Palestinian enclaves (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Palestinian enclaves" in English language version.

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The New Arab 2021. "Israel settlement expansion should be treated as 'presumptive war crime': UN experts". The New Arab. 4 November 2021.
The New Arab: Special Rapporteur 2021. "UN Special Rapporteur urges Israel to end occupation". The New Arab. 25 December 2021.

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Haddad 2020. Haddad, Mohammed (26 June 2020). "Palestine and Israel: Mapping an annexation". Al Jazeera.

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Lustick 2005, p. 23. Lustick, Ian (2005). "The One-State Reality: Reading the Trump-Kushner Plan as a Morbid Symptom". The Arab World Geographer. 23 (1): 23.

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BBC Timeline 2019. "Palestinian territories - Timeline". BBC. 8 April 2019. Retrieved 9 February 2021.

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Bowman 2007, pp. 127–135. Bowman, Glenn (2007). "Israel's wall and the logic of encystation: Sovereign exception or wild sovereignty?". Focaal-European Journal of Anthropology. 2007 (50): 127–136. doi:10.3167/foc.2007.500109.

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"90 percent of the population of the West Bank was divided into 165 islands of ostensible PA control." (Thrall 2017, p. 144) Thrall, Nathan (2017). The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-1-62779-710-8.
"Israel responded to the second intifada with a strategy of collective punishment aimed at a return to the logic of Oslo, whereby a weak Palestinian leadership would acquiesce to Israeli demands and a brutalized population would be compelled to accept a "state" made up of a series of Bantustans. Though the language may have changed slightly, the same structure that has characterized past plans remains. The Allon plan, the WZO plan, the Begin plan, Netanyahu's "Allon Plus" plan, Barak's "generous offer," and Sharon's vision of a Palestinian state all foresaw Israeli control of significant West Bank territory, a Palestinian existence on minimal territory surrounded, divided, and, ultimately, controlled by Israel, and a Palestinian or Arab entity that would assume responsibility for internal policing and civil matters." (Cook & Hanieh 2006, pp. 346–347) Cook, Catherine; Hanieh, Adam (2006). "35: Walling in People Walling out Sovereignty". In Beinin, Joel; Stein, Rebecca L. (eds.). The Struggle for Sovereignty: Palestine and Israel, 1993-2005. Stanford University Press. pp. 338–347. ISBN 978-0-8047-5365-4.
"The 1968 Allon Plan called for placing settlements in sparsely populated lands of the Jordan River Valley, thus ensuring Jewish demographic presence in the farthest location within biblical Israel... the 1978 Drobles Plan... which called for a "belt of settlements in strategic locations … throughout the whole land of Israel… for security and by right." The logic of the Drobles Plan actually guided the wave of settlements that occurred in the 1990s, thus turning the settlements into an integral element of Israel's tactical control over and surveillance of Palestinians in the West Bank. The Allon and Drobles Plans and other similar colonization campaigns have invariably been motivated by five broad, interrelated reasons driving the settlement enterprise. They include control over economic resources, use of territory as a strategic asset, ensuring demographic presence and geographic control, reasserting control over the Jew's biblically promised homeland, and having exclusive rights to the territory".(Kamrava 2016, pp. 79–80). Kamrava, Mehran (2016). The Impossibility of Palestine: History, Geography, and the Road Ahead. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22085-8.
"The 1968 Allon Plan called for placing settlements in sparsely populated lands of the Jordan River Valley, thus ensuring Jewish demographic presence in the farthest location within biblical Israel... the 1978 Drobles Plan... which called for a "belt of settlements in strategic locations … throughout the whole land of Israel… for security and by right." The logic of the Drobles Plan actually guided the wave of settlements that occurred in the 1990s, thus turning the settlements into an integral element of Israel's tactical control over and surveillance of Palestinians in the West Bank. The Allon and Drobles Plans and other similar colonization campaigns have invariably been motivated by five broad, interrelated reasons driving the settlement enterprise. They include control over economic resources, use of territory as a strategic asset, ensuring demographic presence and geographic control, reasserting control over the Jew's biblically promised homeland, and having exclusive rights to the territory".(Kamrava 2016, pp. 79–80). Kamrava, Mehran (2016). The Impossibility of Palestine: History, Geography, and the Road Ahead. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22085-8.
"The term enclave can seem neutral, unlike Bantustan and ghetto, which are freighted with negative connotations. Yet enclaves are socio-spatial formations that similarly arrange inequality. Gulag captures the arbitrariness of some of closure's mechanisms; but economic factors limit comparisons with the ghetto. The economic integrations, however unequal, of Jews in pre-WWII European ghettos, of blacks in the ghettos of the United States, and of the Bantustans in South Africa, is not paralleled in Palestinian enclaves, where circulation outside and between their confines is severely circumscribed." (Peteet 2017, p. 62) Peteet, Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-02511-1.
"The dominant security modality in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) nowadays is the coexistence of an archipelago and enclaves. In the archipelago, people and goods move relatively freely and smoothly. The enclaves, however, are spaces of exception where the rule of law and the emergency procedure merge into indistinction." (Ghandour-Demiri 2016) Ghandour-Demiri, Nada (2016). "Israel-Palestine: An Archipelago of (In)security". In Cavelty, Myriam Dunn; Balzacq, Thierry (eds.). Routledge Handbook of Security Studies (2nd ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-62091-4.
also available here (Telhami 2010, p. 83a) Telhami, Shibley (2010). The Sadat Lectures: Words and Images on Peace, 1997-2008. U.S. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN 978-1-60127-054-2.
"During the early days of the occupation a handful of senior Israeli officials and army officers advocated unilateral plans for a Palestinian satellite mini-state, autonomous region, or "canton" — Bantustan actually — in the northern half of the West Bank, but the policymakers would have none of this." (Raz 2020, p. 278) Raz, Avi (2020). "Dodging the Peril of Peace: Israel and the Arabs in the Aftermath of the 1967 War". In Hanssen, Jens; Ghazal, Amal N. (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Middle-Eastern and North African History. Oxford University Press. pp. 269–291. ISBN 978-0-199-67253-0.
"Palestinian autonomy under Israeli rule, he added, 'would be identified as... some kind of South African Bantustan'." (Gorenberg 2006, p. 153; Cook 2013) Gorenberg, Gershom (2006). The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-1-466-80054-0. Cook, Jonathan (2013). Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human Despair. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-848-13649-6.
Ciskei's Israeli representative Yosef Schneider, during the pairing ceremony, remarked, "It is symbolic that no country in the world (except South Africa) recognizes Ciskei, just as there is no country in the world that recognizes the Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria" (Hunter 1987, pp. 72–80, 74). Hunter, Jane (1987). Israeli Foreign Policy: South Africa and Central America. South End Press. ISBN 978-0-896-08285-4.
"It will be the end of me. I can't go for a Bantustan. Don't push me into a corner, my back's already against the wall. How will I tell my people that you control every entry, from every direction? I'm not in power because of a popular majority, but thanks to the personal credit I've accumulated. For me, this is a disaster, a catastrophe." (Gil 2020, p. 163) Gil, Avi (2020). Shimon Peres: An Insider's Account of the Man and the Struggle for a New Middle East. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-0-755-61703-6.
"The Gaza model is a bantustan... even more restricted than in the bantustans of South Africa, where at least you could travel to work... It is a bantustan with one gate that can be opened and closed any time Israel chooses... Gaza is the model for the West Bank... It is investing millions of dollars for an infrastructure of roads that will link up most of the Jewish settlements and fragment the Palestinian 'areas' into so many townships. At the end of the day, we can call these townships a state if we wish... But the reality is bantustanisation... As for the Israelis, [the idea of bi-nationalism] will force them to address the meaning and challenge of equality. Why? Because the bantustanisation option may defer resolution of the Palestinian question, but it cannot, in the end, be the resolution." (Bishara & Usher 1995, p. 47) Bishara, Azmi; Usher, Graham (1995). "Bantustanisation or bi-nationalism? An interview with Azmi Bishara". Race & Class. 37 (2). ISBN 978-0-7453-1337-5.
"When I was in Israel recently, giving talks on the thirtieth anniversary of the occupation, I quoted a passage about the Bantustans from a standard academic history of South Africa. You didn't have to comment. Everybody who had their eyes open could recognize it. There were many people who just refuse to see what's happening, including most of the doves. But if you pay attention to what's happening, that's the description. So it is absurd for Israel to be to the racist side of South Africa under Apartheid. I assume that sooner or later they will agree to call these things states." (Chomsky & Barsamian 2001, p. 90) Chomsky, Noam; Barsamian, David (2001). Propaganda and the Public Mind: Conversations with Noam Chomsky. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-745-31788-5.
"Walaja, a village southeast of Jerusalem on the Green Line, was another example of near complete enclavization similar to Qalqiliya. The wall blocked the sun and there was one checkpoint and gate to enter and exit.." (Peteet 2017, p. 52) Peteet, Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-02511-1.
(1) Jeff Halper arguing that the occupation will be permanent, as opposed to proponents of a Two state solution, wrote in September 2003: 'the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the control mechanisms, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state: he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So, if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of control you end up advocating a Bantustan.' (Halper 2004, p. 105);
(2) 'In April he said that Israel would not withdraw from most of the West Bank, would continue to occupy the Jordan River Valley and the roads leading to them, would make no concessions on Jerusalem, would "absolutely not" evacuate a single settlement "at any price" and would not cede control of the West Bank water aquifers. In case that was not sufficiently clear, over the next year he repeatedly said that the Israeli concessions at Oslo, Camp David, and Taba were no longer valid. A number of prominent Israeli analysts commented that Sharon's intentions were to torpedo the diplomatic process, continue the Israeli occupation, and limit the Palestinians to a series of enclaves surrounded by the Israeli settlements; some even wrote that Sharon's long term strategy resembled that of the "Bantustans" created by the South African apartheid regime' (Slater 2020, p. 303). Halper, Jeff (Winter 2004). "Israel and Empire". Journal of Palestine Studies. 33 (2): 105–106. doi:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. JSTOR 10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6.
"In 2003, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon revealed that he relied on South Africa's Bantustan model in constructing a possible 'map of a Palestinian state'." (Feld 2014, pp. 99, 138) Feld, Marjorie N. (2014). Nations Divided: American Jews and the Struggle over Apartheid. Springer. ISBN 978-1-137-02972-0.
"It is quite clear that a Palestinian State with so many territorial enclaves will not be able to manage economic functions and administration. Even if its sovereign territory were greater, and even if some of the enclaves were connected into a continued territorial unity, the main communications arteries that are under Israeli dominance running from north to south and from west to east, and those along the Judean Desert that are under Israeli dominance, might perpetuate their spatial fragmentation." (Efrat 2006, p. 199) Efrat, Elisha (2006). The West Bank and Gaza Strip: A Geography of Occupation and Disengagement. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-17217-7.
"Israeli politicians lost no time exploiting these fears increasingly employing the term Hamastan - a neologism for the concept of a Hamas-dominated Palestinian Islamist theocracy under Iranian tutelage - to describe these circumstances; 'before our very eyes', as Netanyahu warned, 'Hamastan has been established, the step-child of Iran and the Taliban'." (Ram 2009, p. 82) Ram, Haggai (2009). Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-804-77119-1.
"To make this grid possible, more than 2,710 homes and workplaces in the West Bank have been completely destroyed, and an additional 39,964 others have been damaged, since the beginning of the Intifada." (Haddad 2009, p. 280) Haddad, Toufic (2009). "Gaza: Birthing a Bantustan". In Tikva, Honig-Parnass; Haddad, Toufic (eds.). Between the Lines: Israel, the Palestinians, and the U.S. War on Terror. Haymarket Books. pp. 280–290 2. ISBN 978-1-608-46047-2.
"At times, the politics of separation/partition has been dressed up as a formula for peaceful settlement at others as a bureaucratic-territorial arrangement of governance, and most recently as a means of unilaterally imposed domination, oppression and fragmentation of the Palestinian people and their land. The Oslo Accords of the 1990s left the Israeli military in control of the interstices of an archipelago of about two hundred separate zones of Palestinian restricted autonomy in the West Bank and Gaza." (Weizman 2012, pp. 10–11) Weizman, Eyal (2012). Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1-84467-868-6.
A combination of Israeli checkpoints, physical obstacles, and a permit system had effectively cut the West Bank into three distinct areas—northern, southern, and central—in addition to East Jerusalem. Within these areas further enclaves have been created, also bordered by checkpoints and roadblocks that increase the isolation of individual Palestinian communities. In addition, the Jordan rift valley had become an almost inaccessible enclave. Fewer and fewer Palestinians were able to obtain permits to visit closed military zones—land to the west of the Barrier. The cantonization of the West Bank, combined with Israel's tight restructions on movement of the Palestinians, is at the heart of the decline of the Palestinian economy (Rubenberg 2010, p. 147). Rubenberg, Cheryl, ed. (2010). Encyclopedia of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A-H (3rd ed.). Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1-588-26686-6.
"Every aspect of the city is invested with ethnicity, and a complex system of codes (wrought in architecture, signage, dress, etc.) helps residents to navigate through perceived safe passages and protected environments. This extreme level of segregation has produced a spatial landscape akin to an "archipelago" of isolated "islands"... a complex matrix of exclaves (settlements for Jewish Israelis built in annexed East Jerusalem) and Palestinian enclaves, served by segregated road systems and surrounded by buffer zones." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25, summary publication p.2) Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
"As a result of intense settlement construction in East Jerusalem, Palestinian communities are forced within the spatial containment that characterizes the settlements: they have lost their agricultural land reserves and became enclaves within a space of Israeli hegemony — remaining largely excluded them from Israeli political, social, and cultural life... Discrimination is written into the city's master plan, which is based on the declared aim to facilitate a 70% Jewish majority in Jerusalem... Endurance and resilience have been effective tactics for Palestinians. Prohibited from expanding beyond established built-up areas, villages and neighborhoods have become densely knit, congested, and uncontrollable." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25, summary publication p.2) Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Dumper contends that infrastructural and demographic changes have led to "the enclaving of the eastern part of the city" which has been transformed into "virtually an Israeli Jewish city with small islands of Palestinian residency, commerce, and culture". The settlement infrastructure of "connecting roads, services, and security systems [that] have sliced up East Jerusalem into pieces and surrounded the Palestinians areas". He says that he uses the word enclave to convey "a sense of being encircled, of being detached, and of belonging to something else" while acknowledging there is freedom of movement to adjacent areas (Dumper 2014, pp. 16–17). Dumper, Michael (17 June 2014). Jerusalem Unbound: Geography, History, and the Future of the Holy City. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-53735-3.
Chaichian 2013, pp. 271–319. Chaichian, Mohammed (2013). "Bantustans, Maquiladoras, and the Separation Barrier Israeli Style". Empires and Walls: Globalization, Migration, and Colonial Domination. BRILL. pp. 271–319. ISBN 978-9-004-26066-5.
Boyle 2011, pp. 13–17, p.60. Boyle, Francis (2011). The Palestinian Right of Return Under International Law. Clarity Press. ISBN 978-0-932-86393-5.
Niksic, Eddin & Cali 2014, p. 1. Niksic, Orhan; Eddin, Nur Nasser; Cali, Massimiliano (10 July 2014). Area C and the Future of the Palestinian Economy. World Bank Publications. ISBN 978-1-464-80196-9.
Honig-Parnass 2011, p. 206. Honig-Parnass, Tikva (2011). The False Prophets of Peace: Liberal Zionism and the Struggle for Palestine. Haymarket Books. ISBN 978-1-608-46214-8.
Rubenberg 2010, p. 147. Rubenberg, Cheryl, ed. (2010). Encyclopedia of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A-H (3rd ed.). Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1-588-26686-6.
Gorenberg 2006, p. 153. Gorenberg, Gershom (2006). The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-1-466-80054-0.
Klein 2019, p. 73. Klein, M. (2019). Arafat and Abbas: Portraits of Leadership in a State Postponed. Oxford University Press. p. 73. ISBN 978-0-19-008758-6. Israel would govern these bantustans externally and enter them at will. As far as Netanyahu is concerned, if the Palestinians want to call this kind of autonomy a state, that is their affair.
Bishara & Usher 1995, p. 47. Bishara, Azmi; Usher, Graham (1995). "Bantustanisation or bi-nationalism? An interview with Azmi Bishara". Race & Class. 37 (2). ISBN 978-0-7453-1337-5.
Gil 2020, p. 162. Gil, Avi (2020). Shimon Peres: An Insider's Account of the Man and the Struggle for a New Middle East. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-0-755-61703-6.
Korn 2013, p. 122. Korn, Alina (2013). "6: The Ghettoization of the Palestinians". In Lentin, Ronit (ed.). Thinking Palestine. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-84813-789-9.
Alissa 2013, p. 128. Alissa, Sufyan (2013). "6: The economics of an independent Palestine". In Hilal, Jamil (ed.). Where Now for Palestine?: The Demise of the Two-State Solution. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-84813-801-8.
Lustick 1988, p. 45. Lustick, Ian (1988). For the Land and the Lord: Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel. Council on Foreign Relations. ISBN 978-0-87609-036-7.
Shafir 2017, p. 57. Shafir, Gershon (2017). A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World's Most Intractable Conflict. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-29350-2.
Shafir 2017, p. 58. Shafir, Gershon (2017). A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World's Most Intractable Conflict. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-29350-2.
Weizman 2012, p. 25. Weizman, Eyal (2012). Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1-84467-868-6.
Holzman-Gazit 2013, p. 134, n.11. Holzman-Gazit, Dr Yifat (28 February 2013). Land Expropriation in Israel: Law, Culture and Society. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4094-9592-5.
Holzman-Gazit 2013, p. 137. Holzman-Gazit, Dr Yifat (28 February 2013). Land Expropriation in Israel: Law, Culture and Society. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4094-9592-5.
Gelvin 2007, p. 277. Gelvin, James L. (2007). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-88835-6.
Pedahzur 2005, p. 66. Pedahzur, Ami (2005). Suicide Terrorism. Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-745-63383-1.
Goodman 2011, p. 57. Goodman, Hirsh (2011). The Anatomy of Israel's Survival. Hachette UK. ISBN 978-1-610-39083-5.
Reinhart 2006, p. 163. Reinhart, Tanya (2006). The Road Map to Nowhere: Israel/Palestine Since 2003. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1-844-67076-5.
Lissoni 2015, pp. 53–55. Lissoni, Arianna (2015). "Apartheid's Little Israel: Bophuthatswana". In Jacobs, Sean; Soske, Jon (eds.). Apartheid Israel: The Politics of an Analogy. Haymarket Books. pp. 53–66. ISBN 978-1-608-46519-4.
Ackerman & DuVall 2015, p. 403. Ackerman, Peter; DuVall, Jack (1 December 2015). A Force More Powerful: A Century of Non-violent Conflict. St. Martin's Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-250-10520-2.
Ackerman & DuVall 2015, p. 404. Ackerman, Peter; DuVall, Jack (1 December 2015). A Force More Powerful: A Century of Non-violent Conflict. St. Martin's Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-250-10520-2.
Kretzmer 2002, p. 76. Kretzmer, David (25 April 2002). The Occupation of Justice: The Supreme Court of Israel and the Occupied Territories. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-5337-7.
Parsons 2005, p. 93. Parsons, Nigel (2005). The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to Al-Aqsa. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-94523-7.
Kamrava 2016, p. 95. Kamrava, Mehran (2016). The Impossibility of Palestine: History, Geography, and the Road Ahead. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22085-8.
Finkelstein 2003, p. 177. Finkelstein, Norman G. (2003). Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict (2nd ed.). Verso. ISBN 978-1-859-84442-7.
McMahon 2010, pp. 23–24. McMahon, Sean F. (2010). The Discourse of Palestinian-Israeli Relations: Persistent Analytics and Practices. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-20204-0.
Chomsky & Barsamian 2001, p. 92. Chomsky, Noam; Barsamian, David (2001). Propaganda and the Public Mind: Conversations with Noam Chomsky. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-745-31788-5.
Riley 2016, p. 253. Riley, Russell L. (1 September 2016). Inside the Clinton White House: An Oral History. Oxford University Press. p. 253. ISBN 978-0-19-060547-6. Camp David is a bit of a Rashomon event. There is the American Camp David, there is the Palestinian Camp David, and there is the Israeli Camp David
Goldschmidt 2018, p. 375. Goldschmidt, Arthur Jr (2018). A Concise History of the Middle East. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-429-97515-8.
Carter 2006, pp. 197–198. Carter, Jimmy (2006). Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1-84737-512-4.
Polakow-Suransky 2010, p. 236. Polakow-Suransky, Sasha (2010). The Unspoken Alliance: Israel's Secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-307-37925-2.
Machover 2012, p. 55. Machover, Moshé (2012). Israelis and Palestinians: Conflict and Resolution. Haymarket Books. ISBN 978-1-608-46148-6.
Telhami 2010, p. 83. Telhami, Shibley (2010). The Sadat Lectures: Words and Images on Peace, 1997-2008. U.S. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN 978-1-60127-054-2.
Makdisi 2012, p. 92. Makdisi, Saree (2012). Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-06996-9.
Harms & Ferry 2017, p. 211. Harms, Gregory; Ferry, Todd M. (2017). The Palestine-Israel Conflict: A Basic Introduction 4th Ed. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-2378-7.
Gordon 2008, pp. 193–194. Gordon, Dr Neve (2 October 2008). Israel's Occupation. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-94236-3.
Erakat 2019, p. 14. Erakat, Noura (2019). Justice for Some: Law and the Question of Palestine. Stanford University Press. p. 14. ISBN 978-0-8047-9825-9.
Peteet 2017, pp. 9–10. Peteet, Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-02511-1.
Le More 2008, p. 170. Le More, Anne (31 March 2008). International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo: Political guilt, wasted money. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-05232-5.
Le More 2008, p. 132. Le More, Anne (31 March 2008). International Assistance to the Palestinians after Oslo: Political guilt, wasted money. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-05232-5.
Blecher 2005. Blecher, Robert (2005). "Transportational Contiguity". Middle East Report.
- Peteet 2017, p. 93. Peteet, Julie (2017). Space and Mobility in Palestine. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-02511-1.
- Makdisi 2012, pp. 92–93. Makdisi, Saree (2012). Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-06996-9.
- Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 130–155. Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
- Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, p. 24. Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
- Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25. Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate

breakingthesilence.org.il

Rosen & Shaul 2020, p. 15. Rosen, Maya; Shaul, Yehuda (December 2020). Highway to Annexation: Israeli Road and Transportation Infrastructure Development in the West Bank (PDF) (Report). The Israeli Centre for Public Affairs & Breaking the Silence. p. 39.

btselem.org

They [Israel] have destroyed the livelihoods of thousands of farmers who have lost their lands and their ability to keep making a living off it. The location of settlements is the main determinant of where checkpoints are installed, what lands Palestinian owners can access and what roads they may use. It was also the main factor in determining the route of the Separation Barrier (Hareuveni & Etkes 2021, p. 5). Hareuveni, Eyal; Etkes, Dror (March 2021). This Is Ours – And This, Too Israel's Settlement Policy in the West Bank (PDF) (Report). B'Tselem & Kerem Navot.

cam.ac.uk

repository.cam.ac.uk

"Major thoroughfares connecting Israeli settlements cut through the urban fabric of Palestinian neighbourhoods without serving them, dividing them into isolated enclaves and stifling local urban life and social exchange across the east of the city. Like the roads connecting Israeli settlements in the West Bank, these 'conflict infrastructures' turn Palestinian space into an archipelago of disconnected islands. The spatial inequality brought about by the mobility gap is exacerbated by the lack of investment in Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem. Due to decades of neglect, even middle-class Palestinian neighbourhoods lack basic amenities, including functional roads and pavements, connection to the sewage system, reliable garbage removal, community facilities, public parks and postal service. Such policies based on unequal citizenship, effective ethnic segregation and resource allocation on the basis of ethnicity have been termed 'urban ethnocracy'." (Baumann 2016, p. 175) Baumann, Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. 59: 173–182. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN 0264-2751.
Baumann 2016, p. 173. Baumann, Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. 59: 173–182. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN 0264-2751.

cargocollective.com

files.cargocollective.com

Burns & Perugini 2016, p. 39. Burns, Jacob; Perugini, Nicola (2016). "Untangling the Oslo Lines". In Manna, Jumana; Storihle, Sille (eds.). The Goodness Regime (PDF). pp. 38–43.
Burns & Perugini 2016, p. 41. Burns, Jacob; Perugini, Nicola (2016). "Untangling the Oslo Lines". In Manna, Jumana; Storihle, Sille (eds.). The Goodness Regime (PDF). pp. 38–43.
Burns & Perugini 2016, p. 40. Burns, Jacob; Perugini, Nicola (2016). "Untangling the Oslo Lines". In Manna, Jumana; Storihle, Sille (eds.). The Goodness Regime (PDF). pp. 38–43.

core.ac.uk

Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012, pp. 63–77. Thawaba, Salem; Al-Rimmawi, Hussein (23 August 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. 12 (1): 63–77. doi:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN 1538-5132. S2CID 144445414.

decolonizing.ps

The consequences of the spatial regime being consolidated in the occupied West Bank today, a result of the Israeli policy variously characterized as Bantustanization, cantonization, enclavization, and ghettoization, have been discussed at length in recent years. A tremendous outpouring of documentation and reporting, analysis, opinion, and activism has been devoted to this issue; monitoring by international, Palestinian, and Israeli agencies and organizations has shown the policy of fragmentation's devastating impact on the economy, social networks, the provision of basic services such as healthcare and education, and the prospects for an end to Israel's colonization of the West Bank and Gaza (Taraki 2008, p. 6). Taraki, Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). Journal of Palestine Studies. 37 (4): 6–20. doi:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6.
Taraki 2008, pp. 6–20. Taraki, Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). Journal of Palestine Studies. 37 (4): 6–20. doi:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6.

doi.org

The consequences of the spatial regime being consolidated in the occupied West Bank today, a result of the Israeli policy variously characterized as Bantustanization, cantonization, enclavization, and ghettoization, have been discussed at length in recent years. A tremendous outpouring of documentation and reporting, analysis, opinion, and activism has been devoted to this issue; monitoring by international, Palestinian, and Israeli agencies and organizations has shown the policy of fragmentation's devastating impact on the economy, social networks, the provision of basic services such as healthcare and education, and the prospects for an end to Israel's colonization of the West Bank and Gaza (Taraki 2008, p. 6). Taraki, Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). Journal of Palestine Studies. 37 (4): 6–20. doi:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6.
"The terms "enclaves", "cantons", "Bantustans" and "open-air prisons" are used by Palestinians and outside observers to describe these spaces...The enclaves contain a population expelled but still within the territory of the state; they are neither camps, detention centers, nor Bantustans. Although certainly lodged in the same analytical field of other spatial devices of containment, they are unique spatial formations that we have yet to develop tools to conceptualize." (Peteet 2016, p. 268) Peteet, Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. 89 (1): 247–281. doi:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR 43955521. S2CID 147128703.
"The evolution from ghetto state to state is a largely unrecognized (and thus unstudied) path to statehood. The very function of the ghetto state in concentrating, restricting and defining its population can become the territorial and organizational basis for the emergence of a state (versus merely a political party). Prominent examples of this process would include the Bantustans of South Africa and the Israeli "occupied territories" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (McColl & Newman 1992, p. 334) McColl, R. W.; Newman, D. (1992). "States in Formation: The Ghetto State as Typified in the West Bank and Gaza Strip". GeoJournal. 28 (3): 333–345. doi:10.1007/BF00817910. JSTOR 41145605. S2CID 153996106.
Ariel Sharon, Israel's Prime Minister since 2001, had long contended that the Bantustan model, so central to the apartheid system, is the most appropriate to the present Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Others, by contrast, have maintained that the Palestinian territories have been transformed into cantons whose final status is still to be determined. The difference in terminology between cantons and Bantustans is not arbitrary though. The former suggests a neutral territorial concept whose political implications and contours are left to be determined. The latter indicates a structural development with economic and political implications that put in jeopardy the prospects for any meaningfully sovereign viable Palestinian state. It makes the prospects for a binational state seem inevitable, if most threatening to the notion of ethnic nationalism.' (Farsakh 2005, p. 231) Farsakh, Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. 59 (2): 230–245. doi:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR 4330126.
"What is Begin offering us now? Bantustans. Even less than Bantustans; Swaziland has more rights than we would have" (Arafat 1978) Arafat, Yasser (1978). "The PLO Position". Journal of Palestine Studies. 7 (3): 171–174. doi:10.2307/2536214. JSTOR 2536214.
"In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized." (Makdisi 2005, pp. 443–461) Makdisi, Saree (2005). "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation". Critical Inquiry. 31 (2): 443–461. doi:10.1086/430974. JSTOR 430974. S2CID 154951084.
"By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled." (Roy 2004, pp. 365–403) Roy, Sara (2004). "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. 17 (3): 365–403. doi:10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019609.37719.99. JSTOR 20007687. S2CID 145653769.
ARONOFF, M.J. (2009), Camp David Rashomon: Contested Interpretations of the Israel/Palestine Peace Process. Political Science Quarterly, 124: 143-167. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165X.2009.tb00645.x
(1) Jeff Halper arguing that the occupation will be permanent, as opposed to proponents of a Two state solution, wrote in September 2003: 'the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the control mechanisms, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state: he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So, if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of control you end up advocating a Bantustan.' (Halper 2004, p. 105);
(2) 'In April he said that Israel would not withdraw from most of the West Bank, would continue to occupy the Jordan River Valley and the roads leading to them, would make no concessions on Jerusalem, would "absolutely not" evacuate a single settlement "at any price" and would not cede control of the West Bank water aquifers. In case that was not sufficiently clear, over the next year he repeatedly said that the Israeli concessions at Oslo, Camp David, and Taba were no longer valid. A number of prominent Israeli analysts commented that Sharon's intentions were to torpedo the diplomatic process, continue the Israeli occupation, and limit the Palestinians to a series of enclaves surrounded by the Israeli settlements; some even wrote that Sharon's long term strategy resembled that of the "Bantustans" created by the South African apartheid regime' (Slater 2020, p. 303). Halper, Jeff (Winter 2004). "Israel and Empire". Journal of Palestine Studies. 33 (2): 105–106. doi:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. JSTOR 10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6.
"Uri Avnery (2005) noted that President Bush called in Brussels for the establishment of a 'democratic state with territorial continuity' in the West Bank, and then added: 'A state on scattered territories will not work'. Avnery contended that President Bush was pointing a finger at Sharon's enclavisation settlement strategy in the West Bank and that he was apparently beginning to see it as counter-productive. Avnery added that these statements by Bush in Brussels were made to reduce U.S. differences and potential friction with the European Union, which clearly opposes the annexation of West Bank territory by Israel." (Falah 2005) Falah, Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. 26 (8): 1341–1372. doi:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR 4017718. S2CID 154697979.
"Major thoroughfares connecting Israeli settlements cut through the urban fabric of Palestinian neighbourhoods without serving them, dividing them into isolated enclaves and stifling local urban life and social exchange across the east of the city. Like the roads connecting Israeli settlements in the West Bank, these 'conflict infrastructures' turn Palestinian space into an archipelago of disconnected islands. The spatial inequality brought about by the mobility gap is exacerbated by the lack of investment in Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem. Due to decades of neglect, even middle-class Palestinian neighbourhoods lack basic amenities, including functional roads and pavements, connection to the sewage system, reliable garbage removal, community facilities, public parks and postal service. Such policies based on unequal citizenship, effective ethnic segregation and resource allocation on the basis of ethnicity have been termed 'urban ethnocracy'." (Baumann 2016, p. 175) Baumann, Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. 59: 173–182. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN 0264-2751.
Kelly 2016, pp. 723–745. Kelly, Jennifer Lynn (September 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. 68 (3): 723–745. doi:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID 151482682.
Bowman 2007, pp. 127–135. Bowman, Glenn (2007). "Israel's wall and the logic of encystation: Sovereign exception or wild sovereignty?". Focaal-European Journal of Anthropology. 2007 (50): 127–136. doi:10.3167/foc.2007.500109.
Falah 2005, pp. 1341–1372. Falah, Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. 26 (8): 1341–1372. doi:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR 4017718. S2CID 154697979.
Taraki 2008, pp. 6–20. Taraki, Lisa (Summer 2008). "Enclave Micropolis: The Paradoxical Case of Ramallah/Al-Bireh" (PDF). Journal of Palestine Studies. 37 (4): 6–20. doi:10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.6.
Peteet 2016, p. 262. Peteet, Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. 89 (1): 247–281. doi:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR 43955521. S2CID 147128703.
Slater 2001, pp. 171–199. Slater, Jerome (2001). "What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. 116 (2): 171–199. doi:10.2307/798058. JSTOR 798058.
Lustick 1997, pp. 35, 37. Lustick, Ian (1997). "Has Israel Annexed East Jerusalem?" (PDF). Middle East Policy. 5 (1): 34–45. doi:10.1111/j.1475-4967.1997.tb00247.x.
Weizman 2006, p. 350. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Weizman 2006, p. 351, n=50. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Weizman 2006, p. 349, n=47. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Hunter 1986, p. 58. Hunter, Jane (Spring 1986). "Israel and the Bantustans". Journal of Palestine Studies. 15 (3): 53–89. doi:10.2307/2536750. JSTOR 2536750.
Wing 2000, p. 255. Wing, Adrien Katherine (4–8 April 2000). "The South African Transition to Democratic Rule: Lessons for International and Comparative Law". Proceedings of the Asil Annual Meeting. 94: 254–259. doi:10.1017/S0272503700055932. JSTOR 25659407. S2CID 107537477.
Moghayer, Daget & Wang 2017, p. 4. Moghayer, Taher J.T.; Daget, Yidnekachew Tesmamma; Wang, Xingping (2017). "Challenges of urban planning in Palestine". IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science. 81 (1): 1–5. Bibcode:2017E&ES...81a2152M. doi:10.1088/1755-1315/81/1/012152.
Aronoff 2009, p. 152. Aronoff, Myron J. (Spring 2009). "Camp David Rashomon: Contested Interpretations of the Israel/Palestine Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. 124 (1): 143–167. doi:10.1002/j.1538-165X.2009.tb00645.x. JSTOR 25655613.
Marzano 2011, p. 85. Marzano, Arturo (Spring 2011). "Italian Foreign Policy towards Israel: The Turning Point of the Berlusconi Government (2001––2006)". Israel Studies. 16 (1): 79–103. doi:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. JSTOR 10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. S2CID 143454051.
Le More 2005, p. 990. Le More, Anne (October 2005). "Killing with Kindness: Funding the Demise of a Palestinian State". International Affairs. 81 (5): 981–999. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00498.x. JSTOR 3569071.
Farsakh 2005, p. 231. Farsakh, Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. 59 (2): 230–245. doi:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR 4330126.
Abu-Lughod 1982, p. 29. Abu-Lughod, Janet (Winter 1982). "Israeli Settlements in Occupied Arab Lands: Conquest to Colony". Journal of Palestine Studies. 11 (2): 16–54. doi:10.2307/2536268. JSTOR 2536268. The Gaza Strip, inhabited by over 400,000 Palestinians and already badly overcrowded, was clearly not the most congenial setting for colonies. Indeed, by 1978, there were only 500 Jewish 'settlers' in Gaza, all in military posts or at the edge of the Rafiah Salient at the Egyptian border. Even after some of the Sinai settlers were regrouped, their number had risen to only 1,000 (circa 1980, as per Israeli newspaaper accounts reproduced in Israel and Palestine Monthly Review, No. 82, Supplement for July 1980:3).
Baumann 2016, p. 173. Baumann, Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. 59: 173–182. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN 0264-2751.
Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012, pp. 63–77. Thawaba, Salem; Al-Rimmawi, Hussein (23 August 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. 12 (1): 63–77. doi:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN 1538-5132. S2CID 144445414.

espon.eu

"In the West Bank Israel has managed to turn the governorates there into Bantustans only connected through an Israeli controlled (Area C) territory." (ITAN 2015, p. 889) ITAN: Integrated Territorial Analysis of the Neighbourhoods. Scientific Report – Annexes; Applied Research 2013/1/22 Final Report (PDF) (Report). 11 March 2015. p. 889.

esteri.it

"Maurizio Molinari, che era il corrispondente diplomatico de 'La Stampa' quando D'Alema era Presidente del Consiglio, descrive in un suo libro un incontro tra D'Alema ed Ariel Sharon... Mi ha detto una cosa che ricordo ancora. In quel periodo egli sosteneva che non ci sarà un vero e proprio Stato palestinese, bensì dei territori palestinesi, senza forze di sicurezza ed inclusi nei confini di Israele". Il termine usato da Sharon aveva alquanto spaventato D'Alema. "Egli ha chiarito, e ha usato il termine banthustan, le enclavi dei neri fondate dal governo dell'apartheid in Sud Africa. Io gli ho risposto: non troverà mai una controparte palestinese che firmi un accordo di questo genere" (IMFA 2006) "Intervista". Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 26 May 2006. Archived from the original on 13 January 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.

europa.eu

eeas.europa.eu

EU Spokesperson's statement 2021. "Israel: Statement by the Spokesperson on further settlement expansion". Brussels: The Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip, UNRWA). 29 October 2021. Retrieved 4 February 2022.

fas.org

sgp.fas.org

Migdalovitz 2006. Migdalovitz, Carol (16 March 2006). The Middle East Peace Talks: CRS Issue Brief for Congress (PDF) (Report). Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress.

foreignaffairs.com

"The Trump plan would thereby surround the Palestinian state with Israeli territory, severing its contiguity with Jordan and turning Jericho into a Palestinian enclave and the Palestinian state into a Bantustan. ... The result would be a Swiss cheese Palestinian state with no possibility of territorial contiguity. Instead, the Trump plan proposes 'transportational' contiguity, through tunnels that would connect the islands of Palestinian sovereignty. Those tunnels, of course, would be under Israeli control." (Indyk 2020) Indyk, Martin (February 2020). "Trump's Unfair Middle East Plan Leaves Nothing to Negotiate". Foreign Affairs.

foreignpolicy.com

Shaul 2020. Shaul, Yehuda (11 February 2020). "Trump's Middle East Peace Plan Isn't New. It Plagiarized a 40-Year-Old Israeli Initiative". Foreign Policy.

ft.com

Srivastava 2020. Srivastava, Mehul (17 June 2020). "Israel's annexation plan: the 'existential threat' to Palestinian dreams". Financial Times.

govinfo.gov

107th Congress 2002, pp. S2995–S2997. Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the 107th Congress, Second Session (PDF). Washington D.C.: United States Government Publishing Office. 20 April 2002. pp. S2995 – S2997. The ideas were presented on December 23 by the President, and they basically said the following: On borders, there would be about a 5 percent annexation in the West Bank for the Israelis and a 2 percent swap. So there would be a net 97 percent of the territory that would go to the Palestinians.

haaretz.com

"The reality of the Palestinian Bantustans, reservations or enclaves — is a fact on the ground. Their creation is the most outstanding geopolitical occurrence of the past quarter century." (Hass 2018) Hass, Amira (15 September 2018). "With Oslo, Israel's Intention Was Never Peace or Palestinian Statehood". Haaretz.
"the original South African model is particularly tempting. It would be a mistake to use the term "canton" in this case, since cantons are autonomous areas of a state and its citizens. Here, the idea is to turn those Palestinians living in areas that would be annexed to Israel, into foreign citizens." (Primor 2002) Primor, Avi (18 September 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". Haaretz.
"Alongside the severance of Gaza from the West Bank, a policy now called 'isolation,' the Sharon-Peres government and the Olmert-Peres government that succeeded it carried out the bantustan program in the West Bank. The Jordan Valley was separated from the rest of the West Bank; the south was severed from the north; and all three areas were severed from East Jerusalem. The "two states for two peoples" plan gave way to a 'five states for two peoples' plan: one contiguous state, surrounded by settlement blocs, for Israel, and four isolated enclaves for the Palestinians." (Eldar 2007) Eldar, Akiva (18 June 2007). "Sharon's Dream". Haaretz.
"Many in the top echelons of the security establishment in the 1970s and 1980s had a warm spot in their hearts for the white apartheid regime in South Africa that was derived not only from utilitarian interests, but also from sympathy for the white minority rulers in that country. One of the elements of the old South African regime that stirred much interest in Israel remains current to this day: To seemingly solve the demographic problem that troubled the white South Africans (that is, to hang on to all of South Africa without granting equal rights, civil rights and the vote to blacks), the South African regime created a fiction known by the name Bantustans, later changed to Homelands." (Primor 2002) Primor, Avi (18 September 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". Haaretz.
"If Ariel Sharon were able to hear the news from the Gaza Strip and West Bank, he would call his loyal aide, Dov Weissglas, and say with a big laugh: 'We did it, Dubi.' Sharon is in a coma, but his plan is alive and kicking. Everyone is now talking about the state of Hamastan. In his house, they called it a bantustan, after the South African protectorates designed to perpetuate apartheid." (Eldar 2007) Eldar, Akiva (18 June 2007). "Sharon's Dream". Haaretz.
Haaretz 2004. "Powell Warns Against Division of West Bank Into 'Bantustans'". Haaretz. 6 June 2004.
Primor 2002. Primor, Avi (18 September 2002). "Sharon's South African strategy". Haaretz.
Eldar 2007. Eldar, Akiva (18 June 2007). "Sharon's Dream". Haaretz.
Eldar 2003. Eldar, Akiva (13 May 2003). "Sharon's Bantustans Are Far From Copenhagen's Hope". Haaretz.
Shalev 2017. Shalev, Chemi (6 June 2017). "Netanyahu's Blueprint for a Palestinian Bantustan". Haaretz.
Samuels & Lis 2021. Samuels, Ben; Lis, Jonathan (26 October 2021). "U.S. Gives Harshest Public Rebuke Yet on Israeli Settlement Plans". Haaretz.
Benvenisti 2006. Benvenisti, Meron (28 December 2006). "The temples of the occupation". Haaretz. Archived from the original on 2 December 2008.
Hass 2004. Hass, Amira (29 November 2004). "Donor Countries Won't Fund Israeli-planned Separate Roads for Palestinians". Haaretz.
Shezaf 2020. Shezaf, Hagar (10 December 2020). "Highways to annexation: Across the West Bank, Israel is bulldozing a bright future for Jewish settlers". Haaretz. Retrieved 10 December 2020.

handle.net

hdl.handle.net

Clarno 2009, pp. 66–67. Clarno, Andrew James (2009). The Empire's New Walls: Sovereignty, Neo-liberalism, and the Production of Space in Post-apartheid South Africa and Post-Oslo Palestine/Israel (Thesis). pp. 66–67. hdl:2027.42/127105. ISBN 978-1-244-00753-6.

harvard.edu

ui.adsabs.harvard.edu

Moghayer, Daget & Wang 2017, p. 4. Moghayer, Taher J.T.; Daget, Yidnekachew Tesmamma; Wang, Xingping (2017). "Challenges of urban planning in Palestine". IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science. 81 (1): 1–5. Bibcode:2017E&ES...81a2152M. doi:10.1088/1755-1315/81/1/012152.

israelhayom.co.il

Lord 2020. Lord, Amnon (28 May 2020). "Netanyahu: The Palestinians have to concede, not Israel". Israel Hayom. (also in Hebrew: ראש הממשלה בראיון מיוחד ל"ישראל היום": "לא אנחנו נוותר, אלא הפלשתינים")

israelhayom.com

Lord 2020. Lord, Amnon (28 May 2020). "Netanyahu: The Palestinians have to concede, not Israel". Israel Hayom. (also in Hebrew: ראש הממשלה בראיון מיוחד ל"ישראל היום": "לא אנחנו נוותר, אלא הפלשתינים")

jpost.com

Reuters: 50% more settlers 2014. "Housing minister sees 50% more settlers in West Bank by 2019". Reuters. 16 May 2014. Retrieved 10 September 2015.
Lazaroff 2021. Lazaroff, Tovah (5 September 2021). "Growth rate of settlements plummets to all-time low". The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 30 October 2021.
Harkov & Lazaroff 2021. Harkov, Lahav; Lazaroff, Tovah (28 October 2021). "Russia, UK, top EU nations issue rebuke on settlement plans". The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 4 February 2022.

jstor.org

"The terms "enclaves", "cantons", "Bantustans" and "open-air prisons" are used by Palestinians and outside observers to describe these spaces...The enclaves contain a population expelled but still within the territory of the state; they are neither camps, detention centers, nor Bantustans. Although certainly lodged in the same analytical field of other spatial devices of containment, they are unique spatial formations that we have yet to develop tools to conceptualize." (Peteet 2016, p. 268) Peteet, Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. 89 (1): 247–281. doi:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR 43955521. S2CID 147128703.
"The evolution from ghetto state to state is a largely unrecognized (and thus unstudied) path to statehood. The very function of the ghetto state in concentrating, restricting and defining its population can become the territorial and organizational basis for the emergence of a state (versus merely a political party). Prominent examples of this process would include the Bantustans of South Africa and the Israeli "occupied territories" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (McColl & Newman 1992, p. 334) McColl, R. W.; Newman, D. (1992). "States in Formation: The Ghetto State as Typified in the West Bank and Gaza Strip". GeoJournal. 28 (3): 333–345. doi:10.1007/BF00817910. JSTOR 41145605. S2CID 153996106.
Ariel Sharon, Israel's Prime Minister since 2001, had long contended that the Bantustan model, so central to the apartheid system, is the most appropriate to the present Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Others, by contrast, have maintained that the Palestinian territories have been transformed into cantons whose final status is still to be determined. The difference in terminology between cantons and Bantustans is not arbitrary though. The former suggests a neutral territorial concept whose political implications and contours are left to be determined. The latter indicates a structural development with economic and political implications that put in jeopardy the prospects for any meaningfully sovereign viable Palestinian state. It makes the prospects for a binational state seem inevitable, if most threatening to the notion of ethnic nationalism.' (Farsakh 2005, p. 231) Farsakh, Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. 59 (2): 230–245. doi:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR 4330126.
"What is Begin offering us now? Bantustans. Even less than Bantustans; Swaziland has more rights than we would have" (Arafat 1978) Arafat, Yasser (1978). "The PLO Position". Journal of Palestine Studies. 7 (3): 171–174. doi:10.2307/2536214. JSTOR 2536214.
"In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized." (Makdisi 2005, pp. 443–461) Makdisi, Saree (2005). "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation". Critical Inquiry. 31 (2): 443–461. doi:10.1086/430974. JSTOR 430974. S2CID 154951084.
"By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled." (Roy 2004, pp. 365–403) Roy, Sara (2004). "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. 17 (3): 365–403. doi:10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019609.37719.99. JSTOR 20007687. S2CID 145653769.
KACOWICZ, A. (2005). Rashomon in the Middle East: Clashing Narratives, Images, and Frames in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict. Cooperation and Conflict, 40(3), 343-360. Retrieved 16 February 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/45084335
(1) Jeff Halper arguing that the occupation will be permanent, as opposed to proponents of a Two state solution, wrote in September 2003: 'the danger in being for a Palestinian state is that if you don't understand the control mechanisms, then you are actually agitating for a Bantustan. I mean, Sharon also wants a Palestinian state: he wants a state that is completely controlled by Israel. So, if you only look at territory and you don't look at the issue of control you end up advocating a Bantustan.' (Halper 2004, p. 105);
(2) 'In April he said that Israel would not withdraw from most of the West Bank, would continue to occupy the Jordan River Valley and the roads leading to them, would make no concessions on Jerusalem, would "absolutely not" evacuate a single settlement "at any price" and would not cede control of the West Bank water aquifers. In case that was not sufficiently clear, over the next year he repeatedly said that the Israeli concessions at Oslo, Camp David, and Taba were no longer valid. A number of prominent Israeli analysts commented that Sharon's intentions were to torpedo the diplomatic process, continue the Israeli occupation, and limit the Palestinians to a series of enclaves surrounded by the Israeli settlements; some even wrote that Sharon's long term strategy resembled that of the "Bantustans" created by the South African apartheid regime' (Slater 2020, p. 303). Halper, Jeff (Winter 2004). "Israel and Empire". Journal of Palestine Studies. 33 (2): 105–106. doi:10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. JSTOR 10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.102. Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6.
"Uri Avnery (2005) noted that President Bush called in Brussels for the establishment of a 'democratic state with territorial continuity' in the West Bank, and then added: 'A state on scattered territories will not work'. Avnery contended that President Bush was pointing a finger at Sharon's enclavisation settlement strategy in the West Bank and that he was apparently beginning to see it as counter-productive. Avnery added that these statements by Bush in Brussels were made to reduce U.S. differences and potential friction with the European Union, which clearly opposes the annexation of West Bank territory by Israel." (Falah 2005) Falah, Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. 26 (8): 1341–1372. doi:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR 4017718. S2CID 154697979.
Harris 1984, pp. 169–189. Harris, Brice Jr (Summer 1984). "The South Africanization of Israel". Arab Studies Quarterly. 6 (3): 169–189. JSTOR 41857718.
Falah 2005, pp. 1341–1372. Falah, Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. 26 (8): 1341–1372. doi:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR 4017718. S2CID 154697979.
Peteet 2016, p. 262. Peteet, Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. 89 (1): 247–281. doi:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR 43955521. S2CID 147128703.
Slater 2001, pp. 171–199. Slater, Jerome (2001). "What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. 116 (2): 171–199. doi:10.2307/798058. JSTOR 798058.
Hunter 1986, p. 58. Hunter, Jane (Spring 1986). "Israel and the Bantustans". Journal of Palestine Studies. 15 (3): 53–89. doi:10.2307/2536750. JSTOR 2536750.
Wing 2000, p. 255. Wing, Adrien Katherine (4–8 April 2000). "The South African Transition to Democratic Rule: Lessons for International and Comparative Law". Proceedings of the Asil Annual Meeting. 94: 254–259. doi:10.1017/S0272503700055932. JSTOR 25659407. S2CID 107537477.
Sabel 2011, p. 25. Sabel, Robbie (Fall 2011). "The Campaign to Delegitimize Israel with the False Charge of Apartheid". Jewish Political Studies Review. 23 (3/4): 18–31. JSTOR 41575857.
Aronoff 2009, p. 152. Aronoff, Myron J. (Spring 2009). "Camp David Rashomon: Contested Interpretations of the Israel/Palestine Peace Process". Political Science Quarterly. 124 (1): 143–167. doi:10.1002/j.1538-165X.2009.tb00645.x. JSTOR 25655613.
Marzano 2011, p. 85. Marzano, Arturo (Spring 2011). "Italian Foreign Policy towards Israel: The Turning Point of the Berlusconi Government (2001––2006)". Israel Studies. 16 (1): 79–103. doi:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. JSTOR 10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. S2CID 143454051.
Le More 2005, p. 990. Le More, Anne (October 2005). "Killing with Kindness: Funding the Demise of a Palestinian State". International Affairs. 81 (5): 981–999. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00498.x. JSTOR 3569071.
Farsakh 2005, p. 231. Farsakh, Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. 59 (2): 230–245. doi:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR 4330126.
Abu-Lughod 1982, p. 29. Abu-Lughod, Janet (Winter 1982). "Israeli Settlements in Occupied Arab Lands: Conquest to Colony". Journal of Palestine Studies. 11 (2): 16–54. doi:10.2307/2536268. JSTOR 2536268. The Gaza Strip, inhabited by over 400,000 Palestinians and already badly overcrowded, was clearly not the most congenial setting for colonies. Indeed, by 1978, there were only 500 Jewish 'settlers' in Gaza, all in military posts or at the edge of the Rafiah Salient at the Egyptian border. Even after some of the Sinai settlers were regrouped, their number had risen to only 1,000 (circa 1980, as per Israeli newspaaper accounts reproduced in Israel and Palestine Monthly Review, No. 82, Supplement for July 1980:3).

lawfaremedia.org

Shany 2019. Shany, Yuval (6 May 2019). "Israel's New Plan to Annex the West Bank: What Happens Next?". Lawfare.

legalaffairs.org

Motro 2005, p. 46. Motro, Shari (September–October 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. pp. 46–50. Archived from the original on 14 February 2021. Retrieved 8 February 2021. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Motro 2005, p. 47. Motro, Shari (September–October 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. pp. 46–50. Archived from the original on 14 February 2021. Retrieved 8 February 2021. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications

mei.edu

Stock 2019, p. 49. Stock, Nathan (August 2019). There is no "Status Quo", Drivers of Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (PDF) (Report). Middle East Institute.

merip.org

Blecher 2005. Blecher, Robert (2005). "Transportational Contiguity". Middle East Report.

middleeasteye.net

Strickland 2015. Strickland, Patrick O. (12 February 2015). "Residents in occupied Golan Heights fear creeping Israeli presence". Middle East Eye. Retrieved 10 September 2015.

newyorker.com

Entous 2018. Entous, Adam (9 July 2018). "The Maps of Israeli Settlements That Shocked Barack Obama". New Yorker Magazine.

nrc.no

"In sum, Israel continues to establish facts on the ground in these sensitive areas, thus undermining a future political settlement in East Jerusalem. Its policies reflect an ongoing effort to clear disputed areas in order to establish or expand settlements; change the demographic composition of East Jerusalem and strengthen Jewish presence, impede the development and expansion of Palestinian neighbourhoods, and prevent the prospects of creating a viable Palestinian capital with territorial contiguity." (NRC 2015, p. 26) Displacement and the 'Jerusalem Question': An Overview of the Negotiations over East Jerusalem and Developments on the Ground (PDF) (Report). Norwegian Refugee Council. April 2015.

nybooks.com

"...it would be better to give the West Bank back to Jordan than to try to create a puppet state — a kind of Arab Bantustan — consigning the Arabs to second-class status under Israel's control. This would only foster Arab resentment. To avoid giving the Arabs first-class citizenship by putting them in the reservation of a second-class state is too transparently clever." (Stone 1967) Stone, I.F. (3 August 1967). "Holy War, Review of "Le conflit israélo-arabe" in Les Temps Modernes". The New York Review of Books. Archived from the original on 29 March 2017.
Rabin and Peres were reconciled to the idea that the Palestinians would eventually establish their own independent state even as the Israelis had established theirs. This cannot be said of the new administration headed by Benyamin Netanyahu. On the contrary, the idea of Palestinian independence is clearly anathema to him. Netanyahu keeps saying that he will honor all international agreements made by the previous government. He also makes it plain that he considers the Oslo agreement a grievous, if not criminal, mistake. The most he seems ready to grant the Palestinians is a form of very limited local autonomy in some two or three dozen Bantustan-style enclaves, on less than 10 percent of occupied territory, surrounded by ever-growing Israeli settlements established on expropriated Palestinian land (Elon 1996). Elon, Amos (19 December 1996). "Israel and the End of Zionism". The New York Review of Books.
Judt, just before his death. stated in an interview that, since his 2003 article, "everyone from Moshe Arens to Barak to Olmert has admitted that Israel is on the way to a single state with a potential Arab majority in Bantustans unless something happens fast" (Judt & Michaeli 2011; Judt 2003) Judt, Tony; Michaeli, Merav (14 September 2011). "Tony Judt's Final Word on Israel". The Atlantic. Judt, Tony (23 October 2003). "Israel: The Alternative". The New York Review of Books.
Elon 1996. Elon, Amos (19 December 1996). "Israel and the End of Zionism". The New York Review of Books.

nytimes.com

But relegating the Palestinians to self-government in confined areas—places Israeli critics have likened to "bantustans"—could close the door to a viable state, forcing Israel to choose between granting Palestinians citizenship and leaving them in an apartheid like second-class status indefinitely (Halbfinger & Rasgon 2020). Halbfinger, David M.; Rasgon, Adam (19 June 2020). "As Annexation Looms, Israeli Experts Warn of Security Risks". The New York Times. Retrieved 24 February 2021.
The New York Times 1977. "Text of Begin's Plan for West Bank and Gaza Strip". The New York Times. 27 December 1977.
Safire 2006. Safire, William (31 December 2006). "Year of the Stans". The New York Times Magazine. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 3 January 2022.

ohchr.org

The International Fact-Finding Mission on Israeli Settlements noted that "Various sources refer to settlement master plans, including the Allon Plan(1967), the Drobles Plan(1978)–later expanded as the Sharon Plan(1981)– and the Hundred Thousand Plan(1983). Although these plans were never officially approved, they have largely been acted upon by successive Governments of Israel. The mission notes a pattern whereby plans developed for the settlements have been mirrored in Government policy instruments and implemented on the ground." (UNHCR 2013, pp. 6–7) Report of the independent international fact-finding mission to investigate the implications of the Israeli settlements on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem (PDF) (Report). UNHCR. 7 February 2013. pp. 6–7.
"This is not a recipe for a just and durable peace but rather endorses the creation of a 21st century Bantustan in the Middle East. The Palestinian statelet envisioned by the American plan would be scattered archipelagos of non-contiguous territory completely surrounded by Israel, with no external borders, no control over its airspace, no right to a military to defend its security, no geographic basis for a viable economy, no freedom of movement and with no ability to complain to international judicial forums against Israel or the United States." (Lynk 2020) Lynk, Michael (31 January 2020). "UN expert alarmed by 'lopsided' Trump plan, says will entrench occupation". UNHCR.
UNHRC 2020. "Israeli annexation of parts of the Palestinian West Bank would break international law – UN experts call on the international community to ensure accountability". UNHRC. 16 June 2020.
UNHCR 2013, p. 31. Report of the independent international fact-finding mission to investigate the implications of the Israeli settlements on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem (PDF) (Report). UNHCR. 7 February 2013. pp. 6–7.
OHCHR 2021. "UN experts say Israeli settlement expansion 'tramples' on human rights law". Geneva: OHCHR. 3 November 2021. Retrieved 4 February 2022.
OHCHR 5yrs after Res 2334 2021. "Five years after UNSC Resolution 2334, international accountability to end the Israeli occupation is more important than ever". Geneva: OHCHR. 23 December 2021. Retrieved 4 February 2022.

opencanada.org

Rahnema 2014. Rahnema, Saeed (6 October 2014). "Gaza and the West Bank: Israel's two approaches and Palestinians' two bleak choices". Open Canada, Canadian International Council.

openedition.org

journals.openedition.org

Rokem 2013, Section 20. Rokem, Jonathan (20 January 2013). "Politics and Conflict in a Contested City". Bulletin du Centre de recherche français à Jérusalem (Online) (23): 719–736.

peacenow.org.il

Peace Now 2021. "A Government of Change (for the worse)". Peace Now. 28 October 2021.

prospect.org

"The visuals of the map proposed are a dead giveaway: a patchwork of Palestinian islands best viewed alongside the map of South Africa's apartheid-era Bantustans." (Levy 2020) Levy, Daniel (30 January 2020). "Don't Call It a Peace Plan". The American Prospect.
Levy 2020. Levy, Daniel (30 January 2020). "Don't Call It a Peace Plan". The American Prospect.

researchgate.net

"Every aspect of the city is invested with ethnicity, and a complex system of codes (wrought in architecture, signage, dress, etc.) helps residents to navigate through perceived safe passages and protected environments. This extreme level of segregation has produced a spatial landscape akin to an "archipelago" of isolated "islands"... a complex matrix of exclaves (settlements for Jewish Israelis built in annexed East Jerusalem) and Palestinian enclaves, served by segregated road systems and surrounded by buffer zones." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25, summary publication p.2) Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
"As a result of intense settlement construction in East Jerusalem, Palestinian communities are forced within the spatial containment that characterizes the settlements: they have lost their agricultural land reserves and became enclaves within a space of Israeli hegemony — remaining largely excluded them from Israeli political, social, and cultural life... Discrimination is written into the city's master plan, which is based on the declared aim to facilitate a 70% Jewish majority in Jerusalem... Endurance and resilience have been effective tactics for Palestinians. Prohibited from expanding beyond established built-up areas, villages and neighborhoods have become densely knit, congested, and uncontrollable." (Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25, summary publication p.2) Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Behar 2016, p. 258. Behar, Moshe (2016). "Past and Present Perfect of Israel's One-State Solution". In Ehrenberg, John; Peled, Yoav (eds.). Israel and Palestine Alternative Perspectives on Statehood. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. pp. 243–270. ISBN 978-1-442-24508-2 – via ResearchGate.
Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 130–155. Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, p. 24. Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate
Misselwitz & Rieniets 2006, pp. 24–25. Misselwitz, P.; Rieniets, T. (2006). City of Collision: Jerusalem and the Principles of Conflict Urbanism. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-3-7643-7868-4. Overview section also published publicly at ResearchGate

reuters.com

Mohammed & Holland 2020. Mohammed, Arshad; Holland, Steve (11 February 2020). "Palestinians' Abbas, at U.N., says U.S. offers Palestinians 'Swiss cheese' state". Reuters.
Evans 2007. Evans, Dominic (14 February 2007). "Israeli wall creates "island" villages in W. Bank". Reuters.

richmond.edu

scholarship.richmond.edu

Motro 2005, p. 46. Motro, Shari (September–October 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. pp. 46–50. Archived from the original on 14 February 2021. Retrieved 8 February 2021. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Motro 2005, p. 47. Motro, Shari (September–October 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. pp. 46–50. Archived from the original on 14 February 2021. Retrieved 8 February 2021. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications

semanticscholar.org

api.semanticscholar.org

"The terms "enclaves", "cantons", "Bantustans" and "open-air prisons" are used by Palestinians and outside observers to describe these spaces...The enclaves contain a population expelled but still within the territory of the state; they are neither camps, detention centers, nor Bantustans. Although certainly lodged in the same analytical field of other spatial devices of containment, they are unique spatial formations that we have yet to develop tools to conceptualize." (Peteet 2016, p. 268) Peteet, Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. 89 (1): 247–281. doi:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR 43955521. S2CID 147128703.
"The evolution from ghetto state to state is a largely unrecognized (and thus unstudied) path to statehood. The very function of the ghetto state in concentrating, restricting and defining its population can become the territorial and organizational basis for the emergence of a state (versus merely a political party). Prominent examples of this process would include the Bantustans of South Africa and the Israeli "occupied territories" of the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (McColl & Newman 1992, p. 334) McColl, R. W.; Newman, D. (1992). "States in Formation: The Ghetto State as Typified in the West Bank and Gaza Strip". GeoJournal. 28 (3): 333–345. doi:10.1007/BF00817910. JSTOR 41145605. S2CID 153996106.
"In any case, what was on offer at Oslo was a territorially discontinuous Palestinian Bantustan (divided into over sixty disconnected fragments) that would have had no control over water resources, borders, or airspace, much less an independent economy, currency, or financial system, and whose sovereignty, nominal as it was, would be punctuated by heavily fortified Israeli colonies and an autonomous Jewish road network, all of which would be effectively under Israeli army control. Even this, however, was never realized." (Makdisi 2005, pp. 443–461) Makdisi, Saree (2005). "Said, Palestine, and the Humanism of Liberation". Critical Inquiry. 31 (2): 443–461. doi:10.1086/430974. JSTOR 430974. S2CID 154951084.
"By December 1999, the Gaza Strip had been divided into three cantons and the West Bank into 227, the majority of which were no larger than two square kilometers in size. Both areas were effectively severed from East Jerusalem. While Palestinians maintained control over many of the cantons and were promised authority over more if not most, Israel maintained jurisdiction over the land areas in between the cantons, which in effect gave Israel control over all the land and its disposition. Hence, the actual amount of land under Palestinian authority proved far less important than the way that land was arranged and controlled." (Roy 2004, pp. 365–403) Roy, Sara (2004). "The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict and Palestinian Socioeconomic Decline: A Place Denied". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. 17 (3): 365–403. doi:10.1023/B:IJPS.0000019609.37719.99. JSTOR 20007687. S2CID 145653769.
"Uri Avnery (2005) noted that President Bush called in Brussels for the establishment of a 'democratic state with territorial continuity' in the West Bank, and then added: 'A state on scattered territories will not work'. Avnery contended that President Bush was pointing a finger at Sharon's enclavisation settlement strategy in the West Bank and that he was apparently beginning to see it as counter-productive. Avnery added that these statements by Bush in Brussels were made to reduce U.S. differences and potential friction with the European Union, which clearly opposes the annexation of West Bank territory by Israel." (Falah 2005) Falah, Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. 26 (8): 1341–1372. doi:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR 4017718. S2CID 154697979.
Kelly 2016, pp. 723–745. Kelly, Jennifer Lynn (September 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. 68 (3): 723–745. doi:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID 151482682.
Falah 2005, pp. 1341–1372. Falah, Ghazi-Walid (2005). "The Geopolitics of 'Enclavisation' and the Demise of a Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Third World Quarterly. 26 (8): 1341–1372. doi:10.1080/01436590500255007. JSTOR 4017718. S2CID 154697979.
Peteet 2016, p. 262. Peteet, Julie (Winter 2016). "The Work of Comparison: Israel/Palestine and Apartheid". Anthropological Quarterly. 89 (1): 247–281. doi:10.1353/anq.2016.0015. JSTOR 43955521. S2CID 147128703.
Weizman 2006, p. 350. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Weizman 2006, p. 351, n=50. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Weizman 2006, p. 349, n=47. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Wing 2000, p. 255. Wing, Adrien Katherine (4–8 April 2000). "The South African Transition to Democratic Rule: Lessons for International and Comparative Law". Proceedings of the Asil Annual Meeting. 94: 254–259. doi:10.1017/S0272503700055932. JSTOR 25659407. S2CID 107537477.
Marzano 2011, p. 85. Marzano, Arturo (Spring 2011). "Italian Foreign Policy towards Israel: The Turning Point of the Berlusconi Government (2001––2006)". Israel Studies. 16 (1): 79–103. doi:10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. JSTOR 10.2979/isr.2011.16.1.79. S2CID 143454051.
Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012, pp. 63–77. Thawaba, Salem; Al-Rimmawi, Hussein (23 August 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. 12 (1): 63–77. doi:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN 1538-5132. S2CID 144445414.

sfgate.com

Epstein 2002. Epstein, Edward (23 April 2002). "Ex-ambassador calls Arafat obstructionist / Clinton envoy fuels criticism in Congress". SFGATE. Some in this town say, 'Well, the Palestinians deserve it. They brought it onto themselves, because they were offered a very generous deal in Camp David, and they rejected it.' And this lie has been perpetuated so often in this town to the point where it has become a fact or appears to be a fact

standard.co.uk

Evening Standard 2008. "George Bush pledges for Middle East peace within a year". Evening Standard. 11 January 2008.

tandfonline.com

Weizman 2006, p. 350. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Weizman 2006, p. 351, n=50. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.
Weizman 2006, p. 349, n=47. Weizman, Eyal (2006). "The Architecture of Ariel Sharon". Third Text. 20 (3–4): 337–353. doi:10.1080/09528820600900745. S2CID 144717482.

theasa.net

Kelly 2016, pp. 723–745. Kelly, Jennifer Lynn (September 2016). "Asymmetrical Itineraries: Militarism, Tourism, and Solidarity in Occupied Palestine" (PDF). American Quarterly. 68 (3): 723–745. doi:10.1353/aq.2016.0060. S2CID 151482682.

theatlantic.com

Judt, just before his death. stated in an interview that, since his 2003 article, "everyone from Moshe Arens to Barak to Olmert has admitted that Israel is on the way to a single state with a potential Arab majority in Bantustans unless something happens fast" (Judt & Michaeli 2011; Judt 2003) Judt, Tony; Michaeli, Merav (14 September 2011). "Tony Judt's Final Word on Israel". The Atlantic. Judt, Tony (23 October 2003). "Israel: The Alternative". The New York Review of Books.

theguardian.com

"with breathtaking daring, Sharon submits a plan that appears to promise the existence of a 'Jewish democratic state' via 'separation', 'the end of the conquest', the 'dismantling of settlements' – and also the imprisonment of some 3 million Palestinians in bantustans. This is an 'interim plan' that is meant to last forever. The plan will last, however, only as long as the illusion is sustained that 'separation' is a means to end the conflict." (Benvenisti 2004) Benvenisti, Meron (26 April 2004). "Bantustan Plan for an apartheid Israel". The Guardian.
Benvenisti 2004. Benvenisti, Meron (26 April 2004). "Bantustan Plan for an apartheid Israel". The Guardian.
Sherwood 2020. Sherwood, Harriet (28 June 2020). "Israel's cabinet meets to finalise annexation plans". The Guardian.

thetimes.co.uk

General Dayan has said that a sort of Arab "Bantustan" should be created with control of internal affairs, leaving Israel with defence, security and foreign affairs. Mr. Ben-Gurion has boldly recommended a large-scale Jewish settlement in Hebron (Brogan 1967). Brogan, Patrick (16 June 1967). "Problems of Victory Divide Israel". The Times.

umd.edu

sadat.umd.edu

also available here (Telhami 2010, p. 83a) Telhami, Shibley (2010). The Sadat Lectures: Words and Images on Peace, 1997-2008. U.S. Institute of Peace Press. ISBN 978-1-60127-054-2.

un.org

In June 1997, the media reported the outlines of a proposal put forward by Prime Minister Netanyahu as a basis for a permanent settlement between Israel and the Palestinians. The proposal, presented during a Security Cabinet meeting, was referred to as the "Allon Plus" Plan. Reportedly, under the proposal Israel would retain control of the Israeli settlement clusters that would include the "Greater Jerusalem" area, the "Gush Etzion" and "Ma'aleh Adumim" settlement blocs, other large concentrations of settlements in the West Bank, the entire Jordan Valley, a "security area" east of the Green Line, and a network of bypass roads. The Palestinians would be left with less than half of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, broken up into several unconnected enclaves (QoP 2014). "The Origins and Evolution of the Palestine Problem, Part V: 1989-2000". United Nations. 21 April 2014.
Nassar 1982, pp. 134–147. Nassar, Prof Jamal R. (15 March 1982). "The Fourth United Nations seminar on the Question of Palestine". United Nations. p. 134.
Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip 2021. "Six-Month Report on Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem Reporting period January–July 2020" (PDF). Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza Strip, UNRWA). 8 March 2021. Retrieved 31 October 2021.
Resolution 2334 2016. "Resolution 2334 (2016) Adopted by the Security Council at its 7853rd meeting, on 23 December 2016" (PDF). United Nations. 16 December 2016. Archived from the original on 8 September 2019. Retrieved 20 September 2019.
Ziegler 2003, p. 3. Ziegler, Jean (31 October 2003). "The right to food Report by the Special Rapporteur, Jean Ziegler Addendum Mission to the Occupied Palestinian Territories". United Nations.

daccess-ods.un.org

Dugard 2007, p. 16. Dugard, John (29 January 2007). Implementation of General Assembly Resolution 60/251 of 15 March 2006 entitled "Human Rights Council": Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 (Report). United Nations.

unctad.org

UNCTAD 2013, p. 32. The Palestinian economy in East Jerusalem: Enduring annexation, isolation and disintegration (PDF) (Report). UNCTAD. 2013.

undp.org

hdr.undp.org

Dear & Mushasha 2010, pp. 15, 54. Dear, Louise; Mushasha, Sufian (2010). Human Development Report 2009/10 Investing in Human Security for a Future State (PDF) (Report). UNDP.

upenn.edu

polisci.upenn.edu

Lustick 1997, pp. 35, 37. Lustick, Ian (1997). "Has Israel Annexed East Jerusalem?" (PDF). Middle East Policy. 5 (1): 34–45. doi:10.1111/j.1475-4967.1997.tb00247.x.

vox.com

Kirby 2020. Kirby, Jen (13 July 2020). "Israel's West Bank annexation plan and why it's stalled, explained by an expert". Vox.

web.archive.org

"...it would be better to give the West Bank back to Jordan than to try to create a puppet state — a kind of Arab Bantustan — consigning the Arabs to second-class status under Israel's control. This would only foster Arab resentment. To avoid giving the Arabs first-class citizenship by putting them in the reservation of a second-class state is too transparently clever." (Stone 1967) Stone, I.F. (3 August 1967). "Holy War, Review of "Le conflit israélo-arabe" in Les Temps Modernes". The New York Review of Books. Archived from the original on 29 March 2017.
"Maurizio Molinari, che era il corrispondente diplomatico de 'La Stampa' quando D'Alema era Presidente del Consiglio, descrive in un suo libro un incontro tra D'Alema ed Ariel Sharon... Mi ha detto una cosa che ricordo ancora. In quel periodo egli sosteneva che non ci sarà un vero e proprio Stato palestinese, bensì dei territori palestinesi, senza forze di sicurezza ed inclusi nei confini di Israele". Il termine usato da Sharon aveva alquanto spaventato D'Alema. "Egli ha chiarito, e ha usato il termine banthustan, le enclavi dei neri fondate dal governo dell'apartheid in Sud Africa. Io gli ho risposto: non troverà mai una controparte palestinese che firmi un accordo di questo genere" (IMFA 2006) "Intervista". Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 26 May 2006. Archived from the original on 13 January 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.
Motro 2005, p. 46. Motro, Shari (September–October 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. pp. 46–50. Archived from the original on 14 February 2021. Retrieved 8 February 2021. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Motro 2005, p. 47. Motro, Shari (September–October 2005). "Lessons From the Swiss Cheese Map". Legal Affairs. pp. 46–50. Archived from the original on 14 February 2021. Retrieved 8 February 2021. Also available at https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1350&context=law-faculty-publications
Resolution 2334 2016. "Resolution 2334 (2016) Adopted by the Security Council at its 7853rd meeting, on 23 December 2016" (PDF). United Nations. 16 December 2016. Archived from the original on 8 September 2019. Retrieved 20 September 2019.
Benvenisti 2006. Benvenisti, Meron (28 December 2006). "The temples of the occupation". Haaretz. Archived from the original on 2 December 2008.

worldcat.org

search.worldcat.org

"Major thoroughfares connecting Israeli settlements cut through the urban fabric of Palestinian neighbourhoods without serving them, dividing them into isolated enclaves and stifling local urban life and social exchange across the east of the city. Like the roads connecting Israeli settlements in the West Bank, these 'conflict infrastructures' turn Palestinian space into an archipelago of disconnected islands. The spatial inequality brought about by the mobility gap is exacerbated by the lack of investment in Palestinian areas of East Jerusalem. Due to decades of neglect, even middle-class Palestinian neighbourhoods lack basic amenities, including functional roads and pavements, connection to the sewage system, reliable garbage removal, community facilities, public parks and postal service. Such policies based on unequal citizenship, effective ethnic segregation and resource allocation on the basis of ethnicity have been termed 'urban ethnocracy'." (Baumann 2016, p. 175) Baumann, Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. 59: 173–182. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN 0264-2751.
Safire 2006. Safire, William (31 December 2006). "Year of the Stans". The New York Times Magazine. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 3 January 2022.
Baumann 2016, p. 173. Baumann, Hanna (2016). "Enclaves, borders, and everyday movements: Palestinian marginal mobility in East Jerusalem". Cities. 59: 173–182. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.10.012. ISSN 0264-2751.
Thawaba & Al-Rimmawi 2012, pp. 63–77. Thawaba, Salem; Al-Rimmawi, Hussein (23 August 2012). "Spatial Transformation of Jerusalem: 1967 to Present" (PDF). Journal of Planning History. 12 (1): 63–77. doi:10.1177/1538513212454811. ISSN 1538-5132. S2CID 144445414.

ynetnews.com

"Israel's annexation of swathes of the West Bank will lead to the territory left for the Palestinian Authority becoming the new Bantustans – small puppet enclaves whose sole existence is to legitimize Israeli control, absolving Israel of having to deal with the question of Palestinian status and ensuring the protection of Jewish majority in the region." (Cohen 2020) Cohen, Amichai (2 January 2020). "The West Bank's new Bantustans". Ynetnews.