Holland's 1606 English language version of Suetonius' Lives of the Caesars (Claudius) translates Claudius as "canonised... a saint in heaven". Holland's interpretation is consistent with the later use of divus under Christian emperors: saints function as intercessors but some have also been demoted or quietly lapsed from their religious calendars. See Suetonius, History of the twelve Caesars, trans. Philemon Holland, 1606, for Holland's English rendition of divus Claudius, Archive.org
books.google.com
A summary of disparate viewpoints regarding the status of the triumphator (and thus the meaning of the Triumph) can be found in Versnel, 56–93: limited preview via Books.Google.com
In general, see Price, 48; Fishwick, Vol 1, 1, 6–20; for details, Taylor, Chapter 2 and 3, passim. Attested statuary of Roman magistrates in Rome may well have been largely commissioned by Greek allies, unaware of the potential for controversy aroused by public display of "Hellenised" images of the Roman military aristocracy. See Christopher Hallett, The Roman Nude, Oxford University Press, 2005. (limited preview available) Books.Google.co.uk, citing descriptions in Plutarch, Lives, Flamininus, & Cicero, Rabiurus Postumus, 10.26
Isaac, B., (2006), "The invention of racism in Classical antiquity", Princeton University Press, p. 304 Books.Google.co.uk,
Nevertheless, cult offered to divus Julius implies loyalty to his adopted son and heir. See Friesen, 21. Books.Google.co.uk
Books.Google.co.uk, Weidemann, 131-2: limited preview available at Google Books
Ando, 163, gives 82 temples in the city of Rome: limited preview available at Google Books Books.Google.co.uk
Llewelyn, S.R. (Editor), New documents illustrating early Christianity: Volume 9, A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1986–87, Macquarie University, 2002, pp.28 – 30. [1]
Books.Google.co.uk, Severy, 114-5. Limited preview available at Google Books
Well into the third century AD, the merit of each imperial candidate would be debated as basis for a new lex de imperio. In most cases this simply confirmed his possession of imperial power, acquired through dynastic inheritance or acclamation by the soldiers but its legality was Republican in form, "probably a continuation of the old Republican tradition, of the Lex curiata de imperio which conferred imperium on the higher Roman magistrates." Justinian's law later refers to a Lex regia, consistent with Byzantine conceptions of Imperial power as "kingship". The same association is precisely avoided under the early Lex de imperio Vespasiani of 69–70 AD. See Berger, A., Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, Philadelphia: (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society; New Series, Volume 43, Part 2, 1953, p551). Reprint, The Lawbook Exchange Ltd., 2002. ISBN1-58477-142-9. Preview from googlebooks; [2]
Sage, (in discussion of Tacitean themes) in Haase & Temporini (eds), 950: Books.Google.co.uk
Vout, 52–135, offers discussion on the nature, context and longevity of the Antinous cult, its function in Christian polemic against pagan cult, notably in Athanasius, and its capacity to fascinate – and sometimes mislead – the modern imagination. Limited preview available: Books.Google.co.uk
Books.Google.co.uk, Le Bohec, 249: limited preview available via Google Books
Books.Google.co.uk, Dixon, 78: limited preview available from Google Books
Smallwood, 2–3, 4–6: the presence of practicing Jews in Rome is attested at least a century before this. The more overt and "characteristically Jewish" beliefs, rites and customs were butts of misinformed scorn and mockery. Legislation by Caesar recognised the synagogues in Rome as legitimate collegia. Augustus maintained their status. Smallwood describes the preamble to events of 63 BC as the Hellenising of ruling Jewish dynasties, their claims to kingly messianism and their popular, traditionalist rejection in the Maccabaean revolt. Books.Google.co.ukIbid, 120–143 for a very detailed account of Roman responses to Judaistic practice in Rome under Caesar and the early Principate.
Niehoff, 45–137: in particular, 75–81 and footnote 25. Limited preview available at Google Books Books.Google.co.uk (accessed 14 August 2009.
Momigliano, 142–158: Books.Google.co.uk See particularly p146, (commentary on Dio, 52).
Jerome's interpretations of Imperial ceremonial are heavily reliant on Eusebius' polemical ecclesiastical-Imperial history. Price, 203 : limited preview available at Google Books Books.Google.co.uk
Books.Google.co.uk, Williams & Friell, 65–67. Limited preview at googlebooks
fordham.edu
Internet Medieval Sourcebook: Letter of St. Ambrose, trans. H. De Romestin, 1896., Fordham.edu (accessed 29 August 2009)
fourthcentury.com
A summary of relevant legislation – FourthCentury.com (accessed 30 August 2009)
Fishwick, Vol 1, 1, 92–3. In the reign of Tiberius, Tarraco requested permission for cult to Augustus but this is one of only two known Western provincial initiatives to inaugurate the imperial cult – both were Iberian, and had long-standing ties with Rome. See also Tacitus, Annals, 1.78. Posc.mu.edu
roman-emperors.org
Meckler, in De Imperatoribus Romanis, online roman-emperors.org (accessed 7 August 2009)
Drinkwater, in Bowman et al. (eds), 46: Under Gallienus, any remaining senatorial rights to military leadership were virtually at an end. The bitterness of the senatorial class towards him on this account almost certainly distorts their histories. See, for example, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus (epitome), 33–34, in Banchich's translation online at roman-emperors.org (accessed 7 August 2009.) See also Weigel, at www.roman-emperors.org roman-emperors.org (accessed 7 August 2009.)
stoics.com
Gradel, 51, citing Cicero, De officiis, 3.80: Stoics.com (accessed 2 August 2009).
thelatinlibrary.com
Gradel, 265, citing the unreliable Historia Augusta, Antoninus Geta Aeli Spartiani, II, 8: (Latin version online at thelatinlibrary – TheLatinLibrary.com (accessed 18 August 2009). At the very least, the attribution confirms the later devaluation of divus as a divine category.
Vout, 119: citing Plutarch, Gaius Gracchus, 10, 18.2. Loeb edition available at Thayer: Penelope.Uchicago.edu
In Florus' epitome, the name Augustus signaled Octavian's divine status outright. Apparently, "Romulus" had also been considered and turned down: see Florus, 2, 34, 66 at Thayer's website – Penelope.Uchicago.edu (accessed 27 July 2009). For most of Augustus' contemporaries, however, the name would have been a quite obscure and somewhat modest synonym for divinus (divine).
Polybius, The Histories, 10.10.10: written circa 150 BC. The honorand is named as Aletes, who supposedly discovered the silver mines there. One of the hills of the city is named after him. Others are named after Aesculapius, Vulcan and Saturn. English version (Loeb) available from Thayer Penelope.Uchicago.edu
Dio's assessment is blunt but not entirely unsympathetic – Commodus was lazy, gullible and stupid. See Potter, 85-6: citing Cassius Dio, Penelope.Uchicago.edu, epitome of book 73. Marius Maximus thought him fundamentally wicked and cruel.
His status as divus is surmised from cons. = consecratio: his. cons. defunctus est Imp. Severus Romae XVIII kal. Septembris (Mommsen) in: Scharf, R., Zu einigen daten der Kaiser Libius Severus und Maiorian, Heidelberg University (pdf), p182. [3] (accessed 1 September 2009)
