Initially he supported accession with India."
  • Noorani, A. G. "Is It Constitutional to Ban Demand for Plebiscite in Kashmir?" Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 29, no. 13, 1994, pp. 719–720.
  • Hussain, Masood (1 June 2015). "Those 4 Days". Kashmir Life. Retrieved 2 January 2022.

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  • "Simla Agreement". Bilateral/Multilateral Documents. Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. Retrieved 27 September 2013.

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  • John L. Esposito, ed. (2004). "Kashmir". The Islamic World: Past and Present. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 19 June 2018. Retrieved 16 March 2017. Muslims, however, suffered under Hindu rule.
  • Muslim United Front. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 12 March 2017.
  • Amin, Tahir; Schofield, Victoria. "Kashmir". The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 5 November 2018. Culturally, a growing emphasis on secularism generated a backlash, contributing to the popularity of Islamic political parties, especially the Jamāʿat-i Islāmī (established in 1953) and the Islāmī Jamʿīyat-i T‥ulabā, its allied student body.
  • Kazi, Seema. Kashmir, Gender and Militarization in. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 11 February 2017. Tens of thousands of Kashmiri civilians were killed in security operations or went missing even as a substantial part of Kashmir's population remained permanently scarred by violence, dispossession and psychological trauma. India's military occupation inflicts daily violence, humiliation, and indignity on the local population… In this respect the motive and intent of rape in Kashmir was no different from the Balkans and Rwanda, where rape functioned as a cultural weapon of war against women and against the community at large (Kesic, 2000)…Rape and sexual abuse is an integral part of the Indian counteroffensive in Kashmir… A Médicins Sans Frontières empirical study documented the extraordinarily high incidence of rape and sexual abuse since the outbreak of armed conflict in Kashmir: according to the report the number of people that had actually witnessed a rape since 1989 was much higher in comparison to other conflict zones in the world.
  • Kazi, Seema. Kashmir, Gender and Militarization in. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 11 February 2017. The absence of a popular mandate underwriting the accession, India's reneging of its promise to hold a plebiscite allowing the people of Kashmir to determine their own political future, its violation of constitutional provisions protecting Jammu and Kashmir's autonomy, and repeated subversion of the democratic process in Kashmir by successive central governments in New Delhi produced simmering resentment and eventually mass rebellion in 1989–1990.

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  • Bangash, Yaqoob Khan (9 January 2016). "Gilgit-Baltistan—part of Pakistan by choice". The Express Tribune. Retrieved 5 January 2017. Nearly 70 years ago, the people of the Gilgit Wazarat revolted and joined Pakistan of their own free will, as did those belonging to the territories of Chilas, Koh Ghizr, Ishkoman, Yasin and Punial; the princely states of Hunza and Nagar also acceded to Pakistan. Hence, the time has come to acknowledge and respect their choice of being full-fledged citizens of Pakistan.
  • "Pakistan needs to incite those fighting in Kashmir: Musharraf". The Express Tribune. 16 October 2014. Retrieved 10 April 2015.

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