Turco-Albanian (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Turco-Albanian" in English language version.

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  • Γκότοβος, Αθανάσιος (2013). "Ετερότητα και Σύγκρουση: Ταυτότητες στην Κατοχική Θεσπρωτία και ο Ρόλος της Μουσουλμανικής Μειονότητας". Επιστημονική Επετηρίδα Τμήματος Φιλολοσοφίας, Παιδαγωγικής, Ψυχολογίας. 36. University of Ioannina, Dodoni Journal: 36, 67. Archived from the original on 2017-02-17. Retrieved 2017-02-12.. p. 36 "Σε ό,τι αφορά τη λαϊκή γλώσσα, για τον προσδιορισμό της θρησκευτικής ταυτότητας στην περιοχή της Θεσπρωτίας (όπως και αλλού), επικρατούσε, τουλάχιστον μέχρι την κατοχή, ο όρος Τούρκοι για την αναφορά σε Μουσουλμάνους, ανεξαρτήτως καταγωγής, γλώσσας και εθνότητας. Ο ίδιος προσδιορισμός είναι σε χρήση ακόμη και σήμερα από άτομα της τρίτης ηλικίας που ζουν στην περιοχή." (In the popular language, for the characterization of the religious identity in Thesprotia (as well as elsewhere), it was common, at least till the German Occupation, the term "Turks" for the muslims, independently of origin, language and nationality. The same characterization is still used today by elderly people living in the area.)

archive.today

  • Kokkali, Ifigeneia (24–25 February 2011). Being Albanian in Greece or elsewhere: negotiation of the (national) self in a migratory context. International conference on the “Myths of the Other in the Balkans. Representations, social practices and performances”. Thessaloniki. Retrieved 15 May 2010. p . 3. “The word ‘Albanian’ soon became synonymous to ‘criminal’ and ‘danger’ and ‘albanophobia’ settled for good and dominated the public imaginary during the whole decade of the 1990s until even the mid-2000s.”

bbk.ac.uk

eprints.bbk.ac.uk

books.google.com

  • Chidiroglou, Paulos (1990). Symvolē stēn Hellēnikē Tourkologia (in German). Athēna: Hērodotos. p. 127. ISBN 9789607290182. Hiermit nicht zu verwechseln sind die zusammengesetzen Volkername, die sich auf herkunft oder Religion beziehen, wie z.B. Τουρκαλβανός (Turkalbaner), Τουρκοκρήτες (turkische Kreter), Τουρκοκύπριοι (turkische Zyprioten). [Hereby does not to be confused the composite national name, they were referred to by origin or religion, such as Τουρκαλβανός (Turkalbaner) Τουρκοκρήτες (Turkic Cretans), Τουρκοκύπριοι (Turkic Cypriots).]"
  • Umut Özkırımlı & Spyros A. Sofos (2008). Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey.Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-70052-8, p. 50: "...the so-called Tourkalvanoi, a composite term literally translated as 'Turkalbanians' and used to denote the Turkish and Albanian Muslim elites and military units that represented Ottoman domination in the Balkans)
  • Nitsiakos, Vassilis (2010). On the border: Transborder mobility, ethnic groups and boundaries along the Albanian-Greek frontier. LIT Verlag. p. 200. "Who and what was this man, beyond the myth of the “Turkish Albanian satrap” cultivated in Greece? I think of how astonished my students always look when I tell them that Ali Pasha was not Turkish but Albanian. I explain that this unclear, ideologically and sentimentally charged term, “Turkish-Albanian”, only refers to Muslim Albanians, through a general identification of Turks with Muslims, which is related to the millet system of administration used by the Ottomans to classify populations."
  • Hamish, Alexander Forbes (2007). Meaning and identity in a Greek landscape: an archaeological ethnography. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-86699-6, p. 223: ""Turks or Ljapidhes, the latter term explained as 'Turko-Albanians'"
  • Ioannis Kaphetzopoulos; Charalambos Flokas; Angeliki Dima-Dimitriou (2000). The struggle for Northern Epirus. Hellenic Army General Staff, Army History Directorate. pp. 12, 32. ISBN 978-960-7897-40-4.
  • Constantine David (2011). In the Footsteps of the Gods: Travellers to Greece and the Quest for the Hellenic Ideal. Tauris Parke Paperbacks. p. 169. ISBN 9780857719478. Readers were thus enabled to follow and visualize the campaign as it was reported, almost daily but after a time-lag of about four weeks, in despatches from Italy and Turkey. They read accounts — as confused, contradictory, exaggerated or downright false as such accounts generally are — of the Sieges of Coron and Modon, of the taking and Ioss of Mistra, the rout at Tripolis and the victory off Tchesmé. And it was repeatedly noted that both sides were conducting the war with great savagery: ' the ravages committed by both armies ... are dreadful ... horrid cruelties perpetrated in cold blood, shocking to human nature, 'the war is carried on with much Bloodshed and Horror'. When the Greeks got the upper hand they settled old scores; when the Turks and Albanians reasserted themselves they were merciless: recapturing Patras, they left scarcely anyone alive.
  • Steven Runciman (2009). Lost Capital of Byzantium: The History of Mistra and the Peloponnese. Tauris Parke Paperbacks. p. 118. ISBN 9780857718105.
  • Jelavich, Barbara (1983). History of the Balkans. Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press. p. 78. ISBN 9780521252492.
  • Nitsiakos, Basilēs G. (2008). Balkan Border Crossings: First Annual of the Konitsa Summer School. LIT Verlag Münster. p. 400. ISBN 9783825809188. Stories about raids and lootings in Greek villages from "Turk-Albanian" or simply "Albanian", since the late 18th century, are not uncommon, and these actions are frequently related to the depopulation of whole villages
  • Malcolm 2020, p. 154. Malcolm, Noel (2020). Rebels, Believers, Survivors: Studies in the History of the Albanians. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0192599223.
  • Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica. 6: 173. "The Greek population often refers to the Chams as “Turks” or “Turkalbanians”, indicating that they are Muslims."
  • Tönnes, Bernhard (1980). Sonderfall Albanien: Enver Hoxhas "eigener Weg" u.d. historischen Ursprünge seiner Ideologie [Special Case Albania: Enver Hoxha's "own way" and the historical origins of its ideology. Oldenbourg Verlag. p. 15. "Der deutschen Wehrmacht wie in denen des britischen Intelligence Service während des Zweiten Weltkriegs unter der absurden Bezeichnung „Turko-Albaner" auf. Diese Bezeichnung haben beide Seiten von den Griechen ubernommen, deren Propaganda zufolge die Çamë ,,blutsmäßig’’ Griechen seien, die währen der türkischen Fremdherrschaft islamisiert.... [The German Wehrmacht as in those of the British Intelligence Service during the Second World War used under the absurd name "Turko-Albanians". This designation, both sides have taken over from the Greeks, whose according to propaganda the Çamë by blood ,,are’’ Greeks who Islamized under Turkish rule....]"

ceeol.com

  • Spahiu, Nexhmedin (2008). "The National Awakening process and the Orthodox Albanians." Forum Bosnae. 44: 307-308. After the independence of Greece, Greek schools in Albania were organized and furnished with new personnel, programs, and school books by the new Hellenic state. The history and literature taught in these schools indoctrinated pupils with Hellenic chauvinism towards the Muslims - a term that was used by them as a synonym for Turks. They considered Albanian Muslims not to be Albanians or Albanian Muslims, but just Muslims, i.e. Turks or sometimes Turcoalvanoi (Turco-albanians). The fact that there were Catholic Albanians in northern Albania was irrelevant to the Greeks, because that part was too far from the imagined future borders of the Hellenic state.

doi.org

  • Anscombe, Frederick (2006b). "The Ottoman Empire in Recent International Politics - II: The Case of Kosovo" (PDF). The International History Review. 28 (4): 758–793. doi:10.1080/07075332.2006.9641103. JSTOR 40109813. S2CID 154724667. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2019-09-24. Retrieved 2021-10-19. 772.
  • Kitsikis, Dimitri (1971). "Nationalisme dans les Balkans: étude comparée des révolutions Turque de 1908 et Grecque de 1909". Communications Historiques. 6 (1). La Société historique du Canada: 226. doi:10.7202/030467ar. La communaute musulmane etait dirigee sur le plan religieux, comme sur leplan temporal, par le sultan calife, qui etait, en meme temps le chaf politique supreme des chretiens orthodoxes et de tous les peuples de l'Empire. En fait, les Turcs, aides per las Albanais musulmans (ou Turcalbanais) etaient le premier peuple de l'Empire. [The Muslim community is directed at the religious level, as on temporal level, by the Caliph Sultan, who was, at the same time the supreme political chief of Orthodox Christians and all peoples of the Empire. In fact, the Turks, supported by the Muslim Albanians (or TurcoAlbanians) were the first people of the Empire.]
  • Ilıcak, Şükrü (2021). "Introduction". In Ilıcak, Şükrü (ed.). Those Infidel Greeks: The Greek War of Independence through Ottoman Archival Documents. Brill. p. 13. doi:10.1163/9789004471306. ISBN 978-90-04-47129-0.
  • Skoulidas, Ilias (2001). "The Relations Between the Greeks and the Albanians during the 19th Century: Political Aspirations and Visions (1875-1897)". Didaktorika.gr. University of Ioannina: 265. doi:10.12681/eadd/12856. hdl:10442/hedi/12856. Μάλιστα, υπάρχει και πρόοδος στην όλη κατασκευή. Η εικόνα Τουρκαλβανός = Αλβανός και Τούρκος = ταύτιση στη μακρά διάρκεια, ανατρέπεται και προβάλλεται μια νέα εικόνα, όπου οι Έλληνες και οι Αλβανοί είναι οι δύο λαοί των Βαλκανίων, που δεν έχουν κοινούς δεσμούς με άλλους και πρέπει να βρίσκονται σε αγαστές σχέσεις. Έτσι, εμφανίζονται νέα μεικτά επίθετα. [ Indeed, there is progress in the whole structure. The image of Turco-Albanians = Albanians and Turks = identification in the long term, upset and displayed a new image, where Greeks and Albanians are the two peoples of the Balkans, who have no common bonds with others and must be in good faith relations. So was displayed new mixed adjectives.
  • Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, “De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique”, in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448."

handle.net

hdl.handle.net

  • Skoulidas, Ilias (2001). "The Relations Between the Greeks and the Albanians during the 19th Century: Political Aspirations and Visions (1875-1897)". Didaktorika.gr. University of Ioannina: 265. doi:10.12681/eadd/12856. hdl:10442/hedi/12856. Μάλιστα, υπάρχει και πρόοδος στην όλη κατασκευή. Η εικόνα Τουρκαλβανός = Αλβανός και Τούρκος = ταύτιση στη μακρά διάρκεια, ανατρέπεται και προβάλλεται μια νέα εικόνα, όπου οι Έλληνες και οι Αλβανοί είναι οι δύο λαοί των Βαλκανίων, που δεν έχουν κοινούς δεσμούς με άλλους και πρέπει να βρίσκονται σε αγαστές σχέσεις. Έτσι, εμφανίζονται νέα μεικτά επίθετα. [ Indeed, there is progress in the whole structure. The image of Turco-Albanians = Albanians and Turks = identification in the long term, upset and displayed a new image, where Greeks and Albanians are the two peoples of the Balkans, who have no common bonds with others and must be in good faith relations. So was displayed new mixed adjectives.

jstor.org

kemo.gr

oapen.org

library.oapen.org

openarchives.gr

  • Maroula, Efthymiou (2000). "Cursing with a Message: the Case of Georgios Karaiskakis in 1823". Historein. 2. Cultural and Intellectual History Society: 180. Archived from the original on 23 December 2015. Retrieved 23 December 2015. sense, the Moslem Albanians of the Ottoman army are referred to during this time as "Turcalbanians", despite the fact that racially they have nothing to do with the Turks.

revues.org

ejts.revues.org

  • Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey (12). European Journal of Turkish Studies. doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, “De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique”, in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448."

semanticscholar.org

api.semanticscholar.org

web.archive.org