Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Yane Sandanski" in English language version.
The year 1899 was in many ways a turning point in Yané's life. In February 1899, he gave up being a scrivener, and set out on a new career as Governor of the local prison. Very little is known about how Yané, who less than two years earlier had been described by the police as an 'unreliable character', now came to be appointed to such an unlikely post. The indications are that, at this stage, he must have been an active supporter of the Radoslavov Liberal Party, which, following the fall of the Stoïlov Government in January 1899, became the leading force in a new coalition Government. As far as corrupt practices were concerned, the Radoslavov Liberals represented no improvement on the previous administration, but Radoslavov himself was personally connected with many of the leaders of the Supreme Macedonian Committee in Sofia, and generally encouraged activity directed towards the liberation of Macedonia and Thrace. In the new Government, Radoslavov held the key post of Minister of the Interior, and therefore, it is not so extraordinary that Yané, active both in Macedonian affairs and in the fight against the local supporters of the previous Government, should receive a civil service post in the Minister's gift.
When, at the People Federative Party Congress, some more extreme left-winger began to attack the Exarchate during a debate on education, Yané, who was chairing the session, rose to his feet and said: 'Leave the Exarchate alone! The situation in Turkey is still fluid.' There was a great commotion, and Yané adjourned the session. During the interval, he went over to the delegate who had attacked the Exarchate and said: 'You know nothing! If it should so happen that the Bulgarians in Macedonia don't get what they want, I shall defend the Exarchate with a weapon in my hand.
It was somewhere around 1905-1906. At that time, the Supremists—Ferdinand's generals, as we called them—appeared in our part of the country as well. And they managed to get a foothold in the village of Lyubovka. "We are not going to stand for this," Yané decided, and collected a group of us. "Go and wake up Lyubovka! See to it that there's no bloodshed!" (...) We went back. We told Yané what had happened, and he was silent as though struck dumb. He was silent, and sighed; only at one time he said: "We're all Bulgarians, Tatso, and yet we kill each other to no useful purpose whatsoever. This futile bloodshed weighs heavy upon me. . . What do you think?" 'What could I say to him? I was a simple chetnik. I'm telling you, those were troubled times, and there was plenty of unnecessary bloodshed. . . As for Yané, bright soul, he grieved over everything.
IMRO was founded in 1893 in Thessaloníki; its early leaders included Damyan Gruev, Gotsé Delchev, and Yane Sandanski, men who had a Macedonian regional identity and a Bulgarian national identity.
The Left faction, although it agreed about the issue of Macedonian autonomy, opposed the notion of collaboration with Sofia and a future annexation of Macedonia to Bulgaria. Sandanski, Panitsa, Tsernopeev, and Delidarev — all leading personalities within the Left faction —had been imbued with the ideals of socialism. Those Macedonian leaders were determined to resist Macedonian absorption into those capitalist Bulgarian structures which the Sofia-based bourgeois political order was seeking to solidify. Further, the Left leadership opposed the tendency of the Bulgarian ruler Prince Ferdinand to consider Macedonia a future Bulgarian province. Therefore, they suspected that a growing cooperation with the Sofia government would increase the dependency of the Macedonian revolutionary movement upon Bulgaria and would allow Bulgarian political propaganda and nationalist ideology to infiltrate, erode and finally dominate the MRO.
