Metapolitefsi (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Metapolitefsi" in English language version.

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archive.today

  • Eleftherotypia Unrepentant for the Dictatorship Retrieved 15 August 2008

athensnews.gr

bbc.co.uk

news.bbc.co.uk

  • BBC: On this day Archived 12 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine quote: A military communiqué announced the overthrow of the government was supported by the army, navy and air force and said it was a "continuation of the revolution of 1967", when the Greek colonels, headed by Mr Papadopoulos, seized control. The statement went on to accuse Mr Papadopoulos of "straying from the ideals of the 1967 revolution" and "pushing the country towards parliamentary rule too quickly".
  • BBC News Archived 23 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine On This Day Retrieved 20 July 2008

books.google.com

britannica.com

  • Britannica Archived 21 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine Konstantinos Karamanlis: Greek statesman who was prime minister from 1955 to 1963 and again from 1974 to 1980. He then served as president from 1980 to 1985 and from 1990 to 1995. Karamanlis gave Greece competent government and political stability while his conservative economic policies stimulated economic growth. In 1974–75 he successfully restored democracy and constitutional government in Greece after the rule of a military junta there had collapsed.

doi.org

dolnet.gr

tovima.dolnet.gr

  • To Vima online Archived 10 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine Interview with Nikos Konstantopoulos. Quote: Δεν θα ξεχάσω τις τρεις – τέσσερις πρώτες μέρες μου στην ΕΑΤ-ΕΣΑ. Ημουν σε ένα κελί, αναγκασμένος μετά από πολύ ξύλο να στέκω όρθιος και να περπατώ συνέχεια, χωρίς νερό και φαΐ... Είχε παράθυρο το κελί σας; «Στην αρχή είχε μόνο έναν μικρό φεγγίτη. Μετά όμως με την παρέμβαση του Ερυθρού Σταυρού μού άνοιξαν ένα παράθυρο». . Translation: I will never forget my first three-four days at EAT/ESA. I was in a cell forced after a lot of beating to stand and to walk continuously without water or food. Did your cell have a window? In the beginning it only had a small opening. After the intervention of the Red Cross however they opened a window for me
    Translation by Google:[permanent dead link] "We will not forget the three – the first four days in my EAT-ESA. I was in a cell, forced after much wood steko upright and perpato thereafter without water and food. Some time akoumpisa little to xekourasto and apokoimithika there, upright. I was on the verge of collapse, when a guard came in, approached me and told me that brings message from the outside. He gave me water and pressed again on my feet. This just made me feel that xanarchizo from the start, with new strength and faith ». He cell window? «At the beginning had only a small fengiti. But after the intervention of the Red Cross opened a window for me »

ekathimerini.com

eliamep.gr

  • Hellenic Foundation of European and Foreign Policy Archived 7 February 2022 at the Wayback Machine quote: "Ο Κωνσταντίνος Καραμανλής, παρά τους δισταγμούς του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ στην Ουάσιγκτον, επέστρεψε από το Παρίσι τα χαράματα της 24ης Ιουλίου του 1974 και ανέλαβε την τεράστια ευθύνη της αυθεντικής εδραίωσης των δημοκρατικών θεσμών στην τόσο ταλαιπωρημένη του χώρα. Η μετάβαση στη δημοκρατία έγινε με τρόπο υποδειγματικό από τον Ελληνα Μακεδόνα ηγέτη. Οι δύο μεγάλοι διχασμοί του 20ού αιώνα γεφυρώθηκαν με τη νομιμοποίηση των κομμουνιστικών κομμάτων και με το δημοψήφισμα για το πολιτειακό που καθιέρωσε το σύστημα της προεδρευόμενης δημοκρατίας. Οι δίκες των πρωταιτίων της χούντας με αυστηρότατες ποινές (ισόβια δεσμά) πέρασαν το μήνυμα στις ένοπλες δυνάμεις ότι η περίοδος της ατιμωρησίας των αντισυνταγματικών παρεμβάσεων του στρατού στην πολιτική είχε περάσει ανεπιστρεπτί. Και χωρίς αμφιβολία, το μεγαλύτερο επίτευγμα του Καραμανλή ήταν η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Κοινότητα (σήμερα Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση) την 1η Ιανουαρίου του 1981. Ισως περισσότερο από οποιαδήποτε άλλη εξέλιξη η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρώπη άλλαξε τη μορφή και την ποιότητα της ελληνοαμερικανικής δυαδικής σχέσης. Η πατερναλιστική κατατομή προστάτη – προτατευόμενου θα περνούσε έκτοτε μέσα από ένα διαρθρωτικό φίλτρο με το όνομα «Βρυξέλλες»."
    Alternate link from Kathimerini Archived 22 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine

enet.gr

  • Eleftherotypia Archived 20 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine quote: "Παρατηρείται, λοιπόν, το πρώτο εννιάμηνο του 1968, από την ανάληψη της πρωθυπουργίας από τον Γεώργιο Παπαδόπουλο μέχρι το «δημοψήφισμα» για το νέο Σύνταγμα τον Σεπτέμβριο, μια βαθιά ρήξη στους κόλπους της χούντας που αφορά τον προσανατολισμό της «επανάστασης»." Translation: "It is observed therefore that in the first nine months of 1968, from the acceptance of the Prime Ministership by Papadopoulos until the "plebiscite" for the new constitution in September, a deep schism in the junta circles [develops] which concerns the direction of the "revolution""
    Backup from Internet Archive

handle.net

hdl.handle.net

hol.gr

users.hol.gr

independent.co.uk

inout.gr

jstor.org

kathimerini.gr

kathimerini.gr

  • Ioannides the invisible dictator Archived 23 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine quote: "«Ο Μίμης είναι αρσακειάς. Δεν θα έκανε ποτέ κάτι τέτοιο»." Translation: ""Mimis [nickname for Dimitrios, Ioannides's first name] is an "Arsakeias", he would never do something like that"."
  • Hellenic Foundation of European and Foreign Policy Archived 7 February 2022 at the Wayback Machine quote: "Ο Κωνσταντίνος Καραμανλής, παρά τους δισταγμούς του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ στην Ουάσιγκτον, επέστρεψε από το Παρίσι τα χαράματα της 24ης Ιουλίου του 1974 και ανέλαβε την τεράστια ευθύνη της αυθεντικής εδραίωσης των δημοκρατικών θεσμών στην τόσο ταλαιπωρημένη του χώρα. Η μετάβαση στη δημοκρατία έγινε με τρόπο υποδειγματικό από τον Ελληνα Μακεδόνα ηγέτη. Οι δύο μεγάλοι διχασμοί του 20ού αιώνα γεφυρώθηκαν με τη νομιμοποίηση των κομμουνιστικών κομμάτων και με το δημοψήφισμα για το πολιτειακό που καθιέρωσε το σύστημα της προεδρευόμενης δημοκρατίας. Οι δίκες των πρωταιτίων της χούντας με αυστηρότατες ποινές (ισόβια δεσμά) πέρασαν το μήνυμα στις ένοπλες δυνάμεις ότι η περίοδος της ατιμωρησίας των αντισυνταγματικών παρεμβάσεων του στρατού στην πολιτική είχε περάσει ανεπιστρεπτί. Και χωρίς αμφιβολία, το μεγαλύτερο επίτευγμα του Καραμανλή ήταν η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Κοινότητα (σήμερα Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση) την 1η Ιανουαρίου του 1981. Ισως περισσότερο από οποιαδήποτε άλλη εξέλιξη η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρώπη άλλαξε τη μορφή και την ποιότητα της ελληνοαμερικανικής δυαδικής σχέσης. Η πατερναλιστική κατατομή προστάτη – προτατευόμενου θα περνούσε έκτοτε μέσα από ένα διαρθρωτικό φίλτρο με το όνομα «Βρυξέλλες»."
    Alternate link from Kathimerini Archived 22 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine

news.kathimerini.gr

lse.ac.uk

www2.lse.ac.uk

  • Ioannis Tzortzis, University of Birmingham "The Metapolitefsi that Never Was: a Re-evaluation of the 1973 'Markezinis Experiment'" via the Internet Archive
    Primary link from LSE Archived 21 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine quote: The Americans asked the Greek government to allow the use of their bases in Greek territory and air space to supply Israel; Markezinis, backed by Papadopoulos, denied on the grounds of maintaining good relations with the Arab countries. This denial is said to have turned the US against Papadopoulos and Markezinis. quote 2:Thus the students 'had been played straight into the hands of Ioannidis, who looked upon the coming elections with a jaundiced eye.. quote 3: The latter (editor's note: i.e. Markezinis) would insist until the end of his life that subversion on behalf..... ..Markezinis was known for his independence to the US interests quote 4: In that situation Ioannidis was emerging as a solution for the officers, in sharp contrast to Papadopoulos, whose accumulation 'of so many offices and titles (President of Republic, Prime Minister, minister of Defence) was harming the seriousness of the regime and giving it an unacceptable image, which was not left un-exploited by its opponents quote 5: The first attempt of Papadopoulos to start a process of reforma occurred in the spring of 1968. He was claiming that if the 'Revolution' stayed more than a certain time in power, it would lose its dynamics and transform into a 'regime,' which was not in his intentions. He tried to implicate Markezinis in the attempt; however, he met the stiff resistance of the hard-liners. Another attempt was again frustrated in the end of 1969 and the beginning of 1970; Papadopoulos was then disappointed and complaining 'I am being subverted by my fellow Evelpides cadets!' As a result of this second failure, he considered resigning in the summer of 1970, complaining that he lacked any support from other leading figures, his own closest followers included. But the rest of the faction leaders renewed their trust to him quote 6: Ioannidis said to Pattakos 'we are not playing. We shall have a dictatorship, send all our opponents to exile on the islands and stay in power for thirty years!' quote 7 Conspiracies were already brewing by the time Markezinis was sworn in. quote 8 The 'Markezinis experiment' started among a climate of suspicion and distrust for Papadopoulos' intentions, reflecting the six-year isolation of the regime from the people; the soft-liners failed to gain any credibility with their attitudes in the civil society; quote 9 The date for the coup was set roughly around the 25th to 30th of November well before the Polytechnic events, and did not change because of them quote 10 ... democracy returned eight months later at the cost of thousands of dead and hundreds of thousands of homeless in Cyprus-developments which traumatised the Greek body politic for generations to come,....

nytimes.com

query.nytimes.com

  • New York Times Archived 7 November 2012 at the Wayback Machine Phaidon Gizikis, '73 Greek Junta Officer, 82 By ERIC PACE Published: 30 July 1999 Retrieved 19 August 2008 quote: "In the summer of 1974, Greek officials said pressure built up within the military to go back to its barracks when it became obvious that the Government of Prime Minister Adamandios Androutsopoulos, a political nonentity who was appointed after the 1973 coup, could not respond effectively to growing economic problems and to a crisis that had arisen over Cyprus."
  • New York Times Archived 7 November 2012 at the Wayback Machine obituary Phaidon Gizikis, '73 Greek Junta Officer, 82 30 July 1999 Retrieved 18 August 2008
  • Greece Cancels Plan to Pardon Ex-Junta Members Archived 7 February 2022 at the Wayback Machine Time Magazine 31 December 1990 Retrieved 15 August 2008

political-prisoners.net

  • Political prisoners network Archived 10 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine quote: 12.00 a.m. – 1.00 p.m.: Commemoration and press conference at the EAT-ESA (EAT-ESA is a museum today, and it was used as a torture centre of the gendarmery during the military junta)

semanticscholar.org

api.semanticscholar.org

tanea.gr

  • Book: The Trials of the Junta, 12 Volumes Archived 1 September 2018 at the Wayback Machine Pericles Rodakis (publisher), The Trials of the Junta: A: The Trial of the Instigators, B: The Trial of the Polytechnic, C: The Trials of the Torturers (Περικλής Ροδάκης (εκδ.), Οι Δίκες της Χούντας: Α: Η Δίκη των Πρωταιτίων, Β: Η Δίκη του Πολυτεχνείου, Γ: Οι Δίκες των Βασανιστών, 12 τόμοι, Αθήνα 1975–1976)

telegraph.co.uk

topontiki.gr

tovima.gr

  • Karanikas, Christos (15 August 2008). "Η ανατολή της Δημοκρατίας". To Vima. Archived from the original on 28 January 2017. Retrieved 2 January 2019. Original quote: «"Φίλος ή σακάτης βγαίνει όποιος έρχεται εδώ μέσα" ήταν το "δόγμα" της ΕΣΑ, όπως αποκαλύπτουν οι μάρτυρες εις το Στρατοδικείο» γράφει «Το Βήμα» της 13ης Αυγούστου 1975.
  • To Vima online Archived 10 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine Interview with Nikos Konstantopoulos. Quote: Δεν θα ξεχάσω τις τρεις – τέσσερις πρώτες μέρες μου στην ΕΑΤ-ΕΣΑ. Ημουν σε ένα κελί, αναγκασμένος μετά από πολύ ξύλο να στέκω όρθιος και να περπατώ συνέχεια, χωρίς νερό και φαΐ... Είχε παράθυρο το κελί σας; «Στην αρχή είχε μόνο έναν μικρό φεγγίτη. Μετά όμως με την παρέμβαση του Ερυθρού Σταυρού μού άνοιξαν ένα παράθυρο». . Translation: I will never forget my first three-four days at EAT/ESA. I was in a cell forced after a lot of beating to stand and to walk continuously without water or food. Did your cell have a window? In the beginning it only had a small opening. After the intervention of the Red Cross however they opened a window for me
    Translation by Google:[permanent dead link] "We will not forget the three – the first four days in my EAT-ESA. I was in a cell, forced after much wood steko upright and perpato thereafter without water and food. Some time akoumpisa little to xekourasto and apokoimithika there, upright. I was on the verge of collapse, when a guard came in, approached me and told me that brings message from the outside. He gave me water and pressed again on my feet. This just made me feel that xanarchizo from the start, with new strength and faith ». He cell window? «At the beginning had only a small fengiti. But after the intervention of the Red Cross opened a window for me »

translate.google.com

  • Reportage without frontiers from ET (Greek National TV) (translation by Google)
    Original link through Internet Archive Interview with Vice Admiral Konstantinos Dimitriadis quote: The fai (editor's note:food) was filled with salt. Απειλές. Threats. Ορισμένοι μάλιστα υπέστησαν κι απειλές ηθικής τάξεως. Some even suffered threats and Ethic (editor's note: Indecent threats). Ότι οι γυναίκες τους και τα λοιπά και κάτι μονταρισμένες φωτογραφίες με σκάνδαλα να το πούμε έτσι. That women and the other something mounted photos with scandals to say (editor's note: Falsified pictures depicting prisoners' wives involved in morally scandalous behaviour). Με απειλές, με τέτοια πράγματα και υβρεολόγιο. With threats, with such things and profanity. Νυχθημερόν να παίζει κάποιο ραδιόφωνο. Nychthimeron (ed note: Day and night the radio was playing) to play a radio. Ένα ραδιόφωνο με διάφορα τραγούδια εκείνης της εποχής και τα λοιπά. A radio with various songs of the time and so on. Και μαγνητόφωνα με κραυγές για να σπάσει το ηθικό, ας πούμε. And tape with cries to break the morale, say. (Editor's note: Tapes with screams to break the morale of the prisoners) Αυτά και βέβαια ορισμένοι, δεν υπέστησαν όλοι με τον ίδιο τρόπο την μείωση αυτή. Those are certainly some, not all were in the same way to reduce this. (Editor's note: Not all prisoners suffered this on the same level) Είχανε κάτι ζωστήρες. Eichane zostires something (editor's note: They had belts (for beating)). Το κορύφωμα βέβαια ήταν του Μουστακλή ο οποίος χτυπήθηκε άσχημα και βγήκε εκτός ο άνθρωπος. The culmination of the course was Moustaklis who severely beaten and got out of the man. Editor's note: The worst was Moustaklis who was beaten so badly he went mad (Translation by Google [sic] with editor's notes for clarification)
    Original Greek interview from the rwf archive through the Internet Archive

web.archive.org

  • James Edward Miller (2009). The United States and the Making of Modern Greece: History and Power, 1950–1974. Univ of North Carolina Press. p. 172. ISBN 978-0-8078-3247-9. Archived from the original on 7 January 2020. Retrieved 30 August 2019.
  • Ioannis Tzortzis, University of Birmingham "The Metapolitefsi that Never Was: a Re-evaluation of the 1973 'Markezinis Experiment'" via the Internet Archive
    Primary link from LSE Archived 21 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine quote: The Americans asked the Greek government to allow the use of their bases in Greek territory and air space to supply Israel; Markezinis, backed by Papadopoulos, denied on the grounds of maintaining good relations with the Arab countries. This denial is said to have turned the US against Papadopoulos and Markezinis. quote 2:Thus the students 'had been played straight into the hands of Ioannidis, who looked upon the coming elections with a jaundiced eye.. quote 3: The latter (editor's note: i.e. Markezinis) would insist until the end of his life that subversion on behalf..... ..Markezinis was known for his independence to the US interests quote 4: In that situation Ioannidis was emerging as a solution for the officers, in sharp contrast to Papadopoulos, whose accumulation 'of so many offices and titles (President of Republic, Prime Minister, minister of Defence) was harming the seriousness of the regime and giving it an unacceptable image, which was not left un-exploited by its opponents quote 5: The first attempt of Papadopoulos to start a process of reforma occurred in the spring of 1968. He was claiming that if the 'Revolution' stayed more than a certain time in power, it would lose its dynamics and transform into a 'regime,' which was not in his intentions. He tried to implicate Markezinis in the attempt; however, he met the stiff resistance of the hard-liners. Another attempt was again frustrated in the end of 1969 and the beginning of 1970; Papadopoulos was then disappointed and complaining 'I am being subverted by my fellow Evelpides cadets!' As a result of this second failure, he considered resigning in the summer of 1970, complaining that he lacked any support from other leading figures, his own closest followers included. But the rest of the faction leaders renewed their trust to him quote 6: Ioannidis said to Pattakos 'we are not playing. We shall have a dictatorship, send all our opponents to exile on the islands and stay in power for thirty years!' quote 7 Conspiracies were already brewing by the time Markezinis was sworn in. quote 8 The 'Markezinis experiment' started among a climate of suspicion and distrust for Papadopoulos' intentions, reflecting the six-year isolation of the regime from the people; the soft-liners failed to gain any credibility with their attitudes in the civil society; quote 9 The date for the coup was set roughly around the 25th to 30th of November well before the Polytechnic events, and did not change because of them quote 10 ... democracy returned eight months later at the cost of thousands of dead and hundreds of thousands of homeless in Cyprus-developments which traumatised the Greek body politic for generations to come,....
  • The Smiling Juggler Time Magazine archives quote: "At the same time, Papadopoulos requested the resignation of the 13 military men in his Cabinet and asked Markezinis to form a new civilian Cabinet to be sworn in this week." and "Two months ago, he ended martial law, declared an amnesty for political prisoners and announced that parliamentary elections would be held in 1974. Even the lilting, long-banned music of Greece's much-loved composer, Mikis Theodorakis (currently on a U.S. concert tour), is being brought out of police-state storage. The move toward liberalization is designed to woo back much needed foreign investment capital and assuage European hostility to Greece's bid for full membership in the Common Market." Monday 15 October 1973 Retrieved 6 July 2008
  • The Poly-Papadopoulos Time Magazine archives Monday, 3 April 1972 Retrieved 6 July 2008
  • "Past present" quote: October 9, 1973: ... Spyros Markezinis smiles as he takes the prime minister's position ... to the left of Archbishop Hieronymos ... after the swearing-in ceremony for his 39-member government, appointed by the then ruling military junta in a short-lived attempt to 'liberalise' its dictatorial regime through a tightly controlled transition to civilian rule. Hieronymos is flanked to his right by junta strongman, colonel George Papadopoulos as 'president of the republic', with his army colleague, general Odysseas Angelis, standing next to him as 'vice-president'. Under a new constitution passed by referendum on July 29, Papadopoulos lifted martial law, released all political prisoners and scrapped the military 'revolutionary council' which had governed Greece since the April 1967 coup d'etat, to woo old-guard politicians into endorsing his blueprint for 'liberalisation'. The leaders of outlawed political parties snubbed Papadopoulos's overtures because the new constitution allowed him to retain most of his dictatorial powers for another full seven-year term of his unelected 'presidency'. Markezinis was the only noteworthy veteran of the pre-1967 political establishment to accept the mandate of a caretaker premier ahead of parliamentary elections planned for late 1974. On November 25 he was unceremoniously toppled together with Papadopoulos by disaffected hardliners of the military regime under the shadowy leadership of brigadier Dimitris Ioannidis, head of the dreaded military police (ESA). A week earlier, Markezinis had humiliated himself by 'requesting' Papadopoulos to reimpose martial law in the wake of the November 17 uprising at the Athens Polytechnic Athens News, 4 October 2002 ATHENS NEWS , page: A11 Article code: C12982A112 via Internet Archive
  • George Kassimeris (2013). Inside Greek Terrorism. Oxford University Press. pp. 14–17. ISBN 978-0-19-933339-4. Archived from the original on 12 January 2020. Retrieved 30 August 2019.
  • Time magazine archives "I Am with You, Democracy Is with You" quote: "the military rulers shaken and unsure of themselves. With the economy seriously disrupted by the call-up of nearly all able-bodied men and the Cyprus crisis demanding immediate action, the junta no longer felt capable of providing the necessary leadership. It concluded that Greece needed leaders who were trusted abroad and had a clear mandate; only then could Athens hope to negotiate successfully at the Geneva talks on Cyprus and extricate itself honorably from the tense confrontation of Greek and Turkish troops on their common border in Thrace. Gizikis explained that only a civilian coalition of national unity could extricate Greece from its difficulties. The four officers nodded their assent and pledged that the armed forces would "return to the barracks" and stay out of politics. The six-hour discussion in Gizikis's spacious office in the Parliament building was dominated from the start by the name of Caramanlis. It was apparent to everyone in the room that only he could provide Greece with the leadership it needed. In the public's mind, the years 1955–63, when Caramanlis was Premier, were the country's last prolonged period of prosperity and stability. During his self-imposed exile after falling out with King Paul (see box), he had condemned the mistakes and excesses of the successive regimes. When Caramanlis learned of the Cyprus crisis, he openly attacked Athens' role." and "Caramanlis called the crisis "a national tragedy" and appealed to Greece's armed forces to bring about a "political change" in a liberal and democratic direction." and "A telephone call last Tuesday to the Paris apartment of former Greek Premier Constantino Caramanlis signaled a historic turning point for Greece. It was from Greek President Phaedon Gizikis in Athens, begging Caramanlis, 67, to end eleven years of exile and "return home as soon as possible." A second call came from French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing, placing a French Mystere 20 jet at his disposal, since commercial service to the troubled country had been halted. Within hours the Greek elder statesman was airborne, on his way to Athens. By the time he landed, to a tumultuous welcome from his countrymen, he had been named Greece's new Premier, and a new hope for democracy had appeared in Greece." and "Although there had been no announcement that Caramanlis was on his way home, the news spread swiftly, and crowds soon began chanting: "He's coming! He's coming!" Tens of thousands of Greeks drifted toward Athens international airport to await his arrival." and "The transitory stage between dictatorship and full restoration of democracy is always critical." and "They finally reacted last November when a group of officers led by Brigadier General Dimitrios Ioannides, commander of the E.S.A., toppled Papadopoulos, installed Gizikis as President, and reintroduced some of the harshest repressive measures Greece had ever known." Monday, 5 Aug. 1974 Retrieved 6 July 2008
  • George A. Kourvetaris; Betty A. Dobratz (1987). A Profile of Modern Greece: In Search of Identity. Clarendon Press. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-19-827551-0. Archived from the original on 12 January 2020. Retrieved 25 August 2019. Greek students were being repressed by the military dictatorship. The culmination of repression was marked by the November .
  • To Pontiki: Archived 6 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine Κώστας Γεωργάκης: Η τραγική θυσία που κλόνισε τη χούντα. (Kostas Georgakis: The tragic sacrifice which shook the junta) (In Greek) Link not working but kept for historical purposes. Use working link below
    Mirror of Pontiki article retrieved 17 March 2010 Archived 21 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine
  • David Glass, "All was not what it seemed in early junta days", Athens News, 30 July 2004, page: A08 Article code: C13077A081 via the Internet archive
  • Zoltan Barany (16 September 2012). The Soldier and the Changing State: Building Democratic Armies in Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Princeton University Press. pp. 132–137. ISBN 978-1-4008-4549-1. Archived from the original on 9 January 2020. Retrieved 30 August 2019.
  • Constantine P Danopoulos; Robin A Remington; James Brown; Claude Welch (21 June 2019). The Decline of Military Regimes: The Civilian Influence. Taylor & Francis. p. 215. ISBN 978-1-00-031579-0. Archived from the original on 5 January 2020. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  • Pablo De Greiff; Alexander Mayer-Rieckh (2007). Justice As Prevention: Vetting Public Employees in Transitional Societies. SSRC. pp. 124–127. ISBN 978-0-9790772-1-0. Archived from the original on 17 March 2017. Retrieved 23 March 2013.
  • Eleftherotypia Archived 20 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine quote: "Παρατηρείται, λοιπόν, το πρώτο εννιάμηνο του 1968, από την ανάληψη της πρωθυπουργίας από τον Γεώργιο Παπαδόπουλο μέχρι το «δημοψήφισμα» για το νέο Σύνταγμα τον Σεπτέμβριο, μια βαθιά ρήξη στους κόλπους της χούντας που αφορά τον προσανατολισμό της «επανάστασης»." Translation: "It is observed therefore that in the first nine months of 1968, from the acceptance of the Prime Ministership by Papadopoulos until the "plebiscite" for the new constitution in September, a deep schism in the junta circles [develops] which concerns the direction of the "revolution""
    Backup from Internet Archive
  • Recent Social Trends in France, 1960–1990 Archived 3 January 2020 at the Wayback Machine Michel Forsé et al. International Research Group on the Comparative Charting of Social Change in Advanced Industrial Societies quote: "Dictatorship was imposed at a historical moment when Greek society was trying to escape from the post civil war structure. The 60s are characterised by a process of social change (in 1960, the relationship between rural and urban population becomes for the first time 1:1 thus opening the way to the fast urbanization of the population). The 60s are also characterised by the acceptance of the end of civil conflict and in connection of these two, by the demand of democratising the political system and widening the participation in political, economic and social processes. Economic development, the widening of the market etc. lead to the contradiction between, on one hand the social acceptance of market economy and social integration and on the other hand the preservation of a political system which is based on the rationale of civil conflict and the consequence of military victory. The Greek society of the 60s had overcome the conditions, which distinguished the 40s and 50s, and demands the smoothing of exercising power. It demands the reform of the legalization and functioning terms of the system. Maybe the elections of February 1964 are the most complete expression of this popular will. With the imposition of dictatorship, Greek society essentially loses contact with the apparently decisive developments in the western democratic world,...Greece finds itself abruptly excluded from this process." pp. 11–12 ISBN 0-7735-0887-2
  • ΑΝΟΔΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΡΑΚΜΗ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΑΣΤΙΚΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑΣ Archived 8 September 2005 at the Wayback Machine (Rise and decline of Democracy: online article)
  • "Thirty years ago ...", Athens News, 2 July 2004 quote 1: On the night of July 23, 1974, a military dictatorship that had ruled the country with its iron fist for more than seven years, collapsed, paving the way for the bloodless restoration of democracy in its birthplace. It was a catharsis of sorts to a modern Greek drama quote 2 A disastrous civil war in the 40s and an impaired democracy that since then had nourished the colonels-turned-dictators who killed it in 1967 were left behind the line. ATHENS NEWS , 02/07/2004 page: A06 Article code: C13073A061 via the Internet archive
  • Ioannides the invisible dictator Archived 23 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine quote: "«Ο Μίμης είναι αρσακειάς. Δεν θα έκανε ποτέ κάτι τέτοιο»." Translation: ""Mimis [nickname for Dimitrios, Ioannides's first name] is an "Arsakeias", he would never do something like that"."
  • "Greece marks '73 student uprising", and: "the notorious Brigadier Dimitrios Ioannidis now serving a life sentence for his part in the 1967 seizure of power – immediately scrapped a programme of liberalisation introduced earlier" and: "His was but to do the bidding of a junta strongman who had never made a secret of his belief that Greeks were not ready for democracy." Athens News, 17 November 1999 article code: C12502A013 via Internet Archive
  • BBC: On this day Archived 12 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine quote: A military communiqué announced the overthrow of the government was supported by the army, navy and air force and said it was a "continuation of the revolution of 1967", when the Greek colonels, headed by Mr Papadopoulos, seized control. The statement went on to accuse Mr Papadopoulos of "straying from the ideals of the 1967 revolution" and "pushing the country towards parliamentary rule too quickly".
  • Albert Coerant, "The boy who braved the tanks" and: The ferocious ESA, the military police, excerpted its terror daily, Athens News, 16 November 2001 page: A08 Article code: C12936A081 via the Internet Archive
  • "Dimitrios Ioannidis". The Telegraph. 17 August 2010. Archived from the original on 7 January 2020. Retrieved 2 April 2018.
  • Mario Modiano ('The Times' correspondent in Athens), "A long, happy summer night 30 years ago", Athens News, 23 July 2004 quote1: My friend had been sworn in as a minister by mistake. After his coup, Ioannides dispatched military policemen in jeeps to round up the people he needed to man a puppet government. When they turned up at my friend's home and ordered him to follow them, he was convinced that the soldiers intended to shoot him. quote 2: The meeting lasted five hours. Then there was a break, and by the time the meeting resumed, Evangelos Averoff, the former foreign minister, who was there, had already telephoned Constantine Karamanlis in Paris to urge him to return immediately and assume the reins of power. article code: C13076A061 via Internet Archive
  • New York Times Archived 7 November 2012 at the Wayback Machine Phaidon Gizikis, '73 Greek Junta Officer, 82 By ERIC PACE Published: 30 July 1999 Retrieved 19 August 2008 quote: "In the summer of 1974, Greek officials said pressure built up within the military to go back to its barracks when it became obvious that the Government of Prime Minister Adamandios Androutsopoulos, a political nonentity who was appointed after the 1973 coup, could not respond effectively to growing economic problems and to a crisis that had arisen over Cyprus."
  • Diane Shugart, "The colonels' coup and the cult of the kitsch", Athens News, 20 April 1997 by Dianne Shugart page: A01 Article code: C11726A014 via the Internet Archive
  • Gonda Van Steen (2015). Stage of Emergency: Theater and Public Performance Under the Greek Military Dictatorship of 1967–1974. Oxford University Press. pp. 92–93. ISBN 978-0-19-871832-1. Archived from the original on 12 April 2017. Retrieved 11 April 2017.
  • Marios Nikolinakos (1974). Widerstand und Opposition in Griechenland: vom Militärputsch 1967 zur neuen Demokratie. Luchterhand. p. 237. ISBN 978-3-472-88003-5. Archived from the original on 13 January 2020. Retrieved 26 August 2019. Ioannidis gilt als Purist und Moralist, eine Art griechischer Khadafi
  • Phil Davison (18 August 2010). "Brigadier General Dimitrios Ioannidis: Soldier who served life imprisonment after leading coups in Greece and Cyprus". The Independent. Archived from the original on 25 August 2019. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  • Karanikas, Christos (15 August 2008). "Η ανατολή της Δημοκρατίας". To Vima. Archived from the original on 28 January 2017. Retrieved 2 January 2019. Original quote: «"Φίλος ή σακάτης βγαίνει όποιος έρχεται εδώ μέσα" ήταν το "δόγμα" της ΕΣΑ, όπως αποκαλύπτουν οι μάρτυρες εις το Στρατοδικείο» γράφει «Το Βήμα» της 13ης Αυγούστου 1975.
  • The Psychological Origins of Institutionalized Torture Archived 16 January 2020 at the Wayback Machine By Mika Haritos-Fatouros Published by Routledge, 2003 ISBN 978-0-415-28276-5. 270 pages pp. 28–34, quote: "Under the 1967-1874 military dictatorship in Greece, torture had two primary functions: the gathering of information to use against its opponents, and the intimidation of dissidents and anyone who might contemplate becoming a dissident. The military police, ESA, were responsible for most of the torture. Their headquarters and major centre of interrogation in Athens was called EAT/ESA, a place deliberately created to "make all Greece tremble"and "In 1975 shortly after the fall of the military regime, two trials of EAT/ESA soldiers and conscript soldiers were held in Athens. Those trials offered the first, full public disclosure of the effect of the culture of torture on both the victims and the victimizers. As two of only a very few public trials of torturers in human history, these are known as the Criminals' Trials (Amnesty International (1977b)" and
    "Ironically Papadopoulos law which gave "extraordinary legal powers to ESA Archived 14 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine", reference on page 33.and In fact, the Military Police "Special Interrogation Section," EAT/ESA, was the regime's main agent of terror Archived 13 November 2021 at the Wayback Machine on page 33 Also "Praetorian Guard" Archived 14 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine reference on page 34. "Any ESA man is equal to a major in the army" Archived 14 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine on page 34 By Google Books
  • "Past present", Athens News, 2 May 2003 quote: After weeks of gruesome interrogation in the infamous military police (ESA) torture chambers, Panagoulis was sentenced to death by a court martial on 17 November 1968. Article by Dimitris Yannopoulos ATHENS NEWS , 02/05/2003, page: A13 Article code: C13012A131 via the Internet archive
  • Political prisoners network Archived 10 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine quote: 12.00 a.m. – 1.00 p.m.: Commemoration and press conference at the EAT-ESA (EAT-ESA is a museum today, and it was used as a torture centre of the gendarmery during the military junta)
  • Gerhard Besier; Katarzyna Stokłosa (3 January 2014). European Dictatorships: A Comparative History of the Twentieth Century. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 205. ISBN 978-1-4438-5521-1. Archived from the original on 6 January 2020. Retrieved 16 October 2016. He was followed by Brigadier General Dimitrios Ioannidis of the dreaded secret police, who moved even more brutally against the regime's opponents.
  • Christopher Hitchens (24 April 2012). The Trial of Henry Kissinger. McClelland & Stewart. p. 128. ISBN 978-0-7710-3921-8. Archived from the original on 10 January 2020. Retrieved 16 October 2016. He admits as much himself, by noting that the Greek dictator Dimitrios Ioannides, head of the secret police, was ... His police state had been expelled from the Council of Europe and blocked from joining the EEC, and it was largely the ...
  • To Vima online Archived 10 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine Interview with Nikos Konstantopoulos. Quote: Δεν θα ξεχάσω τις τρεις – τέσσερις πρώτες μέρες μου στην ΕΑΤ-ΕΣΑ. Ημουν σε ένα κελί, αναγκασμένος μετά από πολύ ξύλο να στέκω όρθιος και να περπατώ συνέχεια, χωρίς νερό και φαΐ... Είχε παράθυρο το κελί σας; «Στην αρχή είχε μόνο έναν μικρό φεγγίτη. Μετά όμως με την παρέμβαση του Ερυθρού Σταυρού μού άνοιξαν ένα παράθυρο». . Translation: I will never forget my first three-four days at EAT/ESA. I was in a cell forced after a lot of beating to stand and to walk continuously without water or food. Did your cell have a window? In the beginning it only had a small opening. After the intervention of the Red Cross however they opened a window for me
    Translation by Google:[permanent dead link] "We will not forget the three – the first four days in my EAT-ESA. I was in a cell, forced after much wood steko upright and perpato thereafter without water and food. Some time akoumpisa little to xekourasto and apokoimithika there, upright. I was on the verge of collapse, when a guard came in, approached me and told me that brings message from the outside. He gave me water and pressed again on my feet. This just made me feel that xanarchizo from the start, with new strength and faith ». He cell window? «At the beginning had only a small fengiti. But after the intervention of the Red Cross opened a window for me »
  • Reportage without frontiers from ET (Greek National TV) (translation by Google)
    Original link through Internet Archive Interview with Vice Admiral Konstantinos Dimitriadis quote: The fai (editor's note:food) was filled with salt. Απειλές. Threats. Ορισμένοι μάλιστα υπέστησαν κι απειλές ηθικής τάξεως. Some even suffered threats and Ethic (editor's note: Indecent threats). Ότι οι γυναίκες τους και τα λοιπά και κάτι μονταρισμένες φωτογραφίες με σκάνδαλα να το πούμε έτσι. That women and the other something mounted photos with scandals to say (editor's note: Falsified pictures depicting prisoners' wives involved in morally scandalous behaviour). Με απειλές, με τέτοια πράγματα και υβρεολόγιο. With threats, with such things and profanity. Νυχθημερόν να παίζει κάποιο ραδιόφωνο. Nychthimeron (ed note: Day and night the radio was playing) to play a radio. Ένα ραδιόφωνο με διάφορα τραγούδια εκείνης της εποχής και τα λοιπά. A radio with various songs of the time and so on. Και μαγνητόφωνα με κραυγές για να σπάσει το ηθικό, ας πούμε. And tape with cries to break the morale, say. (Editor's note: Tapes with screams to break the morale of the prisoners) Αυτά και βέβαια ορισμένοι, δεν υπέστησαν όλοι με τον ίδιο τρόπο την μείωση αυτή. Those are certainly some, not all were in the same way to reduce this. (Editor's note: Not all prisoners suffered this on the same level) Είχανε κάτι ζωστήρες. Eichane zostires something (editor's note: They had belts (for beating)). Το κορύφωμα βέβαια ήταν του Μουστακλή ο οποίος χτυπήθηκε άσχημα και βγήκε εκτός ο άνθρωπος. The culmination of the course was Moustaklis who severely beaten and got out of the man. Editor's note: The worst was Moustaklis who was beaten so badly he went mad (Translation by Google [sic] with editor's notes for clarification)
    Original Greek interview from the rwf archive through the Internet Archive
  • "Coup order", Athens News, 5 August 1997 page: A03 Article code: C11813A031 via the Internet archive
  • Farid Mirbagheri (2010). Historical Dictionary of Cyprus. Scarecrow Press. p. 83. ISBN 978-0-8108-5526-7. Archived from the original on 28 June 2014. Retrieved 27 July 2012.
  • Richard C. Frucht (31 December 2004). Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture. ABC-CLIO. p. 880. ISBN 978-1-57607-800-6. Archived from the original on 28 June 2014. Retrieved 27 July 2012. The process reached a critical threshold in 1974 when a botched nationalist coup instigated by the Greek junta against the Cypriot government was used as a pretext by Turkey to invade and occupy the northern part of the island. Greece and ...
  • "Past present", Athens News, 22 July 2005 quote: Greece's seven-year military rule collapsed under the weight of its disastrous blunders... Early in the morning of July 24, general Faedon Gizikis, the figurehead 'president' of the then ruling junta faction headed by reclusive military police chief, brigadier-general Dimitris Ioannides, invited former politicians of the pre-junta era for consultations on the army's intention to hand over power to a civilian government comprising top cadres from the traditional centre and right. The news of the handover plans sparked nationwide enthusiasm as the military rulers had set the country on a war footing in the wake of a full-scale Turkish invasion of Cyprus on July 20, ostensibly provoked by a pro-junta coup in Nicosia which toppled the island-republic's president, Archbishop Makarios. Battles were still raging in the island's north when Greeks took to the streets in all the major cities, celebrating the junta's decision to step down before the war in Cyprus could spill over across the Aegean. But talks in Athens were going nowhere with Gizikis's offer of the mandate to form a government to Panayiotis Kanellopoulos, the last civilian prime minister before the April 1967 army coup. That is when Evangelos Averoff, a close aide of Karamanlis, suggested that only the former rightwing leader could take charge of the domestic situation and negotiate a ceasefire in Cyprus. Averoff knew that Karamanlis was already on his way, and cheering Athenian crowds chanted 'Here he comes!' Article by Dimitris Yannopoulos, 22/07/2005 article code: C13140A171 via Internet archive
  • Richard Clogg (4 August 1999). "Obituary: General Phaedon Gizikis". The Independent. Archived from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 19 December 2017.
  • New York Times Archived 7 November 2012 at the Wayback Machine obituary Phaidon Gizikis, '73 Greek Junta Officer, 82 30 July 1999 Retrieved 18 August 2008
  • Nick Michaelian, "The real unsung heroes", Athens News, 16 July 2004. Thousands went to the airport to greet him., page: A04 Article code: C13075A041 via the Internet Archive
  • BBC News Archived 23 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine On This Day Retrieved 20 July 2008
  • Athens News on Metapolitefsi Archived 6 November 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  • T. Pappas (16 July 2014). Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece. Springer. pp. 15–17. ISBN 978-1-137-41058-0. Archived from the original on 9 January 2020. Retrieved 30 August 2019.
  • Theodore A. Couloumbis; Theodore C. Kariotis; Fotini Bellou, eds. (2003). Greece in the Twentieth Century. Psychology Press. pp. 160–173. ISBN 978-0-7146-5407-2. Archived from the original on 12 January 2020. Retrieved 30 August 2019.
  • Richard Clogg (1987). Parties and Elections in Greece: The Search for Legitimacy. Duke University Press. pp. 212–213. ISBN 0-8223-0794-4. Archived from the original on 21 January 2020. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  • Hagen Fleisher (2006). "Authoritarian Rule in Greece (1934–1974) and Its Heritage". In Jerzy W. Borejsza; Klaus Ziemer (eds.). Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes in Europe: Legacies and Lessons from the Twentieth Century. Berghahn Books. p. 244. ISBN 978-1-57181-641-2. Archived from the original on 22 January 2020. Retrieved 30 August 2019.
  • T. Pappas (16 July 2014). Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece. Springer. p. 51. ISBN 978-1-137-41058-0. Archived from the original on 19 December 2019. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  • The Colonels on Trial Time Magazine Retrieved 15 August 2008
  • Book: The Trials of the Junta, 12 Volumes Archived 1 September 2018 at the Wayback Machine Pericles Rodakis (publisher), The Trials of the Junta: A: The Trial of the Instigators, B: The Trial of the Polytechnic, C: The Trials of the Torturers (Περικλής Ροδάκης (εκδ.), Οι Δίκες της Χούντας: Α: Η Δίκη των Πρωταιτίων, Β: Η Δίκη του Πολυτεχνείου, Γ: Οι Δίκες των Βασανιστών, 12 τόμοι, Αθήνα 1975–1976)
  • Greece Cancels Plan to Pardon Ex-Junta Members Archived 7 February 2022 at the Wayback Machine Time Magazine 31 December 1990 Retrieved 15 August 2008
  • "Former dictator Ioannidis dies at 87". Kathimerini. 17 August 2010. Archived from the original on 20 August 2010. Retrieved 4 October 2010.
  • Professor of European Politics Jan Zielonka; Jan Zielonka; Alex Pravda (14 June 2001). Democratic Consolidation in Eastern Europe: Volume 1: Institutional Engineering. Oxford University Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-0-19-924167-5. Archived from the original on 7 January 2020. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  • Giannēs Koliopoulos; John S. Koliopoulos; Thanos M. Veremis (30 October 2002). Greece: The Modern Sequel, from 1831 to the Present. NYU Press. pp. 102–101. ISBN 978-0-8147-4767-4. Archived from the original on 8 January 2020. Retrieved 31 August 2019.
  • Ελληνοαμερικανικές σχέσεις 1974–1999 Tου Θεοδωρου Κουλουμπη Article by Theodoros Kouloumbis from ekathimerini
    Backup link from Internet Archive
  • Hellenic Foundation of European and Foreign Policy Archived 7 February 2022 at the Wayback Machine quote: "Ο Κωνσταντίνος Καραμανλής, παρά τους δισταγμούς του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ στην Ουάσιγκτον, επέστρεψε από το Παρίσι τα χαράματα της 24ης Ιουλίου του 1974 και ανέλαβε την τεράστια ευθύνη της αυθεντικής εδραίωσης των δημοκρατικών θεσμών στην τόσο ταλαιπωρημένη του χώρα. Η μετάβαση στη δημοκρατία έγινε με τρόπο υποδειγματικό από τον Ελληνα Μακεδόνα ηγέτη. Οι δύο μεγάλοι διχασμοί του 20ού αιώνα γεφυρώθηκαν με τη νομιμοποίηση των κομμουνιστικών κομμάτων και με το δημοψήφισμα για το πολιτειακό που καθιέρωσε το σύστημα της προεδρευόμενης δημοκρατίας. Οι δίκες των πρωταιτίων της χούντας με αυστηρότατες ποινές (ισόβια δεσμά) πέρασαν το μήνυμα στις ένοπλες δυνάμεις ότι η περίοδος της ατιμωρησίας των αντισυνταγματικών παρεμβάσεων του στρατού στην πολιτική είχε περάσει ανεπιστρεπτί. Και χωρίς αμφιβολία, το μεγαλύτερο επίτευγμα του Καραμανλή ήταν η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Κοινότητα (σήμερα Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση) την 1η Ιανουαρίου του 1981. Ισως περισσότερο από οποιαδήποτε άλλη εξέλιξη η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρώπη άλλαξε τη μορφή και την ποιότητα της ελληνοαμερικανικής δυαδικής σχέσης. Η πατερναλιστική κατατομή προστάτη – προτατευόμενου θα περνούσε έκτοτε μέσα από ένα διαρθρωτικό φίλτρο με το όνομα «Βρυξέλλες»."
    Alternate link from Kathimerini Archived 22 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine
  • Britannica Archived 21 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine Konstantinos Karamanlis: Greek statesman who was prime minister from 1955 to 1963 and again from 1974 to 1980. He then served as president from 1980 to 1985 and from 1990 to 1995. Karamanlis gave Greece competent government and political stability while his conservative economic policies stimulated economic growth. In 1974–75 he successfully restored democracy and constitutional government in Greece after the rule of a military junta there had collapsed.

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