Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Xinjiang conflict" in English language version.
Activities of the UNRFET nevertheless involved a handful of individuals, mostly former ETR leaders and officers, but did not acquire a wider support even among local intellectuals, who, although they sympathized with its goals, did not join it.
Periodic uprisings against Chinese rule have erupted more frequently in recent decades, though most events are spontaneous clashes or riots in the form of "social and civil unrest by disorganized, disgruntled, fairly impulsive young men, not a widespread movement" (Smith 2001). [...] The extent of these uprisings is difficult to confirm independently as the access of independent observers (especially international journalists) is severely restricted, though it is apparent that their frequency accelerated starting in the 1990s, and has continued unabated (see, for example, Jacobs 2014).
Muslim-Chinese celebrity Medina Memet urged her fans on Weibo not to equate Uighur with terror. "I have never been ashamed to say I'm from Xinjiang, or that I'm a Muslim, though my brethrens and religion keeps getting misunderstood and misused by others. I am afraid that after this attack, we will be looked at with cold eyes again. I hope the government will find out what happened, to let our people understand, to give justice to the victims, and to clear the good name of Xinjiang's peaceful citizens."
[Uyghurs] live in cohesive communities largely separated from Han Chinese, practice major world religions, have their own written scripts, and have supporters outside of China. Relations between these minorities and Han Chinese have been strained for centuries.
Han Chinese view the Uighurs as harbouring separatist aspirations and being disloyal and ungrateful, in spite of preferential policies for ethnic minority groups.
Post 9/11: labeling Uighurs terrorists
China's government says it faces a serious threat from Islamist militants and separatists in energy-rich Xinjiang, on the border of central Asia, where hundreds have died in violence in recent years.
China's long-running Uighur insurgency has flared up dramatically of late, with more than 900 recorded deaths in the past seven years.
But just as in Tibet, the local population has viewed the increasing unequal distribution of wealth and income between China's coastal and inland regions, and between urban and rural areas, with an additional ethnic dimension. Most are not separatists, but they perceive that most of the economic opportunities in their homeland are taken by the Han Chinese, who are often better educated, better connected, and more resourceful. The Uyghurs also resent discrimination against their people by the Han, both in Xinjiang and elsewhere.
China's long-running Uighur insurgency has flared up dramatically of late, with more than 900 recorded deaths in the past seven years.
China's government says it faces a serious threat from Islamist militants and separatists in energy-rich Xinjiang, on the border of central Asia, where hundreds have died in violence in recent years.
Post 9/11: labeling Uighurs terrorists
But just as in Tibet, the local population has viewed the increasing unequal distribution of wealth and income between China's coastal and inland regions, and between urban and rural areas, with an additional ethnic dimension. Most are not separatists, but they perceive that most of the economic opportunities in their homeland are taken by the Han Chinese, who are often better educated, better connected, and more resourceful. The Uyghurs also resent discrimination against their people by the Han, both in Xinjiang and elsewhere.
[Uyghurs] live in cohesive communities largely separated from Han Chinese, practice major world religions, have their own written scripts, and have supporters outside of China. Relations between these minorities and Han Chinese have been strained for centuries.
