Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Robert Eringer" in English language version.
Through the 31-page complaint, Eringer claims he "possesses documents" on his allegations. He demands his paycheck, alleging breach of contract and misrepresentation.
Applying this rule to Eringer's employment, we affirm. Eringer's complaint states that Monaco employed Eringer as the "Director of [Monaco Intelligence Services] and . . . its spymaster." According to his own attorneys and affidavit, Eringer's assignments included, inter alia, liaising with other intelligence agencies, investigating potential government appointments, investigating suspicions of corruption and other illegal activity in Monaco, and protecting HSH from improper foreign influence. This employment is not the type of employment private parties can undertake.
The letter sent to Rogge by Eringer's California lawyer, Brigham J. Ricks, claims there is "ample evidence demonstrating that Prince Albert has egregiously violated the IOC code of ethics and rules on conflicts of interest." A copy of the letter was obtained by the AP. Messages left for Ricks and Albert's American lawyer, Stanley S. Arkin, were not returned.
The French newspapers Le Monde, Le Parisien, and Aujourd'hui followed the investigation closely, reported Fedorychev got away due to lack of evidence. Though "Fedorychev's close associate was indicted" says Inna Weiss at the Central Group of European Political Monitoring. "The publicity led cautious members of Europe's money elite — notably, late Prince Rainier of Monaco — to cut business ties with Fedorychev to the minimum."
Yet at least one of Mr Eringer's claims, which are accompanied by more than 100 further pages of supporting evidence, was recently substantiated. Lawyers representing Prince Albert in the US admitted last week that Mr Eringer had worked for their client "for a time" as a "private intelligence adviser".
Eringer befriended Howard and, as part of the luring operation, commissioned the former CIA agent to write a book entitled Spy's Guide to Central Europe. After Howard's death, his unfinished book remained in Eringer's possession. The former FBI agent has now decided to publish Howard's writings, in several parts, on his blog.
Mr. Georges Lisimachio, Councillor in charge General Secretariat is the coordinating and monitoring instructed by the Prince's Cabinet records and processes financial affairs.
Club president Jean-Louis Campora, who has headed the private association that has run Monaco since 1975, needs Palace approval from Prince Rainier of Monaco before taking any major decision that affects the club. The pair's relationship has become strained since the Prince rejected a £65m cash injection from mysterious investors Fedcominvest earlier this year. The fact that one newspaper claimed Fedcominvest were a front for the Russian mafia may have affected his decision. As his son Albert said: "Investing in the club also means being attached to its image and the values Monaco represents."
Arnaud Montebourg, a French Socialist MP and anti-corruption crusader, said: "Monaco's role as a financial centre is still a dubious one. It will be Albert's job to bring it up to modern standards." The MP co-wrote a parliamentary report in June 2000 that accused the state of turning a blind eye to drug trafficking, tax evasion and mafia activities.
The two men have already faced off in another legal battle: Eringer filed suit in 2009 in California seeking $59,600 (U.S.) in back pay. The court filing by Albert's lawyer says Eringer carried out "intelligence missions" for the prince but was never a civil servant for Monaco.
By the summer of 2007, Albert had reduced Eringer's salary to £144,000 and told him to focus exclusively on "maintaining and working the liaison relationships" with foreign intelligence services instead of investigating money laundering suspects. However, when Eringer sent an invoice for payment for the first quarter of 2008 he got no reply from the palace. Subsequent letters and telephone messages to Albert from Eringer went unanswered, he claims. Eringer decided to cease his activities.
"We have access, with certain intelligence, to where people come from and what their activities are," says Jean-Luc Allavena, director of Albert's Cabinet in this constitutional monarchy.
Eight months before his death, Oct. 12, 2012, the news spread to the headquarters of public safety, a building bristling with antennas and satellite dishes on rue Suffren-Reymond in Monaco, as a flurry at the nearby port. The director had resigned. The announcement had overtaken most of his men, who refused to believe it. André Muhlberger had been reinforced by Prince Albert, who had renewed his mandate. The official version of the invoked "personal reasons" that would allow the police chief Monaco "to guide his professional life to the private." Under diplomatic language nevertheless cropped out the concerns expressed whispered by some of the councilors of the palace to the official, because of its association with the displayed Katsiaryna Hanaha young, fifteen years his junior, and the company of friends too showy thereof. Muhlberger, he has never publicly commented on the sudden departure.
When the American writer Robert Eringer tracked Quigley down just before his death, Quigley warned him that writing about him and his book could get Eringer into trouble
Eringer befriended Howard and, as part of the luring operation, commissioned the former CIA agent to write a book entitled Spy's Guide to Central Europe. After Howard's death, his unfinished book remained in Eringer's possession. The former FBI agent has now decided to publish Howard's writings, in several parts, on his blog.
When the American writer Robert Eringer tracked Quigley down just before his death, Quigley warned him that writing about him and his book could get Eringer into trouble
Club president Jean-Louis Campora, who has headed the private association that has run Monaco since 1975, needs Palace approval from Prince Rainier of Monaco before taking any major decision that affects the club. The pair's relationship has become strained since the Prince rejected a £65m cash injection from mysterious investors Fedcominvest earlier this year. The fact that one newspaper claimed Fedcominvest were a front for the Russian mafia may have affected his decision. As his son Albert said: "Investing in the club also means being attached to its image and the values Monaco represents."
The French newspapers Le Monde, Le Parisien, and Aujourd'hui followed the investigation closely, reported Fedorychev got away due to lack of evidence. Though "Fedorychev's close associate was indicted" says Inna Weiss at the Central Group of European Political Monitoring. "The publicity led cautious members of Europe's money elite — notably, late Prince Rainier of Monaco — to cut business ties with Fedorychev to the minimum."
Eight months before his death, Oct. 12, 2012, the news spread to the headquarters of public safety, a building bristling with antennas and satellite dishes on rue Suffren-Reymond in Monaco, as a flurry at the nearby port. The director had resigned. The announcement had overtaken most of his men, who refused to believe it. André Muhlberger had been reinforced by Prince Albert, who had renewed his mandate. The official version of the invoked "personal reasons" that would allow the police chief Monaco "to guide his professional life to the private." Under diplomatic language nevertheless cropped out the concerns expressed whispered by some of the councilors of the palace to the official, because of its association with the displayed Katsiaryna Hanaha young, fifteen years his junior, and the company of friends too showy thereof. Muhlberger, he has never publicly commented on the sudden departure.
Yet at least one of Mr Eringer's claims, which are accompanied by more than 100 further pages of supporting evidence, was recently substantiated. Lawyers representing Prince Albert in the US admitted last week that Mr Eringer had worked for their client "for a time" as a "private intelligence adviser".
The two men have already faced off in another legal battle: Eringer filed suit in 2009 in California seeking $59,600 (U.S.) in back pay. The court filing by Albert's lawyer says Eringer carried out "intelligence missions" for the prince but was never a civil servant for Monaco.
Arnaud Montebourg, a French Socialist MP and anti-corruption crusader, said: "Monaco's role as a financial centre is still a dubious one. It will be Albert's job to bring it up to modern standards." The MP co-wrote a parliamentary report in June 2000 that accused the state of turning a blind eye to drug trafficking, tax evasion and mafia activities.
"We have access, with certain intelligence, to where people come from and what their activities are," says Jean-Luc Allavena, director of Albert's Cabinet in this constitutional monarchy.
Mr. Georges Lisimachio, Councillor in charge General Secretariat is the coordinating and monitoring instructed by the Prince's Cabinet records and processes financial affairs.
By the summer of 2007, Albert had reduced Eringer's salary to £144,000 and told him to focus exclusively on "maintaining and working the liaison relationships" with foreign intelligence services instead of investigating money laundering suspects. However, when Eringer sent an invoice for payment for the first quarter of 2008 he got no reply from the palace. Subsequent letters and telephone messages to Albert from Eringer went unanswered, he claims. Eringer decided to cease his activities.
The letter sent to Rogge by Eringer's California lawyer, Brigham J. Ricks, claims there is "ample evidence demonstrating that Prince Albert has egregiously violated the IOC code of ethics and rules on conflicts of interest." A copy of the letter was obtained by the AP. Messages left for Ricks and Albert's American lawyer, Stanley S. Arkin, were not returned.
Through the 31-page complaint, Eringer claims he "possesses documents" on his allegations. He demands his paycheck, alleging breach of contract and misrepresentation.
Applying this rule to Eringer's employment, we affirm. Eringer's complaint states that Monaco employed Eringer as the "Director of [Monaco Intelligence Services] and . . . its spymaster." According to his own attorneys and affidavit, Eringer's assignments included, inter alia, liaising with other intelligence agencies, investigating potential government appointments, investigating suspicions of corruption and other illegal activity in Monaco, and protecting HSH from improper foreign influence. This employment is not the type of employment private parties can undertake.
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