"Bluntly stated, Wilkinson is no scholar. His writing does not demonstrate the meticulousness necessary for a balanced, equitable, and disinterested presentation of the type of specialized research expected of genuine scholarship. It is clear that Wilkinson wrote his book for popular audiences who already share his Zionist biases, betraying his lack of professional ethics by consistently disrespecting other viewpoints....The book clearly has an ideological agenda because of its uncontrolled need to slander and attack non-Zionists. The book's conclusions are without warrant, the opinions and judgments without evidence, the opposition without a fair presentation, and the author without a clear sense of scholarship. The book is terribly unbalanced because it gives preferential treatment to Zionism and refuses to acknowledge the injustices and atrocities committed against the Palestinian people under the guise of Jewish statehood." (Slade 2016, pp. 21–22) Slade, Darren M. (21 March 2016). "Critical Book Review. For Zion's Sake: Christian Zionism and the Role of John Nelson Darby by Paul Richard Wilkinson". Religious Studies Review. 35 (2). Liberty Baptist Theological Seminary: 130–131.
"if one believes that the crux of the Near East today is the conflict between Israel and a dispersed, or occupied, population of Palestinian Arabs, then a clearer view of that problem becomes possible. For the major distraction to any scrutiny of the region has been everyone's unwillingness to allow for a Palestinian presence. This has been no less true of the Palestinians themselves than it has of the other Arabs, or of Israel. My thesis is that since 1967 the confusions have somewhat diminished because the Palestinians have had to recognize this truth, and have gradually begun to act upon it. This recognition is the source of what I call Palestinianism: a political movement that is being built out of a reassertion of Palestine's multiracial and multireligious history. The aim of Palestinianism is the full integration of the Arab Palestinian with lands and, more importantly with political processes that for twenty-one years have either systematically excluded him or made him a more and more intractable prisoner." (Said 2007, p. 16) Said, Edward (2007). "The Palestinian Experience (1968-1969)". In Rubin, Andrew; Bayoumi, Moustafa (eds.). The Selected Works of Edward Said, 1966 - 2006. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. pp. 14–37. ISBN978-0-307-42849-3.
"Palestinianism or Palestinian Nationalism is the other principle discourse in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and like Zionism can also be seen as an identity discourse. ... Acceptance of the discourse of Palestinianism is an acceptance of the assumptions upon which it is based. These include territory, identity, history, culture, and religion. Palestinianism is not only a reaction against Zionism and British imperialism but also against the wider Arab world; it is an expression of a collective and individual entity. Schultz points out that there is no single understanding of the phenomenon and suggests that Palestinian Nationalism can be understood by employing a number of different discourses, from ethnographic, through religious to nationalist." (Franks 2006, p. 129) Franks, Jason (2006). Rethinking the Roots of Terrorism. Springer. ISBN978-0-230-50242-0.
"The Palestinian-Israeli conflict has two principal ideological motivations for terrorism, nationalism and religion, in the guise of Palestinianism and Zionism, and Islam and Judaism." (Franks 2006, p. 181) Franks, Jason (2006). Rethinking the Roots of Terrorism. Springer. ISBN978-0-230-50242-0.
"From this vantage point, the Palestinians become iconic, transcendental victims, rather like the Jews were for a brief period after the Second World War. Those who kneel before the altar of Palestinian suffering with almost spiritual fervor can be relied on to traffic in the kinds of themes that have now gained a foothold in mainstream discourse: that Israel, the Jewish state., is a carbon copy of South Africa's old aparetheid regime, that it consciously mimics the practices of the Nazis, that it is – as formulated in the perverse Twitter hashtag #JHSIL-a Jewish reflection of the Islamic State terrorist gang than has raped, murdered, enslaved and decapitated thousands of innocents in Syria and Iraq." (Cohen 2016, pp. 9–10, 10) Cohen, Ben (2016). "Antisemitism in the Age of Jewish Empowerment". In Wistrich, Robert S. (ed.). Anti-Judaism, Antisemitism, and Delegitimizing Israel. University of Nebraska Press. pp. 1–13. ISBN978-0-803-29672-5.
"The failure of contemporary international relations to gauge the efficacy of Palestinian nationalism is understandable; even the Palestinians did not become aware of their latent ability to help themselves until after the Six-Day War. That war demonstrated to them that Arab military forces were no match for the Israeli defense organizations, and that only they themselves were sufficiently motivated to continue the prosecution of an armed and protracted struggle to regain their homeland. Their recognition of this truth is the source of 'Palestinianism,' a national political movement with two objectives. The first objective is to achieve the full integration of the Arab Palestinian with his lost lands, and its second objective is to alter the political situation which has excluded him or negated his presence in the formulation of plans concerning his future." (Wolf 1973, p. 6) Wolf, John B. (January 1973). "Black September: Militant Palestinianism". Current History. 64 (377): 5–8, 37. doi:10.1525/curh.1973.64.377.5. JSTOR45312785.
"local Palestinian identity clearly existed in the country before the British and before Zionism. The importance of the Palestinian embrace of pan-Syrianism between 1918 and 1920 should not be overstated: it is clear that it was seen as a first step toward Arab nationalism, and that. Faysal, installed as king of Syria, seemed like a force capable of overpowering Zionism. As Porath maintains, it was a union of convenience, not a deep-seated union of hearts, and the Palestinians hastened to forget Syria with Faysal's ouster in July 1920. Clearly, Palestinianism was stronger among Palestinians in 1920 than Syrianism." (Gerber 2003, p. 28) Gerber, Haim (2003). "Zionism, Orientalism, and the Palestinians". Journal of Palestine Studies. 33 (1): 23–41. doi:10.1525/jps.2003.33.1.23. JSTOR10.1525/jps.2003.33.1.23.
"ANTI-PALESTINIANISM is not only commonplace in Congress. It's commonplace across American society. It's not just that prominent media, business, and religious figures argue openly that Palestinians under Israeli control be denied elemental human rights. Americans who advocate for those rights are often penalized for doing so. On college campuses, administrators frequently cancel lectures, classes, professorships, and even entire student organizations, because they espouse pro-Palestinian views. Pro-Israel politicians and organizations pressure museums, theaters, and concert halls to deny venues to pro-Palestinian performers. In 2017, the state of Arizona refused to renew its contract with a lawyer who works with incarcerated people because he wouldn't pledge not to boycott Israel. In 2018, Texas did the same when a speech pathologist who works with developmentally disabled children would not sign a non-boycott pledge." (Beinart 2021) Beinart, Peter (16 July 2021). "It's Time to Name Anti-Palestinian Bigotry: Anti-Palestinianism is as ubiquitous as it is invisible". Jewish Currents.
"In public discourse, examples of anti-Semitism are numerous, but a search for illustrations of prejudice towards Palestine and Palestinians yields almost nothing. To fill this vacuum, and to hinder the rush to endorse the poorly conceived International Holocaust Remembrance Association (IHRA) definition of anti-Semitism, a statement of anti-Palestinianism is desperately needed." (Rees 2021) Rees, Stuart (15 September 2021). "Anti-Palestinianism is as damnable as anti-Semitism: a statement is long overdue". Pearls and Irritations. Retrieved 3 April 2024.
"The Israelis' slowness to react to the idea of a Palestinian Arab nation also reflected their ideological history and present problems. Having devoted much of their political apprenticeship to demonstrating that the Jews were indeed a nation, and that each nation deserved its own national home, they were ill at ease when faced with the prospect of questioning either another group's claim to nationhood or the self-evident corollary that this ipso facto entitled them to statehood.." (Sherman 1971, p. 112) Sherman, Alfred (March 1971). "The Palestinians: A Case of Mistaken National Identity?". The World Today. Vol. 27, no. 3. Royal Institute of International Affairs. pp. 104–114. JSTOR40394475.
"The failure of contemporary international relations to gauge the efficacy of Palestinian nationalism is understandable; even the Palestinians did not become aware of their latent ability to help themselves until after the Six-Day War. That war demonstrated to them that Arab military forces were no match for the Israeli defense organizations, and that only they themselves were sufficiently motivated to continue the prosecution of an armed and protracted struggle to regain their homeland. Their recognition of this truth is the source of 'Palestinianism,' a national political movement with two objectives. The first objective is to achieve the full integration of the Arab Palestinian with his lost lands, and its second objective is to alter the political situation which has excluded him or negated his presence in the formulation of plans concerning his future." (Wolf 1973, p. 6) Wolf, John B. (January 1973). "Black September: Militant Palestinianism". Current History. 64 (377): 5–8, 37. doi:10.1525/curh.1973.64.377.5. JSTOR45312785.
"local Palestinian identity clearly existed in the country before the British and before Zionism. The importance of the Palestinian embrace of pan-Syrianism between 1918 and 1920 should not be overstated: it is clear that it was seen as a first step toward Arab nationalism, and that. Faysal, installed as king of Syria, seemed like a force capable of overpowering Zionism. As Porath maintains, it was a union of convenience, not a deep-seated union of hearts, and the Palestinians hastened to forget Syria with Faysal's ouster in July 1920. Clearly, Palestinianism was stronger among Palestinians in 1920 than Syrianism." (Gerber 2003, p. 28) Gerber, Haim (2003). "Zionism, Orientalism, and the Palestinians". Journal of Palestine Studies. 33 (1): 23–41. doi:10.1525/jps.2003.33.1.23. JSTOR10.1525/jps.2003.33.1.23.
"'Palestinianism' is a disease that is anathema to freedom, to debate, to openness and to human rights," Collier blogged. "It will infect those who catch the disease with anti-Semitism just as it provides them with a denial mechanism to protest their innocence." This highlights an issue that many of the charges of anti-Semitism against Palestine solidarity activists are coming from partisan political opponents rather than objective racism monitors. Collier is a longstanding Israel advocate and critic of Palestinian activism who has described his mission as "showing everybody how toxic our enemies are" (Monks 2018). Monks, Kieron (17 July 2018). "Labour's anti-Semitism scandal has spilled over into attacks on Palestine solidarity". Middle East Eye.
