"For some reason some scholars (e.g. Gait 1983 [1926]) suggest an early Dravidian presence in the area as well, but I know of no linguistic evidence for this idea." (DeLancey 2012:14) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"(T)here is a growing body of opinion that the center of dispersal of the Austroasiatic languages may have been in, or at least included, the Brahmaputra Valley (van Driem 2001: 289–94, Diffloth 2005)." (DeLancey 2012:12) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"Linguistic evidence linking Boro-Garo to the Konyak and the Jingphaw languages of Nagaland and northern Burma tells us that the Boro-Garo stock must have originally entered Assam from somewhere to the northeast." (DeLancey 2012:13) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"The highlands surrounding the Brahmaputra Valley, in Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram, are dominated by languages of only one major family, Tibeto Burman (though there are recently-established populations of Tai, Indo-Aryan, and, across the border, Chinese speakers). But among the Tibeto-Burman languages we find tremendous diversity." (DeLancey 2012:11) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"Burling (2007) has suggested that the grammatical transparency and regularity of Garo indicating an origin as a creolized lingua franca, similar in structure and function to Nagamese or Naga pidgin. But what is true of Garo is also equally true of the rest of the branch, and undoubtedly of proto-Bodo-Garo, their common ancestor." (DeLancey 2012:5) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"Proto-Bodo-Garo first emerged as a lingua franca used for communication across the various linguistic communities of the region, and that its striking simplicity and transparency reflect a period when it was widely spoken by communities for whom it was not a native language." (DeLancey 2012:3) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"When Tibeto-Burman-speaking people moved down into the Valley, they can never have been as numerous as the indigenous inhabitants, who had the food resources of the Valley to grow populous on. The Tibeto-Burmification of the Valley must have been more a matter of the language replacement than wholesale population replacement." (DeLancey 2012:13) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"it is this situation (the Indo-Aryan surrounded by Austroasiatic and Tibeto-Burman in Kamarupa) that we should imagine Proto-Boro-Garo forming as a grammatically simplified lingua franca." (DeLancey 2012:16) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"(Austroasiatic substrate in Assamese) is consistent with the general assumption that the lower Brahmaputra drainage was originally Austroasiatic speaking. It also implies the existence of a substantial Austroasiatic-speaking population still at the time of the spread of Aryan culture into Assam, i.e. it implies that up until the 4th–5th centuries CE, at least, and probably much later, Tibeto-Burman languages had not completely supplanted Austroasiatic in the region." (DeLancey 2012:13) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
" Instead, we should imagine a linguistic patchwork, with an eastern Indo-Aryan vernacular (not yet really "Assamese") in the urban centers and along the river, and Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic communities everywhere." (DeLancey 2012:15–16) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
Government of Assam Census 2011. "onlineassam". Archived from the original on 21 June 2012. Retrieved 6 June 2012.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
doi.org
"For some reason some scholars (e.g. Gait 1983 [1926]) suggest an early Dravidian presence in the area as well, but I know of no linguistic evidence for this idea." (DeLancey 2012:14) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"...Indo-Aryans had not spread out as far as to Assam before 500 BCE, at least not in mentionable number." (Guha 1984, p. 74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
"The Y haplogroup 02a is represented at a frequency of 77% in Austroasiatic groups in India and 47% in Tibeto-Burman groups of northeastern India. This patterning could suggest that Tibeto-Burman paternal lineages may have partially replaced indigenous Austroasiatic lineages in the northeast of the Indian Subcontinent and that Austroasiatic populations preceded the Tibeto-Burmans in this area, as linguists and ethnographers have speculated for over a century and a half." (van Driem 2007:237) van Driem, G (2007). "The diversity of the Tibeto-Burman language family and the linguistic ancestry of Chinese". Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics. 1 (2): 211–270. doi:10.1163/2405478X-90000023.
"Rice was brought to Assam by neolithic horticultural people who spread out in all directions from their southeast Asian habitats... But they used to grow only the dry variety of it in their jhum plots..." (Guha 1984:74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
"(T)here is a growing body of opinion that the center of dispersal of the Austroasiatic languages may have been in, or at least included, the Brahmaputra Valley (van Driem 2001: 289–94, Diffloth 2005)." (DeLancey 2012:12) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"The Garo, the Rabha and at least some of the Koch are, like the Khasi, matrilineal and uxorilocal. These features are not attested elsewhere in populations speaking Tibeto-Burman languages. These cultural features are best explained either by the deep and long influence of Khasi people on those Garo, Rabha, and Koch (all people now living around Meghalaya), or by the event of language shift, if we suppose that at least some of these people had Khasi ancestors. They would have abandoned their earlier Mon-Khmer languages because of the influential new TibetoBurman-speaking neighbours, but would have retained some important features of their social organization." (Jaquesson 2017:99) Jaquesson, François (2017) [2006]. "The linguistic reconstruction of the past: The case of the Boro-Garo languages". Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area. 40 (1). Translated by van Breugel, Seino: 90–122. doi:10.1075/ltba.40.1.04van.
"The mix [of Austroasiatic and Tibeto-Burman] would explain the group of Western Boro-Garo languages, deprived of diphthongs but equipped with specific consonant clusters (which interestingly are common in the Khasi languages) and Mon-Khmer-type social customs." (Jaquesson 2017:117) Jaquesson, François (2017) [2006]. "The linguistic reconstruction of the past: The case of the Boro-Garo languages". Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area. 40 (1). Translated by van Breugel, Seino: 90–122. doi:10.1075/ltba.40.1.04van.
"Linguistic evidence linking Boro-Garo to the Konyak and the Jingphaw languages of Nagaland and northern Burma tells us that the Boro-Garo stock must have originally entered Assam from somewhere to the northeast." (DeLancey 2012:13) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"The highlands surrounding the Brahmaputra Valley, in Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram, are dominated by languages of only one major family, Tibeto Burman (though there are recently-established populations of Tai, Indo-Aryan, and, across the border, Chinese speakers). But among the Tibeto-Burman languages we find tremendous diversity." (DeLancey 2012:11) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"Burling (2007) has suggested that the grammatical transparency and regularity of Garo indicating an origin as a creolized lingua franca, similar in structure and function to Nagamese or Naga pidgin. But what is true of Garo is also equally true of the rest of the branch, and undoubtedly of proto-Bodo-Garo, their common ancestor." (DeLancey 2012:5) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"Proto-Bodo-Garo first emerged as a lingua franca used for communication across the various linguistic communities of the region, and that its striking simplicity and transparency reflect a period when it was widely spoken by communities for whom it was not a native language." (DeLancey 2012:3) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"The Y haplogroup O2a is represented at a frequency of 77% in Austroasiatic groups in India and 47% in Tibeto-Burman groups of northeastern India (Sahoo et al. 2006). This patterning could suggest that Tibeto-Burman paternal lineages may have partially replaced indigenous Austroasiatic lineages in the northeast of the Indian Subcontinent and that Austroasiatic populations preceded the Tibeto-Burmans in this area, as linguists and ethnographers have speculated for over a century and a half." (van Driem 2007:237) van Driem, G (2007). "The diversity of the Tibeto-Burman language family and the linguistic ancestry of Chinese". Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics. 1 (2): 211–270. doi:10.1163/2405478X-90000023.
"When Tibeto-Burman-speaking people moved down into the Valley, they can never have been as numerous as the indigenous inhabitants, who had the food resources of the Valley to grow populous on. The Tibeto-Burmification of the Valley must have been more a matter of the language replacement than wholesale population replacement." (DeLancey 2012:13) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"it is this situation (the Indo-Aryan surrounded by Austroasiatic and Tibeto-Burman in Kamarupa) that we should imagine Proto-Boro-Garo forming as a grammatically simplified lingua franca." (DeLancey 2012:16) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"Revised versions of the Mahabharata and several puranas (c. 2nd century BC - 2nd century AD), the Kalika Purana of c.9th-10th centuries and the Prasastis of Kamarupa kings—all these indicate this early Indo-Aryanization of Assam." (Guha 1984:74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
"It was the Indo-Aryans who brought wet rice (sali), iron, plough and cattle (the latter as a source of power and milk) to the region." (Guha 1984, p. 74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
"(Austroasiatic substrate in Assamese) is consistent with the general assumption that the lower Brahmaputra drainage was originally Austroasiatic speaking. It also implies the existence of a substantial Austroasiatic-speaking population still at the time of the spread of Aryan culture into Assam, i.e. it implies that up until the 4th–5th centuries CE, at least, and probably much later, Tibeto-Burman languages had not completely supplanted Austroasiatic in the region." (DeLancey 2012:13) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
" The mixed population absorbed Sanskrit culture, and the latter also, in its turn, absorbed many local cultural traits. Kamarupa moved from protohistory to history in the 4th century AD" (Guha 1984, p. 76) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
" Instead, we should imagine a linguistic patchwork, with an eastern Indo-Aryan vernacular (not yet really "Assamese") in the urban centers and along the river, and Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic communities everywhere." (DeLancey 2012:15–16) DeLancey, Scott (2012). Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen; w. Post, Mark (eds.). "On the Origins of Bodo-Garo". Northeast Indian Linguistics. 4: 3–20. doi:10.1017/UPO9789382264521.003. ISBN9789382264521.
"Here I will follow the lead of Wendy Doniger, who suggests that the development of Hinduism as a whole in South Asia was not simply a process of Sanskritisation, that is, the absorption of non-Hindu traditions into the brahminic system; rather, it also involved a process of ‘Deshification’, that is, the influence of local (deshi) and indigenous cultures on brahmaic religion and the mutual interaction between Sanskritic and deshi traditions." (Urban 2011, p. 233) Urban, Hugh B. (2011). "The Womb of Tantra: Goddesses, Tribals, and Kings in Assam". The Journal of Hindu Studies. 4 (3): 231–247. doi:10.1093/jhs/hir034.
"Such ["the area around the northern shores of the Bay of Bengal as the most likely location for the Urheimat of the ancient Austroasiatics.” (van Driem 2001:290)] considerations regarding the center of diversity and proto-lexicon, are subject to strong challenge (e.g. Sidwell and Blench 2011, Blench 2014) and now run against the current trend in discussions among concerned scholars in the Austroasiatic studies community." (Rau & Sidwell 2019:42) Rau, Felix; Sidwell, Paul (2019). "The Munda Maritime Hypothesis". Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society. 12 (2): 35–57. hdl:10524/52454. ISSN1836-6821.
"...Indo-Aryans had not spread out as far as to Assam before 500 BCE, at least not in mentionable number." (Guha 1984, p. 74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
"Rice was brought to Assam by neolithic horticultural people who spread out in all directions from their southeast Asian habitats... But they used to grow only the dry variety of it in their jhum plots..." (Guha 1984:74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
"Revised versions of the Mahabharata and several puranas (c. 2nd century BC - 2nd century AD), the Kalika Purana of c.9th-10th centuries and the Prasastis of Kamarupa kings—all these indicate this early Indo-Aryanization of Assam." (Guha 1984:74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
"It was the Indo-Aryans who brought wet rice (sali), iron, plough and cattle (the latter as a source of power and milk) to the region." (Guha 1984, p. 74) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
" The mixed population absorbed Sanskrit culture, and the latter also, in its turn, absorbed many local cultural traits. Kamarupa moved from protohistory to history in the 4th century AD" (Guha 1984, p. 76) Guha, Amalendu (1984). "Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply". Social Scientist. 12 (6): 70–77. doi:10.2307/3517005. JSTOR3517005.
(Boruah 2008) Boruah, Nirode (2008). "Sanskritization and Detribalization in Early Assam: Some Geographical Aspects". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 69: 167–179. JSTOR44147178.
"(A)bout 500 Sikh soldiers from Punjab... migrated to Assam on the eve of the Battle of Hadirachaki (1820-22) on the invitation of Ahom King Chandrakanta Singh for protecting Assam against Burmese aggression. Nearly all the Sikh soldiers died on battlefield. Some of the survivors, migrated upstream of River Brahmaputra by boat and reached the Titamora rivulet. They disembarked in the western bank, the Chaparmukh, and settled in the area and finally married locals and raised families." (Sharma 2013:1012) Sharma, Santanu K; et al. (2013). "Prevalence of haemoglobin E among Assamese Sikh community". Current Science. 104 (8): 1012–1013. JSTOR24092186.
(Boruah 2008:116) Boruah, Nirode (2008). "Sanskritization and Detribalization in Early Assam: Some Geographical Aspects". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 69: 167–179. JSTOR44147178.
"Here I will follow the lead of Wendy Doniger, who suggests that the development of Hinduism as a whole in South Asia was not simply a process of Sanskritisation, that is, the absorption of non-Hindu traditions into the brahminic system; rather, it also involved a process of ‘Deshification’, that is, the influence of local (deshi) and indigenous cultures on brahmaic religion and the mutual interaction between Sanskritic and deshi traditions." (Urban 2011, p. 233) Urban, Hugh B. (2011). "The Womb of Tantra: Goddesses, Tribals, and Kings in Assam". The Journal of Hindu Studies. 4 (3): 231–247. doi:10.1093/jhs/hir034.
"DeLancey (2012) argues that Proto-Boro-Garo may have in fact developed as a lingua franca within the Brahmaputra valley; we find this thesis compelling, as it would explain both the modern-day distribution of Boro-Garo languages and their simplified morphological profile by comparison with their more conservative Northern Naga neighbours." (Post & Burling 2017:227) Post, Mark; Burling, Robbins (2017), The Tibeto-Burman Languages of Northeast India, Routledge, ISBN978-1-138-78332-4
web.archive.org
Government of Assam Census 2011. "onlineassam". Archived from the original on 21 June 2012. Retrieved 6 June 2012.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
"Such ["the area around the northern shores of the Bay of Bengal as the most likely location for the Urheimat of the ancient Austroasiatics.” (van Driem 2001:290)] considerations regarding the center of diversity and proto-lexicon, are subject to strong challenge (e.g. Sidwell and Blench 2011, Blench 2014) and now run against the current trend in discussions among concerned scholars in the Austroasiatic studies community." (Rau & Sidwell 2019:42) Rau, Felix; Sidwell, Paul (2019). "The Munda Maritime Hypothesis". Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society. 12 (2): 35–57. hdl:10524/52454. ISSN1836-6821.