Cambridge Journals N. McQueen, "...strategic boost to the Soviet Union, which could seek naval facilities there after independence", Contemporary European History (1999), 8: 209–230 Cambridge University Press
Norrie MacQueen, Portugal's First Domino: ‘Pluricontinentalism’ and Colonial War in Guiné-Bissau, 1963–1974, "Portugal's presence in Guiné-Bissau through eleven years of intense guerrilla war was justified by the doctrine of 'pluricontinentalim'. In this view concession to nationalist pressure in one part of the 'indivisible state' would lead inevitably to the collapse of the whole. The defence of Portuguese Guiné, therefore, was the price to be paid for the maintenance of the infinitely more valuable territories of Angola and Mozambique. While the Salazar regime was rigid in its adherence to this doctrine, some movement was detectable under his successor from 1968, Marcelo Caetano. The governor-general in Guiné, General Spínola, was permitted to explore possibilities of negotiation. Politically insecure in the face of residual Salazarist power in the regime, however, Caetano abandoned this approach in 1972. This apparent loss of nerve would contribute to the overthrow of the Caetano government by its own military in 1974.", Contemporary European History (1999), 8: 209–230 Cambridge University Press
Sucesso, selected texts of Brigadier General Kaúlza de Arriaga on the military success of the Portuguese military
(in Portuguese)"De acordo com as afirmações posteriormente produzidas por representantes qualificados da FRELIMO, este juízo da situação militar de Moçambique carecia de fundamento. Segundo esses representantes, a FRELIMO atravessara duas fases críticas: em 1970, estivera à beira do colapso no final da operação "Nó Górdio", devido ao volumoso número de baixas sofridas, e, em 1974, quando do desencadeamento da "Revolução de Abril", atravessava uma fase grave de desmoralização, motivada por dificuldades insuperáveis de recompletamento de efectivos, cansaço e hostilidade das populações, o que os levou a afirmar que a "Revolução de Abril" tinha apanhado a FRELIMO em fase crítica de desequilíbrio e que esta devia exclusivamente ao MFA a sua recuperação.", Arriaga on the book "PAÍS SEM RUMO", by António de Spínola, [1], selected texts by Kaúlza de Arriaga
cnn.com
"Things are going well in Angola. They achieved good progress in their first year of independence. There's been a lot of building and they are developing health facilities. In 1976, they produced 80,000 tons of coffee. Transportation means are also being developed. Currently, between 200,000 and 400,000 tons of coffee are still in warehouses. In our talks with [Angolan President Agostinho] Neto we stressed the absolute necessity of achieving a level of economic development comparable to what had existed under [Portuguese] colonialism."; "There is also evidence of black racism in Angola. Some are using the hatred against the colonial masters for negative purposes. There are many mulattos and whites in Angola. Unfortunately, racist feelings are spreading very quickly." Castro's 1977 southern Africa tour: A report to Honecker, CNN
Cold WarCNN Episode 17: Good guys, bad guys, Cuba-Angola letters, 1975 Letter from Raúl Diaz Arguelles to Raúl Castro, August 11, 1975. "In the course of this conversation, the Angolans complained about the paucity of aid from the socialist camp, and they pointed out that if the socialist camp does not help them, no one will, since they are the most progressive forces [in the country], whereas the imperialists, Mobutu and ... [one word sanitized] are helping the FNLA in every way possible. They also complained that the Soviet Union stopped aiding them in 1972 and that although it is now sending them weapons, the amount of assistance is paltry, given the enormity of the need. In general, he [Neto] wants to portray the situation in Angola as a crucial struggle between the two systems – Imperialism and Socialism – in order to receive the assistance of the entire socialist camp. We believe that he is right in this, because at this time the two camps in Angola are well defined, the FNLA and UNITA represent reaction and world imperialism and the Portuguese reactionaries, and the MPLA represents the progressive and nationalist forces...", CNN
Stuart A. Notholt (Apr., 1998) Review: ‘The Decolonization of Portuguese Africa: Metropolitan Revolution and the Dissolution of Empire by Norrie MacQueen – Mozambique since Independence: Confronting Leviathan by Margaret Hall, Tom Young’ African Affairs, Vol. 97, No. 387, pp. 276–78, JSTOR723274
Reviewed Work(s): Counterinsurgency in Africa. The Portuguese Way of War 1961–1974 by John P. Cann – A Guerra de África 1961–1974 by José Freire Antunes – Author of Review: Douglas L. Wheeler, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1, Special Issue on Mozambique (Mar., 1998), pp. 240–243, JSTOR2637458
Tetteh Hormeku – Programme Officer with Third World Network's Africa Secretariat in Accra, Third World Resurgence No.89, January 1998, US intervention in Africa: Through Angolan eyesArchived 2008-09-07 at the Wayback Machine, "Nixon's assumption that Portugal would be able to militarily contain Angolan nationalism and provide the conditions for US investment was unravelled with the 1974 coup in Portugal." Third World Network
Stewart Lloyd-Jones, ISCTE (Lisbon), Portugal's history since 1974, "The Portuguese Communist Party (PCP–Partido Comunista Português), which had courted and infiltrated the MFA from the very first days of the revolution, decided that the time was now right for it to seize the initiative. Much of the radical fervour that was unleashed following Spínola's coup attempt was encouraged by the PCP as part of their own agenda to infiltrate the MFA and steer the revolution in their direction.", Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, University of Coimbra
(in Portuguese) António Pires Nunes, Angola Vitória Militar no Leste On the map, the extension of the "liberated zone" is totally exaggerated; in fact, it consisted only of a few MPLA, UNITA, and FNLA hiding places for small guerrilla groups.
Tetteh Hormeku – Programme Officer with Third World Network's Africa Secretariat in Accra, Third World Resurgence No.89, January 1998, US intervention in Africa: Through Angolan eyesArchived 2008-09-07 at the Wayback Machine, "Nixon's assumption that Portugal would be able to militarily contain Angolan nationalism and provide the conditions for US investment was unravelled with the 1974 coup in Portugal." Third World Network
Bismarck, Europe, and Africa : the Berlin Africa Conference 1884-1885 and the onset of partition. Förster, Stig., Mommsen, Wolfgang J., 1930-2004., Robinson, Ronald, 1920-1999., German Historical Institute in London. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1988. p. 220. ISBN0-19-920500-0. OCLC16754126.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
Venter, Al J. (2017). Battle for Angola : the End of the Cold War in Africa C 1975-89. Havertown: Helion & Company, Limited. p. 115. ISBN978-1-913118-10-5. OCLC1101030812.
