Partition of India (English Wikipedia)

Spate 1947, pp. 126–137 Spate, O. H. K. (1947), "The Partition of the Punjab and of Bengal", The Geographical Journal, 110 (4/6): 201–218, Bibcode:1947GeogJ.110..201S, doi:10.2307/1789950, JSTOR 1789950

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"70 years on, one Pashtun town still safeguards its old Hindu-Muslim brotherhood". Arab News. 30 June 2020. Archived from the original on 1 August 2021. Retrieved 1 August 2021.

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Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 2. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Spear 1990, p. 176, Stein 2010, pp. 280–281, Ludden 2002, p. 193, Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 156 Spear, Percival (1990) [First published 1965], A History of India, vol. 2, Penguin Books, ISBN 978-0-14-013836-8 Stein, Burton (2010) [First published 1998], Arnold, David (ed.), A History of India (2nd ed.), John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 978-1-4051-9509-6 Ludden, David (2002), India and South Asia: a short history, Oneworld, ISBN 978-1-85168-237-9, archived from the original on 13 December 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015 Metcalf, Barbara Daly; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2006), A concise history of modern India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-86362-9, archived from the original on 25 February 2021, retrieved 15 November 2015
Stein 2010, p. 266 Stein, Burton (2010) [First published 1998], Arnold, David (ed.), A History of India (2nd ed.), John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 978-1-4051-9509-6
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 20. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Ambedkar, B. R. (1946) [First published 1940]. Pakistan or the Partition of India (3rd ed.). Thacker & Co. Ltd. p. 349. There is much in the Musalmans which, if they wish, can roll them into a nation. But isn't there enough that is common to both Hindus and Musalmans, which if developed, is capable of moulding them into one people? Nobody can deny that there are many modes, manners, rites and customs which are common to both. Nobody can deny that there are rites, customs and usages based on religion which do divide Hindus and Musalmans. The question is, which of these should be emphasized
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 31. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 32. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, pp. 32–33. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 33. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 34. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, pp. 34–35. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 35. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Stein 2010, p. 289: Quote: "Gandhi was the leading genius of the later, and ultimately successful, campaign for India's independence" Stein, Burton (2010) [First published 1998], Arnold, David (ed.), A History of India (2nd ed.), John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 978-1-4051-9509-6
Stein 2010, p. 347. Stein, Burton (2010) [First published 1998], Arnold, David (ed.), A History of India (2nd ed.), John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 978-1-4051-9509-6
Bose & Jalal 2004, pp. 148–149 Bose, Sugata; Jalal, Ayesha (2004) [First published 1997], Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political economy (2nd ed.), Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-30786-4
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 69: Quote: "Despite the Muslim League's denials, the outbreak was linked with the celebration of Direction Action Day. Muslim procession that had gone to the staging ground of the 150-foot Ochterlony Monument on the maidan to hear the Muslim League Prime Minister Suhrawardy attacked Hindus on their way back. They were heard shouting slogans as 'Larke Lenge Pakistan' (We shall win Pakistan by force). Violence spread to North Calcutta when Muslim crowds tried to force Hindu shopkeepers to observe the day's strike (hartal) call. The circulation of pamphlets in advance of Direct Action Day demonstrated a clear connection between the use of violence and the demand for Pakistan." Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 67 Quote: "The signs of 'ethnic cleansing' are first evident in the Great Calcutta Killing of 16–19 August 1946." Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 68. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Talbot & Singh 2009, p. 67 Quote: "(Signs of 'ethnic cleansing') were also present in the wave of violence that rippled out from Calcutta to Bihar, where there were high Muslim casualty figures, and to Noakhali deep in the Ganges-Brahmaputra delta of Bengal. Concerning the Noakhali riots, one British officer spoke of a 'determined and organized' Muslim effort to drive out all the Hindus, who accounted for around a fifth of the total population. Similarly, the Punjab counterparts to this transition of violence were the Rawalpindi massacres of March 1947. The level of death and destruction in such West Punjab villages as Thoa Khalsa was such that communities couldn't live together in its wake." Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Ziegler, Philip (1985). Mountbatten: The Official Biography. London: HarperCollins. p. 359. ISBN 978-0002165433..
Talbot & Singh 2009, pp. 67–68. Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4, retrieved 15 November 2015
Jayawardena, Kumari; de Alwi, Malathi (1996). Embodied violence: Communalising women's sexuality in South Asia. Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-85649-448-9.
Cohen, Stephen P. (2004). The Idea of Pakistan. Brookings Institution Press. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-8157-9761-6. American scholar Allen Mcgrath
Wolpert, Stanley (2006). Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India. Oxford University Press. pp. 1–2. ISBN 978-0-19-515198-5.

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Sharma, Ekatmata (17 August 2019). "Revisiting Partition through art". Art Culture Festival. Archived from the original on 29 October 2021. Retrieved 29 October 2021.

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"Vallabhbhai Patel and the Indian Muslims".

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Kaul, Chandrika (3 March 2011). "From Empire to Independence: The British Raj in India 1858–1947". History. BBC. Retrieved 2 August 2014.
Darwin, John (3 March 2011). "Britain, the Commonwealth and the End of Empire". BBC. Archived from the original on 12 November 2020. Retrieved 10 April 2017. But the British still hoped that a self-governing India would remain part of their system of 'imperial defense'. For this reason, Britain was desperate to keep India (and its army) united.

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Partitioning India over lunch, Memoirs of a British civil servant Christopher Beaumont . BBC News (10 August 2007).

books.google.com (Global: 3^rd place; English: 3^rd place)

Population Redistribution and Development in South Asia. Springer Science & Business Media. 2012. p. 6. ISBN 978-9400953093.
Bhargava, R. P. (1991). The Chamber of Princes. Northern Book Centre. p. 313. ISBN 978-81-7211-005-5.
Benichou, Lucien D. (2000). From Autocracy to Integration: Political Developments in Hyderabad State, 1938-1948. Orient Blackswan. pp. 229, 230. ISBN 978-81-250-1847-6.
Spear 1990, p. 176, Stein 2010, pp. 280–281, Ludden 2002, p. 193, Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 156 Spear, Percival (1990) [First published 1965], A History of India, vol. 2, Penguin Books, ISBN 978-0-14-013836-8 Stein, Burton (2010) [First published 1998], Arnold, David (ed.), A History of India (2nd ed.), John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 978-1-4051-9509-6 Ludden, David (2002), India and South Asia: a short history, Oneworld, ISBN 978-1-85168-237-9, archived from the original on 13 December 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015 Metcalf, Barbara Daly; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2006), A concise history of modern India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-86362-9, archived from the original on 25 February 2021, retrieved 15 November 2015
Bandyopadhyay 2004, p. 260 Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar (2004), From Plassey to partition: a history of modern India, Delhi: Orient Blackswan, ISBN 978-81-250-2596-2, archived from the original on 17 June 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Ludden 2002, p. 193 Ludden, David (2002), India and South Asia: a short history, Oneworld, ISBN 978-1-85168-237-9, archived from the original on 13 December 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Ludden 2002, p. 199 Ludden, David (2002), India and South Asia: a short history, Oneworld, ISBN 978-1-85168-237-9, archived from the original on 13 December 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Ludden 2002, p. 200 Ludden, David (2002), India and South Asia: a short history, Oneworld, ISBN 978-1-85168-237-9, archived from the original on 13 December 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Ludden 2002, p. 201 Ludden, David (2002), India and South Asia: a short history, Oneworld, ISBN 978-1-85168-237-9, archived from the original on 13 December 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Brown 1994, pp. 197–198 Brown, Judith Margaret (1994), Modern India: the origins of an Asian democracy, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-873112-2, archived from the original on 15 August 2020, retrieved 15 November 2015
Brown 1994, pp. 200–201 Brown, Judith Margaret (1994), Modern India: the origins of an Asian democracy, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-873112-2, archived from the original on 15 August 2020, retrieved 15 November 2015
Brown 1994, pp. 205–207 Brown, Judith Margaret (1994), Modern India: the origins of an Asian democracy, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-873112-2, archived from the original on 15 August 2020, retrieved 15 November 2015
Cohen, Stephen P. (2004). the Idea of Pakistan. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 36. ISBN 9780815797616. Thus the idea of Pakistan rests on the elite Indian muslim sense of being culturally and historically distinct
Talbot, Ian (1999). "Pakistan's Emergence". In Winks, R. W. (ed.). The Oxford History of the British Empire: Historiography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 253–63. ISBN 978-0-19-820566-1. OCLC 1036799442.
Çakmak, Cenap (2017). Islam: A Worldwide Encyclopedia [4 Volumes]. ABC-CLIO. p. 866. ISBN 9781610692175.
Banerjee, Anil Chandra (1981). Two Nations: The Philosophy of Muslim Nationalism. Concept.
Ahmed, I. (2020). Jinnah: His Successes, Failures and Role in History. Penguin Random House India Private Limited. pp. 117–118. ISBN 978-93-5305-664-3. Retrieved 11 July 2023.
Hoodbhoy, P. (2023). Pakistan: Origins, Identity and Future. Taylor & Francis. p. 231. ISBN 978-1-000-85667-5. Retrieved 11 July 2023.
Bonney, R. (2004). Three Giants of South Asia: Gandhi, Ambedkar, and Jinnah on Self-determination. South Asian history academic papers. Media House. p. 7. ISBN 978-81-7495-174-8. Retrieved 11 July 2023.
Bapu, Prabhu (2013). Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India, 1915-1930: Constructing Nation and History. Online access with subscription: Proquest Ebook Central. Routledge. p. 77. ISBN 978-0-415-67165-1.
Sankhdher, M. M.; Wadhwa, K. K. (1991). National Unity and Religious Minorities. Gitanjali Publishing House. ISBN 978-81-85060-36-1. ... In their heart of hearts, the Indian Muslims are not Indian citizens, are not Indians: they are citizens of the universal Islamic ummah, of Islamdom ...
Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar; Raje, Sudhakar (1989). Savarkar: commemoration volume. Savarkar Darshan Pratishthan. His historic warning against conversion and call for Shuddhi was condensed in the dictum 'Dharmantar is Rashtrantar' (to change one's religion is to change one's nationality) ...
Caldarola, Carlo (1982), Religions and societies, Asia and the Middle East, Walter de Gruyter, ISBN 978-90-279-3259-4, retrieved 6 April 2016, ... Hindu and Muslim cultures constitute two distinct and frequently antagonistic ways of life, and that therefore they cannot coexist in one nation ...
Harman, S. (1977), Plight of Muslims in India, DL Publications, ISBN 978-0-9502818-2-7, retrieved 6 April 2016, ... strongly and repeatedly pressed for the transfer of the population between India and Pakistan. At the time of partition, some of the two-nation theory protagonists proposed that the entire Hindu population should migrate to India, and all Muslims should move over to Pakistan, leaving no Hindus in Pakistan and no Muslims in India ...
Sankhdher, M. M. (1992), Secularism in India, dilemmas and challenges, Deep & Deep Publication, ISBN 9788171004096, retrieved 6 April 2016, ... The partition of the country did not take the two-nation theory to its logical conclusion, i.e., complete transfer of populations ...
Zakaria, Rafiq (2004), Indian Muslims: where have they gone wrong?, Popular Prakashan, ISBN 978-81-7991-201-0, ... As a Muslim, Hindus, and Muslims are one nation and not two ... two nations have no basis in history... they shall continue to live together for another thousand years in united India ...
Pakistan Constituent Assembly. 1953. "Debates: Official report, Volume 1; Volume 16." Government of Pakistan Press."[S]ay that Hindus and Muslims are one, single nation. It is a very peculiar attitude on the part of the leader of the opposition. If his point of view were accepted, then the very justification for the existence of Pakistan would disappear ..."
Janmahmad (1989), Essays on Baloch national struggle in Pakistan: emergence, dimensions, repercussions, Gosha-e-Adab, retrieved 6 April 2016, ... would be completely extinct as a people without any identity. This proposition is the crux of the matter, shaping the Baloch attitude towards Pakistani politics. For Baloch to accept the British-conceived two-nation theory for the Indian Muslims would mean losing their Baloch identity in the process ...
Cohen, Stephen P. (2004), The idea of Pakistan, Brookings Institution Press, p. 212, ISBN 978-0-8157-1502-3, retrieved 6 April 2016, [In the view of G. M. Sayed,] the two-nation theory became a trap for Sindhis—instead of liberating Sindh, it fell under Punjabi-Mohajir domination, and until his death in 1995 he called for a separate Sindhi 'nation', implying a separate Sindhi country.
Salim, Ahmad (1991), Pashtun and Baloch history: Punjabi view, Fiction House, ... Attacking the 'two-nation theory' in Lower House on December 14, 1947, Ghaus Bux Bizenjo said: "We have a distinct culture like Afghanistan and Iran, and if the mere fact that we are Muslim requires us to amalgamate with Pakistan, then Afghanistan and Iran should also be amalgamated with Pakistan ...
Singh, Pritam (2008). Federalism, Nationalism and Development: India and the Punjab Economy. Routledge. pp. 137–. ISBN 978-1-134-04946-2. Retrieved 1 August 2017.
Singh, Pritam (2008). Federalism, Nationalism and Development: India and the Punjab Economy. Routledge. pp. 173–. ISBN 978-1-134-04945-5. Retrieved 1 August 2017.
Khan, Yasmin (2017). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, New Edition. Yale University Press. pp. 18–. ISBN 978-0-300-23364-3. Retrieved 27 April 2018. Although it was founded in 1909 the League had only caught on among South Asian Muslims during the Second World War. The party had expanded astonishingly rapidly and was claiming over two million members by the early 1940s, an unimaginable result for what had been previously thought of as just one of the numerous pressure groups and small but insignificant parties.
Louis, William Roger (2006). Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez, and Decolonization. I.B. Tauris. pp. 397–. ISBN 978-1-84511-347-6. Retrieved 27 April 2018. He made a serious misjudgment in underestimating Muslim sentiment before the outbreak of the war. He did not take the idea of 'Pakistan' seriously. After the adoption of the March 1940 Lahore resolution, calling for the creation of a separate state or states of Pakistan, he wrote: 'My first reaction is, I confess, that silly as the Muslim scheme for partition is, it would be a pity to throw too much cold water on it at the moment.' Linlithgow surmised that what Jinnah feared was a federal India dominated by Hindus. Part of the purpose of the famous British 'August offer' of 1940 was to assure the Muslims that they would be protected against a 'Hindu Raj' as well as to hold over the discussion of the 1935 Act and a 'new constitution' until after the war.
Butler, L. J. (2002). Britain and Empire: Adjusting to a Post-Imperial World. I.B. Tauris. pp. 41–. ISBN 978-1-86064-448-1. Retrieved 27 April 2018. Viceroy Linlithgow's 'August Offer,' made in 1940, proposed Dominion status for India after the war, and the inclusion of Indians in a larger Executive Council and a new War Advisory Council, and promised that minority views would be taken into account in future constitutional revision. This was not enough to satisfy either the Congress or the Muslim League, who both rejected the offer in September, and shortly afterward Congress launched a fresh campaign of civil disobedience.
Jalal, Ayesha (1994). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 81. ISBN 978-1-139-93570-8. Retrieved 27 April 2018. Provincial option, he argued, was insufficient security. Explicit acceptance of the principle of Pakistan offered the only safeguard for Muslim interests throughout India and had to be the precondition for any advance at the center. So he exhorted all Indian Muslims to unite under his leadership to force the British and the Congress to concede 'Pakistan.' If the real reasons for Jinnah's rejection of the offer were rather different, it was not Jinnah but his rivals who had failed to make the point publicly.
Khan 2007, p. 18. Khan, Yasmin (2007), The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3, archived from the original on 5 January 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 209. Metcalf, Barbara Daly; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2006), A concise history of modern India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-86362-9, archived from the original on 25 February 2021, retrieved 15 November 2015
Khan 2007, p. 43. Khan, Yasmin (2007), The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3, archived from the original on 5 January 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Robb 2002, p. 190 Robb, Peter (2002), A History of India, Palgrave Macmillan (published 2011), ISBN 978-0-230-34549-2, archived from the original on 22 May 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Gilmartin, David (2009). "Muslim League Appeals to the Voters of Punjab for Support of Pakistan". In D. Metcalf, Barbara (ed.). Islam in South Asia in Practice. Princeton University Press. pp. 410–. ISBN 978-1-4008-3138-8. Retrieved 23 September 2017. At the all-India level, the demand for Pakistan pitted the League against the Congress and the British.
Brown 1994, p. 330India had always been a minority interest in British public life; no great body of public opinion now emerged to argue that war-weary and impoverished Britain should send troops and money to hold it against its will in an empire of doubtful value. By late 1946 both Prime Minister and Secretary of State for India recognized that neither international opinion nor their own voters would stand for any reassertion of the raj, even if there had been the men, money, and administrative machinery with which to do so. Brown, Judith Margaret (1994), Modern India: the origins of an Asian democracy, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-873112-2, archived from the original on 15 August 2020, retrieved 15 November 2015
Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 212More importantly, though victorious in war, Britain had suffered immensely in the struggle. It simply did not possess the manpower or economic resources required to coerce a restive India. Metcalf, Barbara Daly; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2006), A concise history of modern India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-86362-9, archived from the original on 25 February 2021, retrieved 15 November 2015
Judd 2004, pp. 172–173 Judd, Denis (2004), The lion and the tiger: the rise and fall of the British Raj, 1600–1947, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-280579-9, archived from the original on 27 April 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Karsten, P. (1998). Motivating Soldiers: Morale Or Mutiny. Military and society : a collection of essays / ser. ed. Peter Karsten. Garland Pub. p. 324. ISBN 978-0-8153-2977-0.
Metcalf, Barbara (2012). Husain Ahmad Madani: The Jihad for Islam and India's Freedom. Oneworld Publications. pp. 107–. ISBN 978-1-78074-210-6. Retrieved 26 June 2017.
Judd 2004, pp. 170–171 Judd, Denis (2004), The lion and the tiger: the rise and fall of the British Raj, 1600–1947, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-280579-9, archived from the original on 27 April 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Lebra, J.C. (2003). Indian National Army and Japan. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 217. ISBN 978-981-4515-41-2.
Brown 1994, pp. 328–329: "Yet these final years of the raj showed conclusively that British rule had lost legitimacy and that among the vast majority of Hindus Congress had become the raj's legitimate successor. Tangible proof came in the 1945–6 elections to the central and provincial legislatures. In the former, Congress won 91 percent of the votes cast in non-Muslim constituencies, and in the latter, gained an absolute majority and became the provincial raj in eight provinces. The acquiescence of the politically aware (though possibly not of many villagers even at this point) would have been seriously in doubt if the British had displayed any intention of staying in India." Brown, Judith Margaret (1994), Modern India: the origins of an Asian democracy, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-873112-2, archived from the original on 15 August 2020, retrieved 15 November 2015
Metcalf, Barbara D.; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2012). A Concise History of Modern India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 212–. ISBN 978-1-139-53705-6. Retrieved 1 May 2017.
Roberts, Jeffery J. (2003). The Origins of Conflict in Afghanistan. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 85–. ISBN 978-0-275-97878-5. Retrieved 13 September 2017. Virtually every Briton wanted to keep India united. Many expressed moral or sentimental obligations to leave India intact, either for the inhabitants' sake or simply as a lasting testament to the Empire. The Cabinet Defense Committee and Chiefs of Staff stressed the maintenance of a united India as vital to the defense (and economy) of the region. A unified India, an orderly transfer of power, and a bilateral alliance would, they argued, leave Britain's strategic position undamaged. India's military assets, including its seemingly limitless manpower, naval and air bases, and expanding production capabilities, would remain accessible to London. India would thus remain of crucial importance as a base, training ground, and staging area for operations from Egypt to the Far East.
Metcalf, Barbara D.; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2002). A Concise History of India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 212–. ISBN 978-0-521-63974-3. Retrieved 10 April 2017. By this scheme, the British hoped they could at once preserve united India desired by the Congress, and by themselves, and at the same time, through the groups, secure the essence of Jinnah's demand for a 'Pakistan'.
Metcalf, Barbara D.; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2002). A Concise History of India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 211–213. ISBN 978-0-521-63974-3. Retrieved 18 March 2020. Its proposal for an independent India involved a complex, three-tiered federation, whose central feature was the creation of groups of provinces. Two of these groups would comprise the Muslim majority provinces of east and west; a third would include the Hindu majority regions of the center and south. These groups, given responsibility for most of the functions of government, would be subordinated to a Union government, would be subordinated to a Union government controlling defense, foreign affairs, and communications. Nevertheless, the Muslim League accepted the Cabinet mission's proposals. The ball was now in Congress's court. Although the grouping scheme preserved a united India, the Congress leadership, above all Jawaharlal Nehru, now slated to be Gandhi's successor, increasingly concluded that under the Cabinet mission proposals the Center would be too weak to achieve the goals of the Congress, which envisioned itself as the successor to the Raj. Looking ahead to the future, the Congress, especially its socialist wing headed by Nehru, wanted a central government that could direct and plan for an India, free of colonialism, that might eradicate its people's poverty and grow into an industrial power. India's business community also supported the idea of a strong central government In a provocative speech on 10 July 1946, Nehru repudiated the notion of compulsory grouping or provinces, the key to Jinnah's Pakistan. Provinces, he said, must be free to join any group. With this speech, Nehru effectively torpedoed the Cabinet mission scheme, and with it, any hope for a united India.
Khan 2007, pp. 64–65. Khan, Yasmin (2007), The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3, archived from the original on 5 January 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015
Ramesh, Jairam (2019). Chequered Brilliance. Penguin Books India PVT, Limited. ISBN 978-0-670-09232-1.
Jalal, Ayesha (1994). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 250. ISBN 978-0-521-45850-4. Retrieved 25 April 2018. These instructions were to avoid partition and obtain a unitary government for British India and the Indian States and at the same time observe the pledges to the princes and the Muslims; to secure agreement to the Cabinet Mission plan without coercing any of the parties; somehow to keep the Indian army undivided, and to retain India within the Commonwealth. (Attlee to Mountbatten, 18 March 1947, ibid, 972–974)
Jalal, Ayesha (1994). The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan. Cambridge University Press. p. 251. ISBN 978-0-521-45850-4. Retrieved 25 April 2018. When Mountbatten arrived, it was not wholly inconceivable that a settlement on the Cabinet Mission's terms might still be secured limited bloodshed called for a united Indian army under effective control. But keeping the army intact was now inextricably linked with keeping India united, this is why Mountbatten started by being vehemently opposed to 'abolishing the center'.
Jain, Jagdish Chandra (1 January 1987). Gandhi, the Forgotten Mahatma. Mittal Publications. ISBN 9788170990376. Retrieved 22 May 2020.
Jagmohan (2005). Soul and Structure of Governance in India. Allied Publishers. p. 49. ISBN 978-8177648317. Retrieved 13 August 2016.
Gopal, Ram (1991). Hindu Culture During and After Muslim Rule: Survival and Subsequent Challenges. M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd. p. 133. ISBN 978-8170232056. Retrieved 7 September 2017.
Ray, Jayanta Kumar (2013). India's Foreign Relations, 1947–2007. Routledge. p. 58. ISBN 978-1136197154. Retrieved 7 September 2017.
Zamindar, Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali (2010). The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories. Columbia University Press. pp. 40–. ISBN 978-0-231-13847-5. Retrieved 24 April 2018. Second, it was feared that if an exchange of populations was agreed to in principle in Punjab,' there was likelihood of trouble breaking out in other parts of the subcontinent to force Muslims in the Indian Dominion to move to Pakistan. If that happened, we would find ourselves with inadequate land and other resources to support the influx.' Punjab could set a very dangerous precedent for the rest of the subcontinent. Given that Muslims in the rest of India, some 42 million, formed a population larger than the entire population of West Pakistan at the time, economic rationality eschewed such a forced migration. In divided Punjab, millions of people were already on the move, and the two governments had to respond to this mass movement. Thus, despite these important reservations, the establishment of the MEO led to an acceptance of a 'transfer of populations' in divided Punjab, too, 'to give a sense of security' to ravaged communities on both sides. A statement of the Indian government's position of such a transfer across divided Punjab was made in the legislature by Neogy on November 18, 1947. He stated that although the Indian government's policy was 'to discourage mass migration from one province to another.' Punjab was to be an exception. In the rest of the subcontinent migrations were not to be on a planned basis, but a matter of individual choice. This exceptional character of movements across divided Punjab needs to be emphasized, for the agreed and 'planned evacuations' by the two governments formed the context of those displacements.
Gatrell, Peter (2013). The Making of the Modern Refugee. OUP Oxford. pp. 149–. ISBN 978-0-19-967416-9. Retrieved 24 April 2018. Notwithstanding the accumulated evidence of inter-communal tension, the signatories to the agreement that divided the Raj did not expect the transfer of power and the partition of India to be accompanied by a mass movement of population. Partition was conceived as a means of preventing migration on a large scale because the borders would be adjusted instead. Minorities need not be troubled by the new configuration. As Pakistan's first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, affirmed, 'the division of India into Pakistan and India Dominions was based on the principle that minorities will stay where they were and that the two states will afford all protection to them as citizens of the respective states'.
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Hatt, C. (2002). Mahatma Gandhi. Judge for yourself. Evans. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-237-52308-4. Revived by the success of his fast, which also helped bring calm to the rest of India, Gandhi resumed his routine of ending the day with a prayer meeting outside Birla House.
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McGrath, Allen (1996). The Destruction of Pakistan's Democracy. Oxford University Press. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-19-577583-9. Retrieved 21 March 2017. Undivided India, their magnificent imperial trophy, was besmirched by the creation of Pakistan, and the division of India was never emotionally accepted by many British leaders, Mountbatten among them.
Ferguson, Niall (2003). Empire: how Britain made the modern world. Allen Lane. p. 349. ISBN 9780713996159. Retrieved 17 April 2018. In particular, Mountbatten put pressure on the supposedly neutral Boundary Commissioner, Sir Cyril Radcliffe—cruelly mocked at the time by W.H.Auden—to make critical adjustments in India's favor when drawing the frontier through the Punjab.
Ramone, Jenni (2017). Postcolonial Theories. Transitions. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-230-34407-5.
Long, Roger D.; Singh, Gurharpal; Samad, Yunas; Talbot, Ian (2015). State and Nation-Building in Pakistan: Beyond Islam and Security. Routledge. p. 167. ISBN 978-1317448204. Retrieved 18 November 2020. In the 1940s a solid majority of the Barelvis were supporters of the Pakistan Movement and played a supporting role in its final phase (1940–7), mostly under the banner of the All-India Sunni Conference which had been founded in 1925.
John, Wilson (2009). Pakistan: The Struggle Within. Pearson Education India. p. 87. ISBN 978-8131725047. Archived from the original on 24 April 2022. Retrieved 18 November 2020. During the 1946 election, Barelvi Ulama issued fatwas in favour of the Muslim League.
Cesari, Jocelyne (2014). The Awakening of Muslim Democracy: Religion, Modernity, and the State. Cambridge University Press. p. 135. ISBN 978-1107513297. Retrieved 7 September 2017. For example, the Barelvi ulama supported the formation of the state of Pakistan and thought that any alliance with Hindus (such as that between the Indian National Congress and the Jamiat ulama-I-Hind [JUH]) was counterproductive.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2004). A History of Pakistan and Its Origins. Anthem Press. p. 224. ISBN 978-1843311492. Retrieved 7 September 2017. Believing that Islam was a universal religion, the Deobandi advocated a notion of a composite nationalism according to which Hindus and Muslims constituted one nation.
Abdelhalim, Julten (2015). Indian Muslims and Citizenship: Spaces for Jihād in Everyday Life. Routledge. p. 26. ISBN 978-1317508755. Retrieved 7 September 2017. Madani...stressed the difference between qaum, meaning a nation, hence a territorial concept, and millat, meaning an Ummah and thus a religious concept.
Sikka, Sonia (2015). Living with Religious Diversity. Routledge. p. 52. ISBN 978-1317370994. Retrieved 7 September 2017. Madani makes a crucial distinction between qaum and millat. According to him, qaum connotes a territorial multi-religious entity, while millat refers to the cultural, social and religious unity of Muslims exclusively.
Cleary, Joseph N. (2002). Literature, Partition and the Nation-State: Culture and Conflict in Ireland, Israel, and Palestine. Cambridge University Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-521-65732-7. Retrieved 27 July 2012. The partition of India figures in a good deal of imaginative writing...
Roy, Rituparna (2011). South Asian Partition Fiction in English: From Khushwant Singh to Amitav Ghosh. Amsterdam University Press. pp. 24–29. ISBN 978-90-8964-245-5. Retrieved 27 July 2012.
Mandal, Somdatta (2008). "Constructing Post-partition Bengali Cultural Identity through Films". In Bhatia, Nandi; Roy, Anjali Gera (eds.). Partitioned Lives: Narratives of Home, Displacement, and Resettlement. Pearson Education India. pp. 66–69. ISBN 978-81-317-1416-4. Retrieved 27 July 2012.
Sarkar, Bhaskar (2009). Mourning the Nation: Indian Cinema in the Wake of Partition. Duke University Press. p. 121. ISBN 978-0-8223-4411-7. Retrieved 27 July 2012.

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Talbot, Ian (2009). "Partition of India: The Human Dimension". Cultural and Social History. 6 (4): 403–410. doi:10.2752/147800409X466254. S2CID 147110854. Mountbatten had intended to resurrect the Cabinet Mission proposals for a federal India. British officials were unanimously pessimistic about a Pakistan state's future economic prospects. The agreement to an Indian Union contained in the Cabinet Mission proposals had been initially accepted by the Muslim League as the grouping proposals gave considerable autonomy in the Muslim majority areas. Moreover, there was the possibility of withdrawal and thus acquiring Pakistan by the backdoor after a ten year interval. The worsening communal situation and extensive soundings with Indian political figures convinced Mountbatten within a month of his arrival that partition was the only way to quickly and smoothly transfer power.
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drambedkar.co.in http://drambedkar.co.in › 9th...PDF THOUGHTS ON LINGUISTIC STATES - Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar

fairobserver.com (Global: low place; English: low place)

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indiatoday.in (Global: 167^th place; English: 82^nd place)

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jstor.org (Global: 23^rd place; English: 15^th place)

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la84foundation.org (Global: 2,207^th place; English: 1,388^th place)

Olympic Games Antwerp 1920: Official Report Archived 5 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine, Nombre de bations representees, p. 168. Quote: "31 Nations avaient accepté l'invitation du Comité Olympique Belge: ... la Grèce – la Hollande Les Indes Anglaises – l'Italie – le Japon ..."

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mea.gov.in (Global: 4,900^th place; English: 3,082^nd place)

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nbcnews.com (Global: 156^th place; English: 101^st place)

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nytimes.com (Global: 7^th place; English: 7^th place)

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iussp2005.princeton.edu

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api.semanticscholar.org

Talbot, Ian (2009). "Partition of India: The Human Dimension". Cultural and Social History. 6 (4): 403–410. doi:10.2752/147800409X466254. S2CID 147110854. Mountbatten had intended to resurrect the Cabinet Mission proposals for a federal India. British officials were unanimously pessimistic about a Pakistan state's future economic prospects. The agreement to an Indian Union contained in the Cabinet Mission proposals had been initially accepted by the Muslim League as the grouping proposals gave considerable autonomy in the Muslim majority areas. Moreover, there was the possibility of withdrawal and thus acquiring Pakistan by the backdoor after a ten year interval. The worsening communal situation and extensive soundings with Indian political figures convinced Mountbatten within a month of his arrival that partition was the only way to quickly and smoothly transfer power.
Talbot, Ian (2009). "Partition of India: The Human Dimension". Cultural and Social History. 6 (4): 403–410. doi:10.2752/147800409X466254. S2CID 147110854. The number of casualties remains a matter of dispute, with figures being claimed that range from 200,000 to 2 million victims.
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semanticscholar.org (Global: 15th place; English: 8th place)

api.semanticscholar.org

sikh-history.com (Global: low place; English: low place)

stanford.edu (Global: 194th place; English: 182nd place)

exhibits.stanford.edu

sundayguardianlive.com (Global: low place; English: 6,709th place)

theatlantic.com (Global: 322nd place; English: 198th place)

theculturetrip.com (Global: 4,243rd place; English: 3,023rd place)

thefridaytimes.com (Global: 7,786th place; English: 4,081st place)

theguardian.com (Global: 16th place; English: 11th place)

theheritagelab.in (Global: low place; English: low place)

thehindu.com (Global: 72nd place; English: 37th place)

thehindu.com

frontline.thehindu.com

thehistory-project.org (Global: low place; English: low place)

thenews.com.pk (Global: 958th place; English: 487th place)

theworld.org (Global: 5,753rd place; English: 3,033rd place)

time.com (Global: 84th place; English: 63rd place)

tribune.com.pk (Global: 622nd place; English: 319th place)

tribune.com.pk

blogs.tribune.com.pk

tribuneindia.com (Global: 668th place; English: 350th place)

washington.edu (Global: 1,171st place; English: 736th place)

faculty.washington.edu

washingtonpost.com (Global: 35th place; English: 24th place)

web.archive.org (Global: 1st place; English: 1st place)

weeklyholiday.net (Global: low place; English: low place)

wiley.com (Global: 150th place; English: 174th place)

onlinelibrary.wiley.com

wiscomp.org (Global: low place; English: low place)

worldcat.org (Global: 4th place; English: 4th place)

search.worldcat.org

adsabs.harvard.edu (Global: 14^th place; English: 9^th place)

archive.org (Global: 6^th place; English: 6^th place)

bbc.co.uk (Global: 11^th place; English: 10^th place)

books.google.com (Global: 3^rd place; English: 3^rd place)

britannica.com (Global: 37^th place; English: 64^th place)

censusindia.gov.in (Global: 174^th place; English: 144^th place)

dawn.com (Global: 315^th place; English: 155^th place)

deccanchronicle.com (Global: 645^th place; English: 306^th place)

dnaindia.com (Global: 575^th place; English: 297^th place)

doi.org (Global: 2^nd place; English: 2^nd place)

frontline.in (Global: 8,285^th place; English: 4,871^st place)

go.com (Global: 97^th place; English: 79^th place)

hindustantimes.com (Global: 128^th place; English: 76^th place)

hks.harvard.edu (Global: 8,510^th place; English: 5,169^th place)

indiatimes.com (Global: 31^st place; English: 19^th place)

indiatoday.in (Global: 167^th place; English: 82^nd place)

jstor.org (Global: 23^rd place; English: 15^th place)

la84foundation.org (Global: 2,207^th place; English: 1,388^th place)

lse.ac.uk (Global: 2,065^th place; English: 1,246^th place)

mea.gov.in (Global: 4,900^th place; English: 3,082^nd place)

nbcnews.com (Global: 156^th place; English: 101^st place)

nytimes.com (Global: 7^th place; English: 7^th place)

princeton.edu (Global: 802^nd place; English: 528^th place)

scroll.in (Global: 1,216^th place; English: 593^rd place)

semanticscholar.org (Global: 15^th place; English: 8^th place)

stanford.edu (Global: 194^th place; English: 182^nd place)

sundayguardianlive.com (Global: low place; English: 6,709^th place)

theatlantic.com (Global: 322^nd place; English: 198^th place)

theculturetrip.com (Global: 4,243^rd place; English: 3,023^rd place)

thefridaytimes.com (Global: 7,786^th place; English: 4,081^st place)

theguardian.com (Global: 16^th place; English: 11^th place)

thehindu.com (Global: 72^nd place; English: 37^th place)

thenews.com.pk (Global: 958^th place; English: 487^th place)

theworld.org (Global: 5,753^rd place; English: 3,033^rd place)

time.com (Global: 84^th place; English: 63^rd place)

tribune.com.pk (Global: 622^nd place; English: 319^th place)

tribuneindia.com (Global: 668^th place; English: 350^th place)

washington.edu (Global: 1,171^st place; English: 736^th place)

washingtonpost.com (Global: 35^th place; English: 24^th place)

web.archive.org (Global: 1^st place; English: 1^st place)

wiley.com (Global: 150^th place; English: 174^th place)

worldcat.org (Global: 4^th place; English: 4^th place)