Souliotes (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Souliotes" in English language version.

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  • Raça, Shkëlzen (2012). "Disa Aspekte Studimore Mbi Sulin Dhe Suljotët [Some research aspects regarding Souli and the Souliotes]". Studime Historike. 1 (2): 215. "Αλβανήτες", d.m.th., shqiptare i identifikon edhe Eleni Karakicu, bashkëshortja e pare e Marko Boçarit. Ajo në fakt drejton një kundër akuzë ndaj tij e familjes së tij, si përgjigje rreth një procesi gjyqësor për çështje shkurorëzimi të parashtruar nga vetë Marko Boçari më 1810, në shtatë ujdhesat e Detit Jon. Ndërmjet tjerash, Karakicu akuzon indiferencën e vjehrrive të saj me fjalët: Nëse ai i kishte të gjitha gjërat në duart e veta, se vjehrri dhe vjehrra ime nuk vendosen ta zënë e ta vrasin, sa Kostën e Stathit, po aq edhe këtë ta bëjnë per mua dhe se sipas tyre e kanë tradhtuar, atëherë veprimi i tillë është borxh dhe ligj për shqiptarët, që të lahen nga mëkati." "["Alvanites", or in other words Albanians is how Eleni Karakitsou, the wife of Markos Botsaris identifies them. It relates to an accusation against his family to answer questions in a divorce case trial filed by Markos Botsaris in 1810 in the Septinsular islands of the Ionian Sea. Among other things, Karakitsou accuses her in-laws of indifference with the words: He had everything in his hands, because my father in law and mother in law decided not catch and to kill him, like Kosta and Stathi, yet they did not do this for me and I believe they have betrayed me and such an action is owed and law for Albanians, so as to brush away those sins."
  • Thede Kahl (1999). "Die Zagóri-Dörfer in Nordgriechenland: Wirtschaftliche Einheit–ethnische Vielfalt [The Zagori villages in Northern Greece: Economic unit – Ethnic diversity]". Ethnologia Balkanica. 3: 113–114. "Im Laufe der Jahrhunderte hat es mehrfach Ansiedlungen christlich-orthodoxer Albaner (sog. Arvaniten) in verschiedenen Dörfern von Zagóri gegeben. Nachfolger Albanischer Einwanderer, die im 15. Jh. In den zentral- und südgriechischen Raum einwanderten, dürfte es in Zagóri sehr wenige geben (Papageorgíu 1995: 14). Von ihrer Existenz im 15. Jh. wissen wir durch albanische Toponyme (s. Ikonómu1991: 10–11). Von größerer Bedeutung ist die jüngere Gruppe der sogenannten Sulioten – meist albanisch-sprachige Bevölkerung aus dem Raum Súli in Zentral-Epirus – die mit dem Beginn der Abwanderung der Zagorisier für die Wirtschaft von Zagóri an Bedeutung gewannen. Viele von ihnen waren bereits bei ihrer Ankunft in Zagóri zweisprachig, da in Súli Einwohner griechischsprachiger Dörfer zugewandert waren und die albanischsprachige Bevölkerung des Súli-Tales (Lakka-Sulioten) engen Kontakt mit der griechischsprachigen Bevölkerung der weiteren Umgebung (Para-Sulioten) gehabt hatte (Vakalópulos 1992: 91). Viele Arvaniten heirateten in die zagorische Gesellschaft ein, andere wurden von Zagorisiern adoptiert (Nitsiákos 1998: 328) und gingen so schnell in ihrer Gesellschaft auf. Der arvanitische Bevölkerungsanteil war nicht unerheblich. Durch ihren großen Anteil an den Aufstandsbewegungen der Kleften waren die Arvaniten meist gut ausgebildete Kämpfer mit entsprechend großer Erfahrung im Umgang mit Dörfer der Zagorisier zu schützen. Viele Arvaniten nahmen auch verschiedene Hilfsarbeiten an, die wegen der Abwanderung von Zagorisiern sonst niemand hätte ausführen können, wie die Bewachung von Feldern, Häusern und Viehherden."

didaktorika.gr

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  • Kallivretakis, Leonidas (1995). "Η ελληνική κοινότητα της Αλβανίας υπό το πρίσμα της ιστορικής γεωγραφίας και δημογραφίας [The Greek Community of Albania in terms of historical geography and demography." In Nikolakopoulos, Ilias, Kouloubis Theodoros A. & Thanos M. Veremis (eds). Ο Ελληνισμός της Αλβανίας [The Greeks of Albania]. University of Athens. p. 36, 47: "Οι κατοικούντες εις Παραμυθίαν και Δέλβινον λέγονται Τζαμηδες και ο τόπος Τζαμουριά», δίδασκε ο Αθανάσιος Ψαλίδας στις αρχές του 19ου αιώνα και συνέχιζε: «Κατοικείται από Γραικούς και Αλβανούς· οι πρώτοι είναι περισσότεροι», ενώ διέκρινε τους δεύτερους σε Αλβανούς Χριστιανούς και Αλβανούς Μουσουλμάνους." Στην Τσαμουριά υπάγει επίσης την περιφέρεια της Πάργας, χωρίς να διευκρινίζει τον εθνοπολιτισμικό της χαρακτήρα, καθώς και τα χωριά του Σουλίου, κατοικούμενα από «Γραικούς πολεμιστές».

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  • Skoulidas, Ilias (2001). "The Relations Between the Greeks and the Albanians during the 19th Century: Political Aspirations and Visions (1875–1897)". www.didaktorika.gr (in Greek). University of Ioannina: 17. doi:10.12681/eadd/12856. hdl:10442/hedi/12856. ... Οι συνεννοήσεις Σουλιωτών και μουσουλμάνων Αλβανών για την υπεράσπιση του Αλή πασά, οι οποίες οδήγησαν σε γραπτή συμφωνία (15/27 Ιανουαρίου 1821) στο Σούλι, ήταν σύμφωνες με τις θέσεις του Αλέξανδρου Υψηλάντη για την προετοιμασία της ελληνικής επανάστασης. Regarding the question of the Souliots being aware of the Filiki Etaireia, Skiotis 1976, p. 106 writes that "They [=the Souliotes] undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else at the time)", while Mazower 2021, p. 44 writes that "the Souliot chieftains knew nothing about the Etaireia" when "Perraivos decided to confide what he called “the great purpose of the race" to them and produced a letter written by Ypsilantis and Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 31=Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34 writes that at the time "neither Markos Botsaris nor the rest of the Souliots seem to know the Filiki Etaireia or the vision and the goals of the Greek Struggle for Independence." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015. Ψιμούλη, Βάσω (2010). Βασίλης Παναγιωτόπουλος (ed.). Μάρκος Μπότσαρης. Ιστορική Βιβλιοθήκη - Οι Ιδρυτές της Νεότερης Ελλάδας. Athens: Τα Νέα.
  • Koliousi, Eirini (1 January 2009). "The historical songs of Souli: historicity and local identity": 6, 76-75. doi:10.12681/eadd/27097. hdl:10442/hedi/27097. Retrieved 25 August 2022. Ο Fauriel, εκδίδει το 1824 την πρώτη συλλογή ελληνικών δημοτικών τραγουδιών που αποτελεί και την πρώτη συλλογή υλικού για την περιοχή του Σουλίου. Η πρώτη, όπως έχουμε αναφέρει στην Εισαγωγή, συστηματική προσπάθεια συλλογής και καταγραφής των σουλιώτικων τραγουδιών σε σχέση με τα ιστορικά γεγονότα της εποχής, γίνεται από τον Fauriel το 1824. Από τότε και έπειτα η λαογραφία έχει να αναδείξει ένα σημαντικό αριθμό συλλογών, στις οποίες παρουσιάζεται το ποιητικό κείμενο των τραγουδιών, άλλοτε χωρίς σχολιασμό και άλλοτε133 συνοδευόμενο από το σχόλιο του αντίστοιχου ιστορικού γεγονότ {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

politis.eu.org

revues.org

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  • Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, “De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique”, in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448."

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  • Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, “De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique”, in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448."

travelogues.gr

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web.archive.org

  • Bode, Andreas (1975). «Albaner und Griechen als Kolonisten in Neurussland"», Beitrage zur Kenntnis Sudosteuropas und des Nahen Orients, Munchen, vol. 16 (1975), pp. 29–35, cited in: Les Grecs en Russie/Les colonies militaires, Oct. 1995, by Sophie Dascalopoulos (Prof.) – Vernicos Nicolas (Prof.) Archived 2012-06-14 at the Wayback Machine"We remark that the term "Albanian" is not an ethnic qualification but, as the terms "Zouave" and "Dragon", is used as generic to certain corps of infantry, formations of mercenaries recruited among Christians of Turkey. The Albanian Regiments were used also by the Italians and the French".
  • Skiotis 1976, pp. 105–106: "Ali's appeals were, of course, addressed primarily to the Kapitanioi of the Greek contingents in the Ottoman army. In addition , however , to the detachments of armatoloi already in the mainland , there were also numerous klephts and mountain tribesmen such as the Souliotes who had crossed over from the Ionian islands to Epirus at Ottoman invitation There had been over 3,000 of these fighting men in the islands, men who had been forced to flee from Ali's dominions as he had gradually extended his rule over Rumely. While in exile, they had served under the banner of whichever power held the islands, but the British had disbanded their regiments at the end of the Napoleonic wars. Unable any longer to make their living as soldiers , they were a destitute and bitter group which longed for some radical change in their political situation that would enable them to return to their homeland. Kapodistrias, a native Corfiote serving as Russian foreign minister, who knew most of the exiled chieftains from visiting the island in 1819, was extremely concerned about their plight and suspected that the British on the islands and Ali Pasha on the mainland were acting in concert to destroy what we may call the "military" Greeks. When both Ali Pasha and the Ottomans had requested their assistance in the summer of 1820, it was Kapodistrias who had encouraged them to take advantage of this opportunity to regain their ancestral villages. In fact, though certainly no revolutionary himself, he was so emphatic on that point he let it be known to Ypsilantes, who had been chosen the leader of the Hetaireia, that he endorsed the right of the "military" Greeks - "those Greeks who bear arms" to defend themselves against whatever foe attacked them, "as they have done for centuries". But the sanctioning of even limited rebellion by the foreign minister of the world's leading Orthodox power -made known to the chieftains by his two brothers in Corfu - could not but have serious repercussions in the months ahead. On several occasions in the past, these heroic mountain warriors had formed the shock-troops of peasant rebellion and consequently they had a powerful hold over the minds of the vast majority of the Greek people. It was not realistic to assume that the people would remained uninvolved while the military Greeks did battle with the Ottomans." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skiotis 1976, p. 106-7 Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skiotis 1976, pp. 106–107: "The news of the rising of the most famous and heroic among the Greeks could not fail but spread like wildfire through the land. Kasomoules, a contemporary memoirist, recalls that “the trumpet sounded from the north in the month of December and all Greeks, even in the most remote places were inspired by its call.” “If ever the cry of liberty is heard in Greece,” wrote the French consul in Patras, “it will come from the mountains of Epirus! According to all indications the moment has arrived.” Soon there were other Greek fighting men from the Ottoman camp, and neighboring mountain tribesmen joined with the Souliotes. In January even the Muslim Albanians, who had enjoyed a privileged position during Ali's rule, and resented Ottoman oppression as much as the Greeks, signed a formal pact with the Souliotes." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skiotis 1976, p. 106: "Not surprisingly, the warlike and independent Souliotes, who like the other Greeks had been repeatedly mistreated by the Ottoman and who were especially close to the Kapodistrias brothers, were the first to rebel against the sultan (on 7/19 December) and ally themselves with Ali Pasha. They undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else by this time) but their purpose in revolting was most probably of a local nature: to regain the barren villages they had been forced to abandon seventeen years before..." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skoulidas, Ilias (2001). "The Relations Between the Greeks and the Albanians during the 19th Century: Political Aspirations and Visions (1875–1897)". www.didaktorika.gr (in Greek). University of Ioannina: 17. doi:10.12681/eadd/12856. hdl:10442/hedi/12856. ... Οι συνεννοήσεις Σουλιωτών και μουσουλμάνων Αλβανών για την υπεράσπιση του Αλή πασά, οι οποίες οδήγησαν σε γραπτή συμφωνία (15/27 Ιανουαρίου 1821) στο Σούλι, ήταν σύμφωνες με τις θέσεις του Αλέξανδρου Υψηλάντη για την προετοιμασία της ελληνικής επανάστασης. Regarding the question of the Souliots being aware of the Filiki Etaireia, Skiotis 1976, p. 106 writes that "They [=the Souliotes] undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else at the time)", while Mazower 2021, p. 44 writes that "the Souliot chieftains knew nothing about the Etaireia" when "Perraivos decided to confide what he called “the great purpose of the race" to them and produced a letter written by Ypsilantis and Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 31=Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34 writes that at the time "neither Markos Botsaris nor the rest of the Souliots seem to know the Filiki Etaireia or the vision and the goals of the Greek Struggle for Independence." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015. Ψιμούλη, Βάσω (2010). Βασίλης Παναγιωτόπουλος (ed.). Μάρκος Μπότσαρης. Ιστορική Βιβλιοθήκη - Οι Ιδρυτές της Νεότερης Ελλάδας. Athens: Τα Νέα.
  • In the late 1790s, Balkan Orthodox Christians routinely referred to themselves as “Christians”. Within the Ottoman Empire, these Greek Orthodox urban and mercantile strata were referred to by the Ottomans, the Church, and themselves as Rayah, Christians, or “Romans”, that is, members of the Rum millet. The name Roman was a legacy of history, not a factual identification of race or ethnicity. The term Roman originally designated a citizen of the Eastern Roman Empire. The Ottomans employed the term Rayah to imply all land cultivators regardless of religion; but in practice, in the Ottoman Balkans, this term meant the Orthodox Christians. For the Western audience in Germany, Austria, and Hungary, Greek Orthodox was synonymous with Orthodoxy. From Rum Millet to Greek Nation: Enlightenment, Secularization, and National Identity in Ottoman Balkan Society, 1453–1821, Victor Roudometof, p. 19 Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine

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  • Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 142–147. Psimouli writes that S(h)ul-i (=«beam, stake») was perhaps used as a moniker for a tall person, an equivalent of the Greek word «ντερέκι». Ψιμούλη, Βάσω Δ. (2006). Σούλι και Σουλιώτες. Ιστορία και Πολιτική (4th ed.). Athens: Βιβλιοπωλείον της Εστίας.
      Psimuli, Vaso Dh. (2016). Suli dhe suljotët [Souli and the Souliots]. Toena. ISBN 9789928205728.

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search.worldcat.org

  • Skendi 1954, p. 13: "In 1878, Alvanikē melissa — Bleta Shqiptare (The Albanian Bee) appeared in Greek script in Alexandria, Egypt. It is one of the best Albanian collections, despite the fact that Efthim Mitko, the col-lector, was not in a position to be in direct contact with the people because he left Albania while young and lived in Egypt. The most important part of his collection are the lyric poems. Of the heroic songs, 97 are in the dialect of southern Albania and 26 in that of northern Albania. They celebrate exploits of beys, the heroes of Suli, and the battles of the Albanians in various parts of the Turkish Empire." Skendi, Stavro (1954). Albanian and South Slavic Oral Epic Poetry. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society. ISBN 9780527010966. OCLC 3794368.
  • Skendi 1954, p. 173: "There is a variety of rhymes and assonances in the Albanian heroic songs. The most common pattern is a, a, but these can also be a, a, or a, a, a, a. There are other songs which follow the model a, b, a, b. Sometimes we find the same rhyme or assonance for a considerable number of lines. In "The Song of Marko Boçari from Suli" (Mitko, ed. Pekmezi, pp. 141—143), containing more than seventy octosyllabic lines, only six end in y, all the other lines have as a rhyme or asso-nance i." Skendi, Stavro (1954). Albanian and South Slavic Oral Epic Poetry. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society. ISBN 9780527010966. OCLC 3794368.

yorku.ca

arts.yorku.ca

  • Skiotis 1976, pp. 105–106: "Ali's appeals were, of course, addressed primarily to the Kapitanioi of the Greek contingents in the Ottoman army. In addition , however , to the detachments of armatoloi already in the mainland , there were also numerous klephts and mountain tribesmen such as the Souliotes who had crossed over from the Ionian islands to Epirus at Ottoman invitation There had been over 3,000 of these fighting men in the islands, men who had been forced to flee from Ali's dominions as he had gradually extended his rule over Rumely. While in exile, they had served under the banner of whichever power held the islands, but the British had disbanded their regiments at the end of the Napoleonic wars. Unable any longer to make their living as soldiers , they were a destitute and bitter group which longed for some radical change in their political situation that would enable them to return to their homeland. Kapodistrias, a native Corfiote serving as Russian foreign minister, who knew most of the exiled chieftains from visiting the island in 1819, was extremely concerned about their plight and suspected that the British on the islands and Ali Pasha on the mainland were acting in concert to destroy what we may call the "military" Greeks. When both Ali Pasha and the Ottomans had requested their assistance in the summer of 1820, it was Kapodistrias who had encouraged them to take advantage of this opportunity to regain their ancestral villages. In fact, though certainly no revolutionary himself, he was so emphatic on that point he let it be known to Ypsilantes, who had been chosen the leader of the Hetaireia, that he endorsed the right of the "military" Greeks - "those Greeks who bear arms" to defend themselves against whatever foe attacked them, "as they have done for centuries". But the sanctioning of even limited rebellion by the foreign minister of the world's leading Orthodox power -made known to the chieftains by his two brothers in Corfu - could not but have serious repercussions in the months ahead. On several occasions in the past, these heroic mountain warriors had formed the shock-troops of peasant rebellion and consequently they had a powerful hold over the minds of the vast majority of the Greek people. It was not realistic to assume that the people would remained uninvolved while the military Greeks did battle with the Ottomans." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skiotis 1976, p. 106-7 Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skiotis 1976, pp. 106–107: "The news of the rising of the most famous and heroic among the Greeks could not fail but spread like wildfire through the land. Kasomoules, a contemporary memoirist, recalls that “the trumpet sounded from the north in the month of December and all Greeks, even in the most remote places were inspired by its call.” “If ever the cry of liberty is heard in Greece,” wrote the French consul in Patras, “it will come from the mountains of Epirus! According to all indications the moment has arrived.” Soon there were other Greek fighting men from the Ottoman camp, and neighboring mountain tribesmen joined with the Souliotes. In January even the Muslim Albanians, who had enjoyed a privileged position during Ali's rule, and resented Ottoman oppression as much as the Greeks, signed a formal pact with the Souliotes." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skiotis 1976, p. 106: "Not surprisingly, the warlike and independent Souliotes, who like the other Greeks had been repeatedly mistreated by the Ottoman and who were especially close to the Kapodistrias brothers, were the first to rebel against the sultan (on 7/19 December) and ally themselves with Ali Pasha. They undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else by this time) but their purpose in revolting was most probably of a local nature: to regain the barren villages they had been forced to abandon seventeen years before..." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
  • Skoulidas, Ilias (2001). "The Relations Between the Greeks and the Albanians during the 19th Century: Political Aspirations and Visions (1875–1897)". www.didaktorika.gr (in Greek). University of Ioannina: 17. doi:10.12681/eadd/12856. hdl:10442/hedi/12856. ... Οι συνεννοήσεις Σουλιωτών και μουσουλμάνων Αλβανών για την υπεράσπιση του Αλή πασά, οι οποίες οδήγησαν σε γραπτή συμφωνία (15/27 Ιανουαρίου 1821) στο Σούλι, ήταν σύμφωνες με τις θέσεις του Αλέξανδρου Υψηλάντη για την προετοιμασία της ελληνικής επανάστασης. Regarding the question of the Souliots being aware of the Filiki Etaireia, Skiotis 1976, p. 106 writes that "They [=the Souliotes] undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else at the time)", while Mazower 2021, p. 44 writes that "the Souliot chieftains knew nothing about the Etaireia" when "Perraivos decided to confide what he called “the great purpose of the race" to them and produced a letter written by Ypsilantis and Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 31=Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34 writes that at the time "neither Markos Botsaris nor the rest of the Souliots seem to know the Filiki Etaireia or the vision and the goals of the Greek Struggle for Independence." Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 November 2015. Retrieved 16 November 2015. Ψιμούλη, Βάσω (2010). Βασίλης Παναγιωτόπουλος (ed.). Μάρκος Μπότσαρης. Ιστορική Βιβλιοθήκη - Οι Ιδρυτές της Νεότερης Ελλάδας. Athens: Τα Νέα.
  • In the late 1790s, Balkan Orthodox Christians routinely referred to themselves as “Christians”. Within the Ottoman Empire, these Greek Orthodox urban and mercantile strata were referred to by the Ottomans, the Church, and themselves as Rayah, Christians, or “Romans”, that is, members of the Rum millet. The name Roman was a legacy of history, not a factual identification of race or ethnicity. The term Roman originally designated a citizen of the Eastern Roman Empire. The Ottomans employed the term Rayah to imply all land cultivators regardless of religion; but in practice, in the Ottoman Balkans, this term meant the Orthodox Christians. For the Western audience in Germany, Austria, and Hungary, Greek Orthodox was synonymous with Orthodoxy. From Rum Millet to Greek Nation: Enlightenment, Secularization, and National Identity in Ottoman Balkan Society, 1453–1821, Victor Roudometof, p. 19 Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine