Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Sustainability Network" in English language version.
The centre-left Rede Party on Friday filed a petition to the Supreme Court to annul Bolsonaro's decree, published in the government gazette, which it deemed "unconstitutional"
Judge Marco Aurelio Mello approved the injunction requested by the left-wing Rede party arguing that a politician facing criminal charges cannot be in the presidential line of succession.
Two other candidates were also nominated on Saturday - Marina Silva by the centre-left Rede party and Geraldo Alckmin by the centre-right Social Democracy Party.
No campo da esquerda, foi criada a Rede Sustentabilidade.
Além disso, outros deslocamentos, sobretudo pela base, inclinam a Rede á centro-esquerda (conquanto Marina Silva, ela mesma, tenda a mover-se em direcáo contrária, a comecar pelo provável passo em falso dado ao apoiar o impeachment de Rousseff).
It is no wonder that the largest political parties dealing with the environmental agenda fall into the green capitalism spectrum — both Rede Sustentabilidade and Brazil's Green Party.
The party alliance supporting Lula da Silva's candidacy is practically defined and will be composed of one center-right party (Solidariedade), two center parties (Green Party, PV; Sustainable Network, REDE), three center-left parties (Workers' Party, PT; Communist Party of Brazil, PCdoB; and the Brazilian Socialist Party, PSB), and one left-wing party (Party of Socialism and Liberty, PSOL).
Other politicians in the running include centre-right Rede Sustentabilidade candidate Mariana Silva, with a 13% popularity rating, who campaigns for the protection of the environment and sustainable development.
That circumstance allowed Marina Silva, initially VP candidate in the Campos ticket, to compete within the remit of a political coalition between the Socialist Party and the small ecologist party Rede Sustentabilidade (Sustainability Network).
This article of theoretical reflection, based on bibliographical research and on analysis of government program, electoral propaganda, debates and polls, proposes to analyze the political imaginary projected by Marina Silva, as well as its deadlocks, having as focus the presidential campaign of 2014. Although her candidacy embraces the economic agenda of neoliberalism, it represents an aggiornamento of the neoliberal imaginary. The aura of modernity is conferred by the idea of sustainability and the metaphor of network. At the same time, Marina adds a moral component to the rational consensus of neoliberalism with her proposal of a new politics. Besides, the candidate tries to capitalize on her unique personal image, popular origins, political trajectory, and religiosity through a messianic posture. From this heteroclite combination stems something like a bricoleur neoliberalism.
Expressa na categoria "Protecionismo: negativo", a defesa do livre-comércio e de maior abertura comercial foi manifestada por PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB e PDT. Entre as propostas mais abordadas pelos partidos está a negociação de novos acordos de livre-comércio (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE e PSDB), o aprofundamento do livre-comércio dentro do Mercosul (MDB, REDE e PDT), a conclusão das negociações com a União Europeia (MDB e REDE), a busca de um acordo de livre-comércio com a Aliança do Pacífico (REDE), e a redução de tarifas de importação (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE e PDT). [...] São casos desviantes a REDE e o PDT na defesa do livre-comércio e o PATRIOTA na defesa do anti-imperialismo econômico.[Expressed in the category "Protectionism: negative", the defense of free trade and greater commercial openness was expressed by PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB and PDT. Among the proposals most addressed by the parties are the negotiation of new free trade agreements (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE and PSDB), the deepening of free trade within the Mercosur (MDB, REDE and PDT), the conclusion of negotiations with the European Union (MDB and REDE), the search for a free trade agreement with the Pacific Alliance (REDE), and the reduction of import tariffs (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE and PDT). [...] These are cases that divert REDE and the PDT from the defense of free trade and the PATRIOTA from the defense of economic anti-imperialism.]
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)Expressa na categoria "Protecionismo: negativo", a defesa do livre-comércio e de maior abertura comercial foi manifestada por PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB e PDT. Entre as propostas mais abordadas pelos partidos está a negociação de novos acordos de livre-comércio (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE e PSDB), o aprofundamento do livre-comércio dentro do Mercosul (MDB, REDE e PDT), a conclusão das negociações com a União Europeia (MDB e REDE), a busca de um acordo de livre-comércio com a Aliança do Pacífico (REDE), e a redução de tarifas de importação (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE e PDT). [...] Os resultados das estimações apontaram os posicionamentos do PSTU à extrema-esquerda, do PSOL e do PPL à esquerda, do PT à centro-esquerda, do PATRIOTA e do DC ao centro, do PDT e do PSDB à centro-direita, e da REDE, NOVO, MDB, PSL e PODEMOS à direita.[Expressed in the category "Protectionism: negative", the defense of free trade and greater commercial openness was expressed by PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB and PDT. Among the proposals most addressed by the parties are the negotiation of new free trade agreements (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE and PSDB), the deepening of free trade within Mercosur (MDB, REDE and PDT), the conclusion of negotiations with the European Union (MDB and REDE), the search for a free trade agreement with the Pacific Alliance (REDE), and the reduction of import tariffs (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE and PDT). [...] The results of the estimates indicated the positions of the PSTU on the extreme left, the PSOL and the PPL on the left, the PT on the center-left, the PATRIOTA and the DC on the center, the PDT and the PSDB on the center-right, and the REDE, NOVO, MDB, PSL and PODEMOS on the right.]
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)See the table
Starting our analysis by observing the use of inclusive language in the statutes, we can mention that, in Brazil, less than a quarter of right-wing parties (AVANTE, CIDADANIA, and REPUBLICANOS), half of the left-wing parties (PT, PDT, and PCdoB), and one center party (REDE) have adopted it.
For instance, the MES has taken on a more ultra-leftist position regarding the impeachment crisis, which will be approached in detail in Chapter 5 in the ultra-political context, but promotes enough flexibility for electoral coalitions to consider alliances with centre-right parties such as REDE.
A former minister and presidential candidate, this daughter of a humble family of rubber tappers affiliated with the Sustainability Network (Rede) party is running on a social/environmental platform with a liberal economic bias. She is polling around 11.2 per cent.
Starting our analysis by observing the use of inclusive language in the statutes, we can mention that, in Brazil, less than a quarter of right-wing parties (AVANTE, CIDADANIA, and REPUBLICANOS), half of the left-wing parties (PT, PDT, and PCdoB), and one center party (REDE) have adopted it.
A Rede emerge com a estrategia de se associar ao discurso de uma "nova política", alinhando-se ainda á ideia de sustentabilidade (Barros, 2018a). Dessa forma, a sua principal representante, Marina Silva, aciona duas perspetivas ancoradas em consensos morais contemporáneos: a nova política (necessidade de renovacáo do campo político) e o desenvolvimento sustentável (imperativo de uma nova ordem económica), conforme Castro (2017). Além disso, Marina Silva recorre a outras estratégias para fortalecer o seu ethos discursivo, como a sua trajetória de militáncia ambiental, a sua fé religiosa e a sua condicáo de mulher amazónida. Tudo isso concorre para uma formacáo partidária híbrida, denominada de "neoliberalismo bricoleur", ao abragar a agenda económica do neoliberalismo, representada pela economia verde, mas com uma aura de nova política, reforcada pela metáfora da rede (Castro, 2017).[The Rede emerges with the strategy of associating itself with the discourse of a "new politics", also aligning itself with the idea of sustainability (Barros, 2018a). In this way, its main representative, Marina Silva, activates two perspectives anchored in contemporary moral consensus: the new politics (need for renewal of the political field) and sustainable development (imperative of a new economic order), according to Castro (2017). In addition, Marina Silva uses other strategies to strengthen her discursive ethos, such as her trajectory of environmental activism, her religious faith and her condition as an Amazonian woman. All of this contributes to a hybrid party formation, called "bricoleur neoliberalism", by embracing the economic agenda of neoliberalism, represented by the green economy, but with an aura of new politics, reinforced by the metaphor of the network (Castro, 2017).]
Silva se presenta a sí misma como parte de una tercera vía, un camino intermedio entre la izquierda y la derecha que incluye políticas sociales progresistas y acciones económicas liberales.[Silva presents herself as part of a third way, a middle path between left and right that includes progressive social policies and liberal economic actions.]
Sua segunda tentativa de alcangar a presidéncia se deu por caminhos mais tortuosos. Primeiro, Marina buscou institucionalizar a Rede Sustentabilidade como partido, mas, devido á falta de assinaturas comprovadas, tal processo foi barrado pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Frente a isso, Marina se filiou ao PSB e foi agregada á chapa do partido á presidéncia como vice de Eduardo Campos. No entanto, com a morte de Campos em um acidente aéreo, Marina assumiu a posigáo de candidata á presidéncia e chegou a se classificar como segunda colocada inconteste em pesquisa do IBOPE para o primeiro turno e vencendo de Dilma no segundo. No entanto, com o desenrolar da campanha, as intengóes de voto á Marina reduziram e Aécio passou para o segundo turno contra Dilma e, diferentemente das eleigóes de 2010, Marina declarou seu apoio á candidatura de Aécio. Seguindo a linha que vem adotando desde as eleigóes de 2014, seu plano de governo para as eleigóes de 2018 se caracteriza pelo caráter liberal na economia e progressista no social. No plano económico, Marina defende o estabelecimento de um ambiente favorável a investimentos e parcerias público-privadas, por meio de uma política económica ortodoxa de manutengáo de juros baixos, controle da inflagáo, inclusive defendendo a autonomia operacional do Banco Central. Ainda assim, destacam-se alguns elementos que suavizam seu caráter liberal como a crítica ao teto dos gastos públicos, a proposta de tributagáo sobre dividendos e a rejeigáo da privatizacáo da Petrobrás, do Banco do Brasil e da Caixa Económica Federal (apesar de náo excluir a possibilidade de privatizacáo da Eletrobrás e de outras estatais). Já no plano social, sua agenda se caracteriza pelo caráter progressista, de apoio a programas de transferéncia de renda (como o Bolsa Familia), chegando, inclusive, a citar a possibilidade da implantaçáo de um programa de renda minima universal. Além disso, aponta o fortalecimento do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS), apoia a política de cotas e argumenta em favor dos direitos LGBTI, das mulheres, dos negros e dos povos originários. Quanto aos polémicos temas da legalizagáo do aborto de das drogas, Marina defende a consulta á populaçáo por meio de plebiscito.[Her second attempt to become president took a more tortuous path. First, Marina sought to institutionalize the Rede Sustentabilidade party as a party, but due to the lack of verified signatures, this process was blocked by the Superior Electoral Court. In light of this, Marina joined the PSB and was added to the party's presidential ticket as Eduardo Campos' vice-president. However, after Campos died in a plane crash, Marina assumed the position of presidential candidate and even ranked as the uncontested second-place candidate in an IBOPE poll for the first round and beat Dilma in the second. However, as the campaign progressed, Marina's voting intentions diminished and Aécio went on to the second round against Dilma and, unlike the 2010 elections, Marina declared her support for Aécio's candidacy. Following the line she has adopted since the 2014 elections, her government plan for the 2018 elections is characterized by its liberal nature in the economy and progressive in the social sphere. In the economic sphere, Marina advocates the establishment of an environment favorable to investments and public-private partnerships, through an orthodox economic policy of maintaining low interest rates and controlling inflation, including defending the operational autonomy of the Central Bank. Even so, some elements stand out that soften her liberal nature, such as the criticism of the public spending cap, the proposal to tax dividends and the rejection of the privatization of Petrobrás, Banco do Brasil and Caixa Económica Federal (although she does not exclude the possibility of privatizing Eletrobrás and other state-owned companies). On the social front, her agenda is characterized by its progressive nature, supporting income transfer programs (such as Bolsa Familia), and even mentioning the possibility of implementing a universal minimum income program. In addition, she points to the strengthening of the Unified Health System (SUS), supports the quota policy and argues in favor of LGBTI, women's, black and indigenous peoples' rights. Regarding the controversial issues of legalizing abortion and drugs, Marina defends consulting the population through a plebiscite.]
Expressa na categoria "Protecionismo: negativo", a defesa do livre-comércio e de maior abertura comercial foi manifestada por PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB e PDT. Entre as propostas mais abordadas pelos partidos está a negociação de novos acordos de livre-comércio (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE e PSDB), o aprofundamento do livre-comércio dentro do Mercosul (MDB, REDE e PDT), a conclusão das negociações com a União Europeia (MDB e REDE), a busca de um acordo de livre-comércio com a Aliança do Pacífico (REDE), e a redução de tarifas de importação (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE e PDT). [...] São casos desviantes a REDE e o PDT na defesa do livre-comércio e o PATRIOTA na defesa do anti-imperialismo econômico.[Expressed in the category "Protectionism: negative", the defense of free trade and greater commercial openness was expressed by PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB and PDT. Among the proposals most addressed by the parties are the negotiation of new free trade agreements (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE and PSDB), the deepening of free trade within the Mercosur (MDB, REDE and PDT), the conclusion of negotiations with the European Union (MDB and REDE), the search for a free trade agreement with the Pacific Alliance (REDE), and the reduction of import tariffs (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE and PDT). [...] These are cases that divert REDE and the PDT from the defense of free trade and the PATRIOTA from the defense of economic anti-imperialism.]
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)Expressa na categoria "Protecionismo: negativo", a defesa do livre-comércio e de maior abertura comercial foi manifestada por PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB e PDT. Entre as propostas mais abordadas pelos partidos está a negociação de novos acordos de livre-comércio (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE e PSDB), o aprofundamento do livre-comércio dentro do Mercosul (MDB, REDE e PDT), a conclusão das negociações com a União Europeia (MDB e REDE), a busca de um acordo de livre-comércio com a Aliança do Pacífico (REDE), e a redução de tarifas de importação (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE e PDT). [...] Os resultados das estimações apontaram os posicionamentos do PSTU à extrema-esquerda, do PSOL e do PPL à esquerda, do PT à centro-esquerda, do PATRIOTA e do DC ao centro, do PDT e do PSDB à centro-direita, e da REDE, NOVO, MDB, PSL e PODEMOS à direita.[Expressed in the category "Protectionism: negative", the defense of free trade and greater commercial openness was expressed by PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB and PDT. Among the proposals most addressed by the parties are the negotiation of new free trade agreements (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE and PSDB), the deepening of free trade within Mercosur (MDB, REDE and PDT), the conclusion of negotiations with the European Union (MDB and REDE), the search for a free trade agreement with the Pacific Alliance (REDE), and the reduction of import tariffs (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE and PDT). [...] The results of the estimates indicated the positions of the PSTU on the extreme left, the PSOL and the PPL on the left, the PT on the center-left, the PATRIOTA and the DC on the center, the PDT and the PSDB on the center-right, and the REDE, NOVO, MDB, PSL and PODEMOS on the right.]
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)For instance, the MES has taken on a more ultra-leftist position regarding the impeachment crisis, which will be approached in detail in Chapter 5 in the ultra-political context, but promotes enough flexibility for electoral coalitions to consider alliances with centre-right parties such as REDE.
This article of theoretical reflection, based on bibliographical research and on analysis of government program, electoral propaganda, debates and polls, proposes to analyze the political imaginary projected by Marina Silva, as well as its deadlocks, having as focus the presidential campaign of 2014. Although her candidacy embraces the economic agenda of neoliberalism, it represents an aggiornamento of the neoliberal imaginary. The aura of modernity is conferred by the idea of sustainability and the metaphor of network. At the same time, Marina adds a moral component to the rational consensus of neoliberalism with her proposal of a new politics. Besides, the candidate tries to capitalize on her unique personal image, popular origins, political trajectory, and religiosity through a messianic posture. From this heteroclite combination stems something like a bricoleur neoliberalism.
See the table
See the table
Sua segunda tentativa de alcangar a presidéncia se deu por caminhos mais tortuosos. Primeiro, Marina buscou institucionalizar a Rede Sustentabilidade como partido, mas, devido á falta de assinaturas comprovadas, tal processo foi barrado pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Frente a isso, Marina se filiou ao PSB e foi agregada á chapa do partido á presidéncia como vice de Eduardo Campos. No entanto, com a morte de Campos em um acidente aéreo, Marina assumiu a posigáo de candidata á presidéncia e chegou a se classificar como segunda colocada inconteste em pesquisa do IBOPE para o primeiro turno e vencendo de Dilma no segundo. No entanto, com o desenrolar da campanha, as intengóes de voto á Marina reduziram e Aécio passou para o segundo turno contra Dilma e, diferentemente das eleigóes de 2010, Marina declarou seu apoio á candidatura de Aécio. Seguindo a linha que vem adotando desde as eleigóes de 2014, seu plano de governo para as eleigóes de 2018 se caracteriza pelo caráter liberal na economia e progressista no social. No plano económico, Marina defende o estabelecimento de um ambiente favorável a investimentos e parcerias público-privadas, por meio de uma política económica ortodoxa de manutengáo de juros baixos, controle da inflagáo, inclusive defendendo a autonomia operacional do Banco Central. Ainda assim, destacam-se alguns elementos que suavizam seu caráter liberal como a crítica ao teto dos gastos públicos, a proposta de tributagáo sobre dividendos e a rejeigáo da privatizacáo da Petrobrás, do Banco do Brasil e da Caixa Económica Federal (apesar de náo excluir a possibilidade de privatizacáo da Eletrobrás e de outras estatais). Já no plano social, sua agenda se caracteriza pelo caráter progressista, de apoio a programas de transferéncia de renda (como o Bolsa Familia), chegando, inclusive, a citar a possibilidade da implantaçáo de um programa de renda minima universal. Além disso, aponta o fortalecimento do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS), apoia a política de cotas e argumenta em favor dos direitos LGBTI, das mulheres, dos negros e dos povos originários. Quanto aos polémicos temas da legalizagáo do aborto de das drogas, Marina defende a consulta á populaçáo por meio de plebiscito.[Her second attempt to become president took a more tortuous path. First, Marina sought to institutionalize the Rede Sustentabilidade party as a party, but due to the lack of verified signatures, this process was blocked by the Superior Electoral Court. In light of this, Marina joined the PSB and was added to the party's presidential ticket as Eduardo Campos' vice-president. However, after Campos died in a plane crash, Marina assumed the position of presidential candidate and even ranked as the uncontested second-place candidate in an IBOPE poll for the first round and beat Dilma in the second. However, as the campaign progressed, Marina's voting intentions diminished and Aécio went on to the second round against Dilma and, unlike the 2010 elections, Marina declared her support for Aécio's candidacy. Following the line she has adopted since the 2014 elections, her government plan for the 2018 elections is characterized by its liberal nature in the economy and progressive in the social sphere. In the economic sphere, Marina advocates the establishment of an environment favorable to investments and public-private partnerships, through an orthodox economic policy of maintaining low interest rates and controlling inflation, including defending the operational autonomy of the Central Bank. Even so, some elements stand out that soften her liberal nature, such as the criticism of the public spending cap, the proposal to tax dividends and the rejection of the privatization of Petrobrás, Banco do Brasil and Caixa Económica Federal (although she does not exclude the possibility of privatizing Eletrobrás and other state-owned companies). On the social front, her agenda is characterized by its progressive nature, supporting income transfer programs (such as Bolsa Familia), and even mentioning the possibility of implementing a universal minimum income program. In addition, she points to the strengthening of the Unified Health System (SUS), supports the quota policy and argues in favor of LGBTI, women's, black and indigenous peoples' rights. Regarding the controversial issues of legalizing abortion and drugs, Marina defends consulting the population through a plebiscite.]
A Rede emerge com a estrategia de se associar ao discurso de uma "nova política", alinhando-se ainda á ideia de sustentabilidade (Barros, 2018a). Dessa forma, a sua principal representante, Marina Silva, aciona duas perspetivas ancoradas em consensos morais contemporáneos: a nova política (necessidade de renovacáo do campo político) e o desenvolvimento sustentável (imperativo de uma nova ordem económica), conforme Castro (2017). Além disso, Marina Silva recorre a outras estratégias para fortalecer o seu ethos discursivo, como a sua trajetória de militáncia ambiental, a sua fé religiosa e a sua condicáo de mulher amazónida. Tudo isso concorre para uma formacáo partidária híbrida, denominada de "neoliberalismo bricoleur", ao abragar a agenda económica do neoliberalismo, representada pela economia verde, mas com uma aura de nova política, reforcada pela metáfora da rede (Castro, 2017).[The Rede emerges with the strategy of associating itself with the discourse of a "new politics", also aligning itself with the idea of sustainability (Barros, 2018a). In this way, its main representative, Marina Silva, activates two perspectives anchored in contemporary moral consensus: the new politics (need for renewal of the political field) and sustainable development (imperative of a new economic order), according to Castro (2017). In addition, Marina Silva uses other strategies to strengthen her discursive ethos, such as her trajectory of environmental activism, her religious faith and her condition as an Amazonian woman. All of this contributes to a hybrid party formation, called "bricoleur neoliberalism", by embracing the economic agenda of neoliberalism, represented by the green economy, but with an aura of new politics, reinforced by the metaphor of the network (Castro, 2017).]
Expressa na categoria "Protecionismo: negativo", a defesa do livre-comércio e de maior abertura comercial foi manifestada por PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB e PDT. Entre as propostas mais abordadas pelos partidos está a negociação de novos acordos de livre-comércio (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE e PSDB), o aprofundamento do livre-comércio dentro do Mercosul (MDB, REDE e PDT), a conclusão das negociações com a União Europeia (MDB e REDE), a busca de um acordo de livre-comércio com a Aliança do Pacífico (REDE), e a redução de tarifas de importação (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE e PDT). [...] São casos desviantes a REDE e o PDT na defesa do livre-comércio e o PATRIOTA na defesa do anti-imperialismo econômico.[Expressed in the category "Protectionism: negative", the defense of free trade and greater commercial openness was expressed by PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB and PDT. Among the proposals most addressed by the parties are the negotiation of new free trade agreements (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE and PSDB), the deepening of free trade within the Mercosur (MDB, REDE and PDT), the conclusion of negotiations with the European Union (MDB and REDE), the search for a free trade agreement with the Pacific Alliance (REDE), and the reduction of import tariffs (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE and PDT). [...] These are cases that divert REDE and the PDT from the defense of free trade and the PATRIOTA from the defense of economic anti-imperialism.]
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)Expressa na categoria "Protecionismo: negativo", a defesa do livre-comércio e de maior abertura comercial foi manifestada por PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB e PDT. Entre as propostas mais abordadas pelos partidos está a negociação de novos acordos de livre-comércio (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE e PSDB), o aprofundamento do livre-comércio dentro do Mercosul (MDB, REDE e PDT), a conclusão das negociações com a União Europeia (MDB e REDE), a busca de um acordo de livre-comércio com a Aliança do Pacífico (REDE), e a redução de tarifas de importação (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE e PDT). [...] Os resultados das estimações apontaram os posicionamentos do PSTU à extrema-esquerda, do PSOL e do PPL à esquerda, do PT à centro-esquerda, do PATRIOTA e do DC ao centro, do PDT e do PSDB à centro-direita, e da REDE, NOVO, MDB, PSL e PODEMOS à direita.[Expressed in the category "Protectionism: negative", the defense of free trade and greater commercial openness was expressed by PODEMOS, PSL, MDB, NOVO, REDE, PSDB and PDT. Among the proposals most addressed by the parties are the negotiation of new free trade agreements (Podemos, MDB, NOVO, REDE and PSDB), the deepening of free trade within Mercosur (MDB, REDE and PDT), the conclusion of negotiations with the European Union (MDB and REDE), the search for a free trade agreement with the Pacific Alliance (REDE), and the reduction of import tariffs (PODEMOS, PSL, REDE and PDT). [...] The results of the estimates indicated the positions of the PSTU on the extreme left, the PSOL and the PPL on the left, the PT on the center-left, the PATRIOTA and the DC on the center, the PDT and the PSDB on the center-right, and the REDE, NOVO, MDB, PSL and PODEMOS on the right.]
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)See the table
Starting our analysis by observing the use of inclusive language in the statutes, we can mention that, in Brazil, less than a quarter of right-wing parties (AVANTE, CIDADANIA, and REPUBLICANOS), half of the left-wing parties (PT, PDT, and PCdoB), and one center party (REDE) have adopted it.