Timurid Empire (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Timurid Empire" in English language version.

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  • Bloom, Jonathan; Blair, Sheila S. (14 May 2009). Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art & Architecture: Three-Volume Set. OUP USA. p. 426. ISBN 978-0-19-530991-1. Coinage issued by the Timurid dynasty (r. 1370–1506) comprised various silver coins and several coppers, most often anonymous, although some coppers struck in the name of Timur 1370–1405; here called amīr) have a tamghā of three annulets prominently on the reverse.
  • Subtelny 2007, p. 40"Turko-Mongolian ideals necessarily blended with Perso-Islamic concepts of legitimation. This resulted, as mentioned already, in the coexistence of many Turko-Mongolian practices alongside Perso-Islamic ones (...) Nevertheless, in the complex process of transition, members of the Timurid dynasty and their Turko-Mongolian supporters became acculturated by the surrounding Persianate millieu adopting Persian cultural models and tastes and acting as patrons of Persian language, culture, painting, architecture and music. At the same time, to preserve their Turkic cultural heritage, they promoted the use of a Chagatay (Eastern Turkic) language and literature that was written in the Arabo-Persian script, and even retained the symbolic used of the Turkic Uighur script." Subtelny, Maria E. (2007). Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran. Brill.
  • Subtelny 2007, p. 41"The last members of the dynasty, notably Sultan-Abu Sa'id and Sultan-Husain, in fact came to be regarded as ideal Perso-Islamic rulers who devoted as much attention to agricultural development as they did to fostering Persianate court culture." Subtelny, Maria E. (2007). Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran. Brill.
  • Manz 2020, p. 25. Manz, Beatrice Forbes (2020). "The Local and the Universal in Turko-Iranian Ideology". In Melville, Charles (ed.). The Timurid Century: The Idea of Iran Vol. 9. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1838606886.
  • Manz 2020, p. 37. Manz, Beatrice Forbes (2020). "The Local and the Universal in Turko-Iranian Ideology". In Melville, Charles (ed.). The Timurid Century: The Idea of Iran Vol. 9. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1838606886.
  • René Grousset, The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia, Rutgers University Press, 1988. ISBN 0-8135-0627-1 (p.409)
  • Bloom, Jonathan M.; Blair, Sheila S., eds. (2009). "Samarkand". The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture. Vol. 3. Oxford University Press. p. 176. ISBN 9780195309911.
  • Bloom, Jonathan; Blair, Sheila S. (2009). Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art & Architecture: Three-Volume Set. OUP USA. p. 426. ISBN 978-0-19-530991-1. Coinage issued by the Timurid dynasty (r. 1370-1506) comprised various silver coins and several coppers, most often anonymous, although some coppers struck in the name of Timur 1370–1405; here called amīr) have a tamghā of three annulets prominently on the reverse.
  • Peacock, Andrew Charles Spencer; McClary, Richard Piran; Bhandare, Shailendra (2020). Turkish History and Culture in India: Identity, Art and Transregional Connections (Chapter: Transregional Connections: The "Lion and Sun" Motif and Coinage between Anatolia and India). Brill. p. 213. ISBN 978-90-04-43326-7. Clavijo noted that since Timur's own insignia had been the 'three annulets' emblem, the 'Lion and Sun' motif must have been the sign of the 'former Lords of Samarcand'.
  • Cavallo, Jo Ann (2013). The World Beyond Europe in the Romance Epics of Boiardo and Ariosto. University of Toronto Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-1-4426-6667-2.

britannica.com

  • Encyclopædia Britannica, "Timurid Dynasty", Online Academic Edition, 2007. "Turkic dynasty descended from the conqueror Timur (Tamerlane), renowned for its brilliant revival of artistic and intellectual life in Iran and Central Asia. ... Trading and artistic communities were brought into the capital city of Herat, where a library was founded, and the capital became the centre of a renewed and artistically brilliant Persian culture."

cambridge.org

  • Timur; Stewart, Charles, eds. (2013), "CHAPTER III", The Mulfuzat Timury, or, Autobiographical Memoirs of the Moghul Emperor Timur: Written in the Jagtay Turky Language, Cambridge Library Collection - Perspectives from the Royal Asiatic Society, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 27–31, doi:10.1017/CBO9781139507325.015, ISBN 978-1-108-05602-1, retrieved 2022-08-18

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  • Timurids, The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed. Columbia University Press. This cultural rebirth had a double character; on one hand, there was a renewal of Persian civilization and art (distinguished by extensive adaptations from the Chinese), and on the other, an original national literature in the Turk-Jagatai language, which borrowed from Persian sources.

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  • Ashraf, Ahmad (2006). "IRANIAN IDENTITY iii. MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC PERIOD". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica, Volume XIII/5: Iran X. Religions in Iran–Iraq V. Safavid period. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 507–522. ISBN 978-0-933273-93-1. (...) the Mongol and Timurid phase, during which the name "Iran" was used for the dynastic realm and a pre-modern ethno-national history of Iranian dynasties was arranged.
  • B. Spuler, "Central Asia in the Mongol and Timurid periods", in Encyclopædia Iranica. "Like his father, Olōğ Beg was entirely integrated into the Persian Islamic cultural circles, and during his reign Persian predominated as the language of high culture, a status that it retained in the region of Samarqand until the Russian revolution 1917 ... Ḥoseyn Bāyqarā encouraged the development of Persian literature and literary talent in every way possible ..."
  • Spuler, Bertold. "Central Asia". Encyclopædia Iranica. Retrieved 2008-04-02. [Part] v. In the Mongol and Timurid periods: ... Like his father, Olōğ Beg was entirely integrated into the Persian Islamic cultural circles, and during his reign Persian predominated as the language of high culture, a status that it retained in the region of Samarqand until the Russian revolution 1917 ... Ḥoseyn Bāyqarā encouraged the development of Persian literature and literary talent in every way possible ...
  • "BĀYSONḠORĪ ŠĀH-NĀMA" in Encyclopædia Iranica by T. Lenz

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  • Mir 'Ali Shir Nawāi (1966). Muhakamat Al-Lughatain (Judgment of Two Languages). Robert Devereux (ed.). Leiden: E.J. Brill. OCLC 3615905. LCC PL55.J31 A43. Any linguist of today who reads the essay will inevitably conclude that Nawa'i argued his case poorly, for his principal argument is that the Turkic lexicon contained many words for which the Persian had no exact equivalents and that Persian-speakers had therefore to use the Turkic words. This is a weak reed on which to lean, for it is a rare language indeed that contains no loan words. In any case, the beauty of a language and its merits as a literary medium depend less on size of vocabulary and purity of etymology that on the euphony, expressiveness and malleability of those words its lexicon does include. Moreover, even if Nawā'ī's thesis were to be accepted as valid, he destroyed his own case by the lavish use, no doubt unknowingly, of non-Turkic words even while ridiculing the Persians for their need to borrow Turkic words. The present writer has not made a word count of Nawa'i's text, but he would estimate conservatively that at least one half the words used by Nawa'i in the essay are Arabic or Persian in origin. To support his claim of the superiority of the Turkic language, Nawa'i also employs the curious argument that most Turks also spoke Persian but only a few Persians ever achieved fluency in Turkic. It is difficult to understand why he was impressed by this phenomenon, since the most obvious explanation is that Turks found it necessary, or at least advisable, to learn Persian – it was, after all, the official state language – while Persians saw no reason to bother learning Turkic which was, in their eyes, merely the uncivilized tongue of uncivilized nomadic tribesmen.

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  • Turchin, Peter; Adams, Jonathan M.; Hall, Thomas D (December 2006). "East-West Orientation of Historical Empires". Journal of World-Systems Research. 12 (2): 222. ISSN 1076-156X. Retrieved 2016-09-14.
  • Lee, Joo-Yup (2016). "The Historical Meaning of the Term Turk and the Nature of the Turkic Identity of the Chinggisid and Timurid Elites in Post-Mongol Central Asia". Central Asiatic Journal. 59 (1–2): 120–129. doi:10.13173/centasiaj.59.1-2.0101. ISSN 0008-9192. JSTOR 10.13173/centasiaj.59.1-2.0101.
  • Mir 'Ali Shir Nawāi (1966). Muhakamat Al-Lughatain (Judgment of Two Languages). Robert Devereux (ed.). Leiden: E.J. Brill. OCLC 3615905. LCC PL55.J31 A43. Any linguist of today who reads the essay will inevitably conclude that Nawa'i argued his case poorly, for his principal argument is that the Turkic lexicon contained many words for which the Persian had no exact equivalents and that Persian-speakers had therefore to use the Turkic words. This is a weak reed on which to lean, for it is a rare language indeed that contains no loan words. In any case, the beauty of a language and its merits as a literary medium depend less on size of vocabulary and purity of etymology that on the euphony, expressiveness and malleability of those words its lexicon does include. Moreover, even if Nawā'ī's thesis were to be accepted as valid, he destroyed his own case by the lavish use, no doubt unknowingly, of non-Turkic words even while ridiculing the Persians for their need to borrow Turkic words. The present writer has not made a word count of Nawa'i's text, but he would estimate conservatively that at least one half the words used by Nawa'i in the essay are Arabic or Persian in origin. To support his claim of the superiority of the Turkic language, Nawa'i also employs the curious argument that most Turks also spoke Persian but only a few Persians ever achieved fluency in Turkic. It is difficult to understand why he was impressed by this phenomenon, since the most obvious explanation is that Turks found it necessary, or at least advisable, to learn Persian – it was, after all, the official state language – while Persians saw no reason to bother learning Turkic which was, in their eyes, merely the uncivilized tongue of uncivilized nomadic tribesmen.