The statement of Asconius is unambiguous,[1] and no crux or manuscript variance appears in the critical apparatus at this point in the edition of Clark. Some scholars,[99] however, assert that only Marcia was condemned by the pontiffs at the first trial.
Parker 2004, pp. 590, 594, citing Livy 22.57.2, Periochae 22, Plutarch, Fabius 18.3. Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. doi:10.1353/ajp.2005.0009.
Parker 2004, pp. 590, 594. Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. doi:10.1353/ajp.2005.0009.
Rawson 1974, p. 200, n. 52 on the date and accepting historicity, citing Valerius Maximus 8.15.12 and Pliny, Natural History 7.35.120. Rawson, Elizabeth (1974). "Religion and Politics in the Late Second Century B. C. at Rome". Phoenix. 28 (2): 193–212. doi:10.2307/1087418. JSTOR1087418.
Parker 2004, pp. 567–568. Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. doi:10.1353/ajp.2005.0009.
Parker 2004, p. 568. Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. doi:10.1353/ajp.2005.0009.
Parker 2004, p. 581. Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. doi:10.1353/ajp.2005.0009.
Parker 2004, p. 585. Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. doi:10.1353/ajp.2005.0009.
Parker 2004, pp. 589–592. Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. doi:10.1353/ajp.2005.0009.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, p. 220. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Versnel 1992, pp. 44, citing Plutarch, Roman Questions 20. Versnel, H. S. (1992). "The Festival for Bona Dea and the Thesmophoria". Greece & Rome. 39 (1): 31–55. doi:10.1017/S0017383500023974.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, pp. 129–130. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, pp. 219–220, n. 8, for this review of the varying positions. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, pp. 219–220, n. 8. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, pp. 225–226, especially n. 27. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Versnel 1992, p. 337, citing Pliny, Natural History 15.125 (38). Versnel, H. S. (1992). "The Festival for Bona Dea and the Thesmophoria". Greece & Rome. 39 (1): 31–55. doi:10.1017/S0017383500023974.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, p. 217. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, pp. 229–229. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Fantham 1998, p. 119, commentary on Ovid, Fasti 4.141, citing Bömer; Pliny, Natural History 35.91 on the painting. Fantham, Elaine (1998). Ovid: Fasti Book IV. Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9781139163767.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, pp. 220–221, citing Varro, De lingua Latina 7.44. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Pasco-Pranger 2019, p. 245, connecting this practice to actual public nudity. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2019). "With the Veil Removed: Women's Public Nudity in the Early Roman Empire". Classical Antiquity. 38 (2): 217–249. doi:10.1525/ca.2019.38.2.217.
Reinach 1917, p. 293, rejecting the identification as Verticordia but acknowledging that the etymology makes for une ingénieuse hypothèse. Reinach, Salomon (1917). "Vénus à la balance". Revue Archéologique (in French). 5: 289–295. JSTOR41030673.
Culham 1982, p. 789. Culham, Phyllis (1982). "The Lex Oppia". Latomus. 41 (4): 786–793. JSTOR41532685.
Culham 1982, pp. 789–791, citing references to contemporary plays by Plautus, Aulularia 475–536 and Epidicus 223–235. Culham, Phyllis (1982). "The Lex Oppia". Latomus. 41 (4): 786–793. JSTOR41532685.
Culham 1982, pp. 789–790, citing Polybius 31.26. Culham, Phyllis (1982). "The Lex Oppia". Latomus. 41 (4): 786–793. JSTOR41532685.
Culham 1982, pp. 789–791. Culham, Phyllis (1982). "The Lex Oppia". Latomus. 41 (4): 786–793. JSTOR41532685.
Boatwright 2011, pp. 116, 135, citing Livy 22.55.6, 22.60.2, 34.1.5, 34.3.6–7. Boatwright, Mary T. (2011). "Women and Gender in the Forum Romanum". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 141 (1): 105–141. JSTOR41289737.
Hudson 2016, p. 240–241, citing Livy 34.2, especially 13–14. Hudson, Jared (2016). "Carpento certe: Conveying Gender in Roman Transportation". Classical Antiquity. 35 (2): 215–246. JSTOR26362670.
Purcell 1986, p. 83, noting that the values reflected in Livy's telling were of the Augustan era. Purcell, Nicholas (1986). "Livia and the Womanhood of Rome". Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society. 32: 78–105. JSTOR44696918.
Culham 1982, p. 789 and n. 14, drawing on the work of Sarah B. Pomeroy and noting "the problem was not solved" (per Livy 25.2.9–10). Culham, Phyllis (1982). "The Lex Oppia". Latomus. 41 (4): 786–793. JSTOR41532685.
Rawson 1974, p. 200, n. 52 on the date and accepting historicity, citing Valerius Maximus 8.15.12 and Pliny, Natural History 7.35.120. Rawson, Elizabeth (1974). "Religion and Politics in the Late Second Century B. C. at Rome". Phoenix. 28 (2): 193–212. doi:10.2307/1087418. JSTOR1087418.
Bowers 1990, p. 222, citing Ovid, Metamorphoses 4.800–801. Bowers, Susan R. (1990). "Medusa and the Female Gaze". NWSA Journal. 2 (2): 217–235. JSTOR4316018.
Reinach 1917, pp. 291–294, citing the examples of Phaedra and Dido seeking to "disarm" a Venus who had inflicted them with illicit passion. Reinach, Salomon (1917). "Vénus à la balance". Revue Archéologique (in French). 5: 289–295. JSTOR41030673.
Gruen 1968, p. 63. Gruen, Erich S. (1968). "M. Antonius and the Trial of the Vestal Virgins". Rheinisches Museum für Philologie. 111 (1): 59–63. JSTOR41244355.
Gruen 1968, p. 60, citing Asconius 45–46 in the edition of Clark. Gruen, Erich S. (1968). "M. Antonius and the Trial of the Vestal Virgins". Rheinisches Museum für Philologie. 111 (1): 59–63. JSTOR41244355.
Floratos 1960, pp. 209–215. Floratos, Charal (1960). "Veneralia". Hermes (in German). 88 (2): 197–216. JSTOR4475113.
Eden 1963, p. 450, citing Naevius in a fragment of the 1950 edition of E. V. Marmorale, pp. 228–229. Eden, P. T. (1963). "Venus and the Cabbage". Hermes. 91 (4): 448–459. JSTOR4475274.
Roberts 1989, p. 337. Roberts, Michael (1989). "The Use of Myth in Latin Epithalamia from Statius to Venantius Fortunatus". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 321–348. JSTOR284279.
Roberts 1989, pp. 336–337. Roberts, Michael (1989). "The Use of Myth in Latin Epithalamia from Statius to Venantius Fortunatus". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 321–348. JSTOR284279.
Lerner 1996, pp. 18–19 on the mirror type. Lerner, Judith (1996). "Horizontal-Handled Mirrors: East and West". Metropolitan Museum Journal. 31: 11–40. JSTOR1512970.
Roberts 1989, pp. 336–337, referencing the mirroring of Venus and Violentilla in the epithalamium of Statius. Roberts, Michael (1989). "The Use of Myth in Latin Epithalamia from Statius to Venantius Fortunatus". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 321–348. JSTOR284279.
de Grummond 2004, pp. 361–364, preferring an interpretation of the branch Prosperina holds as an arbor infelix. de Grummond, Nancy Thomson (2004). "For the Mother and for the Daughter: Some Thoughts on Dedications from Etruria and Praeneste". Hesperia. 33: 351–370. JSTOR1354077.
The gorgon's head was concretely connected to genitalia in figurines such as those found in Priene in a temple of Demeter, and was displayed on armor, including the aegis of the virgin goddess Athena, as a form of "war magic".[84]
Artistically, Ovid's description of the lavatio overtly echoes the Lautro Palladis ("Bath of Pallas"), Hymn 5 of Callimachus,[137][138] in wording, meter,[139] and imagery, including adornment with flowers and gold.[140] But "the theme of prohibition central to the Bath of Pallas has been turned upside down".[141]Pallas Athena is a virgin goddess, and Callimachus warns men not to look upon her, lest she strike them blind as she did the sex-changing seer Tiresias when he came upon her bathing.[142][141] The hymn begins with her unharnessing her horses from her war chariot and showing care by washing them down,[143] in contrast to the ominous, violent equine elements in Verticordia's myths. Despite the collocation of temples to Venus near the Circus Maximus, when Venus is depicted in a chariot, it is usually drawn by swans, doves, or even, in a wall painting from Pompeii showing the city's syncretized patron Venus in a chariot shaped like the prow of a boat, elephants. In the Thebaid of Statius, only Venus can delay the course of Mars' "seething chariot" when he sets off to make war.[144]
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Molly Pasco-Pranger summarizes that "the rites of the two goddesses are inextricably entangled with one another in the tradition. Two possible interpretations of the calendrical coincidence of the festivals of the goddesses and the apparent cultic relationship between them present themselves: 1) The two cults are at base related in purpose and meaning and the coincidence of their dates expresses that relationship; 2) The two cults were originally unrelated and the coincidence of their dates caused them to be interpreted in relation to one another. Modern scholarship, though in general consensus that the two rites were related, is divided as to whether Venus or Fortuna was the original honoree of the festival, who took part in what rite, and what the rite(s) meant."[173] In the early 20th century, William Warde Fowler and Uberto Pestalozza regarded the bath as a "fertility" ritual and Fortuna Virilis as the original goddess honored; in the mid-20th century, Robert Schilling, Charal Floratos, and Franz Bömer saw Venus as the primary honoree of the feast day.[174] James Halporn (1976) states "the devotions of women to Fortuna Virilis on the Kalends have nothing to do with the cult of Venus. Fortuna Virilis is a counterpart to Fortuna Muliebris"; he sees the cult of Verticordia as having a broadly moralizing objective and the two goddesses as complementary and finds no "evidence that their cults were separated by class distinction." [175] The comprehensive work on Fortuna by Jacqueline Champeaux in the 1980s supports Fortuna's priority.[176] Ariadne Staples (1998) holds that "Fortuna Virilis … is nothing more than a cult title of Venus. It is not a name meant to denote a separate entity. Fortuna Virilis has the same force as Verticordia."[177]Celia Schultz (2006) treats the Kalends of April as one of the days of "paired cults reinforcing marital and social divisions",[178] with Anise Strong (2016) broadly agreeing that the two goddesses are distinct but that the participants in the rites are not rigidly segregated, except for certain privileges of elite women.[179]T. P. Wiseman (2008) writes, "The construction of this complex passage [in Ovid's Fasti] makes it clear that the offering to Fortuna Virilis is an integral part of the Venus ritual … . It was a single ritual with two goddesses involved, no doubt the result of an ancient Fortuna cult being combined with Venus Verticordia in the third or second century BC."[180]
Pasco-Pranger 2006, p. 144, n. 47, citing Franz Bömer's commentary on Fasti 4.133. Pasco-Pranger, Molly (2006). Founding the Year: Ovid's Fasti and the Poetics of the Roman Calendar. Brill.
Bömer 1958, p. 215, in his commentary on Ovid, Fasti 4.133. Bömer, Franz[in German] (1958). P. Ovidius Naso. Die Fasten, Band II (in German). Carl Winter.
Molly Pasco-Pranger summarizes that "the rites of the two goddesses are inextricably entangled with one another in the tradition. Two possible interpretations of the calendrical coincidence of the festivals of the goddesses and the apparent cultic relationship between them present themselves: 1) The two cults are at base related in purpose and meaning and the coincidence of their dates expresses that relationship; 2) The two cults were originally unrelated and the coincidence of their dates caused them to be interpreted in relation to one another. Modern scholarship, though in general consensus that the two rites were related, is divided as to whether Venus or Fortuna was the original honoree of the festival, who took part in what rite, and what the rite(s) meant."[173] In the early 20th century, William Warde Fowler and Uberto Pestalozza regarded the bath as a "fertility" ritual and Fortuna Virilis as the original goddess honored; in the mid-20th century, Robert Schilling, Charal Floratos, and Franz Bömer saw Venus as the primary honoree of the feast day.[174] James Halporn (1976) states "the devotions of women to Fortuna Virilis on the Kalends have nothing to do with the cult of Venus. Fortuna Virilis is a counterpart to Fortuna Muliebris"; he sees the cult of Verticordia as having a broadly moralizing objective and the two goddesses as complementary and finds no "evidence that their cults were separated by class distinction." [175] The comprehensive work on Fortuna by Jacqueline Champeaux in the 1980s supports Fortuna's priority.[176] Ariadne Staples (1998) holds that "Fortuna Virilis … is nothing more than a cult title of Venus. It is not a name meant to denote a separate entity. Fortuna Virilis has the same force as Verticordia."[177]Celia Schultz (2006) treats the Kalends of April as one of the days of "paired cults reinforcing marital and social divisions",[178] with Anise Strong (2016) broadly agreeing that the two goddesses are distinct but that the participants in the rites are not rigidly segregated, except for certain privileges of elite women.[179]T. P. Wiseman (2008) writes, "The construction of this complex passage [in Ovid's Fasti] makes it clear that the offering to Fortuna Virilis is an integral part of the Venus ritual … . It was a single ritual with two goddesses involved, no doubt the result of an ancient Fortuna cult being combined with Venus Verticordia in the third or second century BC."[180]
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