Florence Perret, La répression est très féroce, 24 heures (entretien avec Katia Buffetrille), 25 mars 2008 : « à la fin du XIXe siècle, des réformes ont été entreprises par le 13e dalaï-lama (1876-1933), qui a même aboli la peine de mort en 1898. »
academia.edu
(en) Max Oidtmann, « Playing the Lottery with Sincere Thoughts: the Manchus and the selection of incarnate lamas during the last days of the Qing »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), sur le site Academia.edu, p. 31-32 : « A number of continuities between the ritual practices of the high Qing and of the Guangxu and Xuantong periods should be noted. The Lhasa ambans may not have been directly involved in the selection of the 13th Dalai Lama, but they were certainly involved in the installation of the three-year-old incarnation on his dais in the Potala Palace two years later. Sunggui, the chief amban since 1874, composed a bilingual memorial describing the two-day festivities in 1879 wherein he points out the moments in the ceremonies where the dynasty was recognized. On the first day the young Dalai Lama was taken before the image of Qianlong and Sunggui led him in performing the “three genuflections and nine prostrations” (a full kowtow) before it. On the next day, in the great Dug’eng Hall of the Potala Palace the emperor’s congratulatory edict was read out, the Dalai Lama, together with the regent, again performed the ketou and bowed in the direction of the court. »
(en) Max Oidtmann, « Playing the Lottery with Sincere Thoughts: the Manchus and the selection of incarnate lamas during the last days of the Qing »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), sur le site Academia.edu, p. 31-32 : « A number of continuities between the ritual practices of the high Qing and of the Guangxu and Xuantong periods should be noted. The Lhasa ambans may not have been directly involved in the selection of the 13th Dalai Lama, but they were certainly involved in the installation of the three-year-old incarnation on his dais in the Potala Palace two years later. Sunggui, the chief amban since 1874, composed a bilingual memorial describing the two-day festivities in 1879 wherein he points out the moments in the ceremonies where the dynasty was recognized. On the first day the young Dalai Lama was taken before the image of Qianlong and Sunggui led him in performing the “three genuflections and nine prostrations” (a full kowtow) before it. On the next day, in the great Dug’eng Hall of the Potala Palace the emperor’s congratulatory edict was read out, the Dalai Lama, together with the regent, again performed the ketou and bowed in the direction of the court. »
(en) Louis M. J. Schram, with Owen Lattimore, « The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier: Their Origin, History, and Social Organization »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), Édition réimprimée, Kessinger Publishing, 2006, p. 385 : « The reason alleged by the opium smoker should be well known among lamas and Living Buddhas. It was the same that was used by the Dalai Lama at Kumbum in 1909. In autumn he arrived at Kumbum with the traditional splendor of an Oriental potentate. Monguors, Tibetans, and Chinese ran to Kumbum to honor him. The Dalai Lama and his retinue were savage and arrogant; their animals were turned loose among the crops in the fields. Every day troubles arose over the sheep and flour offered by the mandarins, and the Dalai Lama, swayed by foolish pride and insolence, insisted on transferring three lama officials of Kumbum. Achia, defending his rights, denied the Dalai Lama permission to interfere with his administration of the lamasery. [...] The lamas of Kumbum, breathing fire and brimstone, prepared their weapons and called together lamas of neighboring monasteries. The officials of Hsining (the Amban, the General, the tao-t’ai, and the prefect) were in a hurry, and went to Kumbum with troops in order to prevent a clash. The Dalai Lama left [...]. The Dalai Lama cut a sorry figure in Hsining in 1909. »
Pierre Chapoutot, Géopolitique du Tibet : Tibet imaginaire, Tibet réel, en part. chapitre « L'illusion de l'indépendance », site Cafés géographiques, 27 février 2002 : « (…) le Tibet de 1945 n’avait pratiquement pas évolué depuis le Moyen Âge, abstraction faite de quelques signes très limités de modernisation : un embryon d’armée organisé à la japonaise, un drapeau, un service postal, une monnaie, une petite station de radio, une petite centrale électrique (hors d’usage…) et trois automobiles… ».
(en) Sanderson Beck, Tibet, Nepal, and Ceylon 1800-1950 : « The Tengyeling monastery was disendowed; traitors were banished, and the rest of the monks were distributed to other monasteries ».
(en) Sanderson Beck, Tibet, Nepal, and Ceylon 1800-1950 : « The Government paid the expenses of students and gave the poor free medicine ».
Wang Jiawei (王家伟) et Nimajianzan (尼玛坚赞), The historical status of China's Tibet, Pékin, 五洲传播出版社, (ISBN7-80113-304-8, OCLC39092468, lire en ligne), p. 150 : « While the military situation in Xikang was far calm, a British Sikkim official was sent to Lhasa, where he plotted with the Gaxag governement of Tibet on matters concerning a military invasion of the Yushu Area of Qinghai. The upper echelons of the Tibetan ruling lcass, whose appetite was wetted by Tibetan military successes in Xikang, came up to the idea of acheiving a "Greater Tibet" by capturing southern Qinghai. In March 1932, the Tibetan army launched an attack on southern Qinghai with the excuse of land dispute between monasteries in Yushu and also taking advantage of the weak defences then in place in Southern Qinghai. The Tibetan expeditionnary force captured Ranqian on April 3 and closed in on Yushu shortly afeter. Qinghai warlord Ma Bufang rushed reinforcements to the front, and the Qinghai army launched a counter-attack in July, routing the Tibetan army and driving it back to Xikang. The Qinghai army captured Shiqu, Dengke and other counties that had fallen into the hands of the Tibetan army since 1919. The victory on the part of the Qinghai army threatened the supply lines of the Tibetan forces in Garze and Xinlong. As a result, this part of the Tibetan army was forced to withdraw. »
(en) Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the making of modern China, New York, Columbia University Press, , 337 p. (ISBN0-231-13446-0, OCLC62124451, lire en ligne), p. 172 : « When Tibetan forces advanced into Yul Shul (Ch. Yushu; considered by Chinese to be part of the recently formed Qinghai Province), Liu was able to convince Qinghai(s governor, Ma Bufang, to coordinate an attack, which proved successful, on the Tibetans. »
(en) Melvyn C. Goldstein, Serfdom and Mobility: An Examination of the Institution of "Human Lease" in Traditional Tibetan Society, in The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 30, no 3, mai 1971., p. 522et p. 533 : « serfs (mi ser). […] However, during the first decade of this century the Thirteenth Dalai Lama—the first Dalai Lama to actually accede to political power in over one—hundred years—on the advice, it is said, of the Manchu emperor of China’s representative, created a new governmental office and promulgated new laws which drastically altered the structure of serfdom. This new office was called the Agricultural office (so nams las khungs). Its function was to look after “extra men and extra lands” (mi 11mg dang :a llzag). Over the years, the number of serfs who had run away and either did not want to ask for “human lease” or were unable to obtain it, had become considerable. Similarly, because of underpopulation, large segments of previously dispensed land were not being used.
The new Agricultural Oflice was created to address itself to these problems. One of its most important innovations was a law authorizing it to accept any persons who had been in the state of having no lord for three years. In other words, it was authorized to issue “human-lease” documents to any former serf three years after his initial flight.
These lordless individuals then became serfs of the office itself. For the first time, therefore, it was legally possible for a serf to change lords and to eliminate the linkage to land. These serfs were issued formal “human lease” documents and the annual monetary fee they had to pay was the relatively small sum of 5 aka (cf. p. 531) for men and 2% aim for women. When such individuals were asked “who is your lord?” (Iqbyed rang gi dpon po :14 red) they invariably replied: The Agriculture Office (nga so namr la: khungs gi mi klmngr yin). During the early years after this innovation, these serfs had unquestionably the fewest obligations and the most personal freedom and, consequently, people flocked to obtain “human lease” from that office and become its serfs. Subsequently, other government offices also began to issue these documents.
However, these changes did not persist in this form. Eventually, a new restrictive practice called klmb gon g gzer was introduced and the potential threat to the system of serfdom greatly diminished. Khab gon g gzer literally translates as “to fasten a needle to a lapel,” and the analogy is well taken. The new practices consisted of the Agricultural Office attaching their “human-lease” serfs to estates or to corporate government serf villages which were short of labor and had petitioned that office for aid. »
Melvyn Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, op. cit., p. 26 : « The invasion of Tibet and the Lhasa Convention of 1904 dramatically altered Chinese policy toward Tibet. Until then, the Qing dynasty had shown no interest in directly administering or sinicizing Tibet. The British thrusts now suggested to Beijing that unless it took prompt action, its position as overlord in Tibet might be lost, and with Tibet under the British sphere of influence the English would be looking down from the Tibetan plateau on Sichuan, one of China's most important provinces. The Qing dynasty, although enfeebled and on the brink of collapse, responded with surprising vigor. Beijing got the British troops to leave Tibetan soil quickly by paying the indemnity to Britain itself and began to take a more active role in day-to-day Tibetan affairs. Britain's casual invasion of Tibet, therefore, stimulated China to protect its national interests by beginning a program of closer cultural, economic, and political integration of Tibet with the rest of China. »
(en) Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1997, p. 35 : « All this, however, sent shock waves through the monastic and aristocratic elites who held most of the land in Tibet in the form of feudal estates with hereditarily bound serflike peasants. Modernization was expensive, and they found themselves facing new tax levies to support the military buildup. Modernization, moreover, was also perceived by the religious leadership as an ideological threat to the dominance of Buddhism in Tibet, and thus to what they felt was the unique character of the Tibetan theocratic state. Equating modernization with Western atheism and secularism, the conservatives believed that it would diminish the power and importance of Buddhism. In their view, Tibet had coexisted with China for centuries with no adverse consequences for the domination of Buddhism (and the Geluk sect) in Tibet, so why, they questioned, was it now necessary to transform Tibet in these radical ways? Key conservative officials therefore campaigned to convince the Dalai Lama that the military officers were a threat to Buddhism and to his own power and authority. By the mid-1920s, their efforts had succeeded, and in one of the pivotal policy decisions of modern Tibetan history, the thirteenth Dalai Lama gutted the heart of the reform program by demoting the entire group of promodernization officers and closing the English school. Overnight, Tibet lost its best chance to create a modern polity capable of coordinating international support for its independent status and defending its territory ».
china.com.cn
(en) Jiawei Wang et Nyima Gyaincain, (4) Around the Gansu Delegation's Entry Into Tibet, The historical Status of China's Tibet : « In order to discourage the local government of Tibet from improving relations with the government of the Republic of China and prevent the 13th Dalai Lama from getting closer to the motherland, Britain sent Charles Bell, the British political officer in charge of Sikkim, and others to Lhasa in 1920. Charles Bell arrived with more than 20 horseloads of weapons. »
(en) Jiawei Wang et Nyima Gyaincain, The historical Status of China's Tibet, China Intercontinental Press, également reproduit sur china.com.cn, p. 143, chap. 5 (The 13th Dalai Lama Awakens), 1997 : « To stop the British before it was too late, he closed the British schools in Gyangze and banned Tibetan officials and civilians from wearing Western suits. As a token of his resolution, he ordered the dismantling of a Western-style villa put up by the British for him in Norbu Lingka ».
Jean Dif, Carnet de route d'un voyage au Tibet, septembre-octobre 2004 : « nous effectuerons en voiture l’ascension de la Colline Rouge, sur laquelle s’élève le palais. Nous empruntons, à droite, une rampe asphaltée. Elle fut aménagée pour permettre au 13e dalaï-lama d’y utiliser les premières automobiles introduites au Tibet, sous son règne et pour son usage. Notre véhicule nous laisse, à peu près à mi-chemin de l’entrée du haut, sur l’arrière des bâtiments ».
(en) Tsepon Wangchuck Deden Shakabpa, One Hundred Thousand Moons (2 vols) : An Advanced Political History of Tibet, , 1242 p. (ISBN978-90-474-3076-6, lire en ligne), p. 641.
(en) Alex McKay, Tibet and the British Raj: the frontier cadre, 1904-1947, Routledge, 1997, p. 109, 114 : « The 13th Dalai Lama had abolished the death penalty in Tibet, so executions were rare, particularly at state level »
(en) Gyalo Thondup, Anne F. Thurston, The Noodle Maker of Kalimpong: The Untold Story of the Dalai Lama and the Secret Struggle for Tibet, Public Affairs, 2015, 384 p., p. 29 : « The Great Thirteenth, as he came to be known, spent two extended periods at the Kumbum monastery. In 1904, when the British military expedition led by Sir Francis Younghusband fought its way into Lhasa and demanded the right to trade, the Thirteent Dalai Lama fled first to Mongolia and then, in 1906, took refuge in Kumbum. He returned again in 1909, after he had visited Beijing and was en route back to Lhasa. »
Jiawei Wang et Nyima Gyaincain, Le Statut du Tibet de Chine dans l'histoire, China Intercontinental Press, p. 120 : « l'Angleterre lui organisa des visites dans différentes parties de l'Inde; puis elle fit des arrangements pour qu'il s'installe à Darjeeling, et elle lui fournit gratuitement des chambres et des articles de nécessité courante. Charles Bell, qui connaissait bien le Tibet, lui rendit visite quasiment à chaque semaine durant les 3 ou 4 premiers mois (…). Ceci montre que Charles Bell travailla fort pour tenter de ranger le XIIIe dalaï-lama du côté de la partie britannique. »
(en) Catriona Bass, Education in Tibet: policy and practice since 1950, Zed Books, 1998, (ISBN1856496740 et 9781856496742) p. 2 : « At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Tibetan government itself, under the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, made a number of short-lived attempts to develop a modern secular education system in Tibet. In 1912, the Thirteenth Dalai sent four boys from Tibetan aristocratic families to be educated at Rugby School in England. » […] « Thus, a few years later, a British educationalist, Frank Ladlow, was invited by the Tibetan government to establish a school in Gyantse, based on the English public school system. The school opened in December 1923 but ran for only three years.7 »
(en) Michael Harris Goodman, The Last Dalai Lama: A Biography, Shambhala, 1987, 364 pages, p. 143 : « From 1914 to 1917 Tsarong employed Yajima Yasujiro, a trader living in Lhasa, as drill instructor for 200 Tibetan soldiers. A veteran of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and an assistant at the Toyoma Military College until his release from military service in 1907, Yajima also supervised the construction of Japanese-style barracks for the Kusung Magar (the Dalai Lama's bodyguard) before returning to Japan wth his Tibetan wife and their son in 1920. The British suspected him of being a spy for the Japanese government. »
Robert W. Ford, Tibet Rouge. Capturé par l’armée chinoise au Kham, Olizane, 1999 (édition originale en 1957), (ISBN2-88086-241-8), p. 18 : « L'influence anglo-indienne s'était imposée dans les années 20, quand des instructeurs soigneusement sélectionnés furent formés par des officiers britanniques et indiens au Tibet occidental. »
(en) Jiawei Wang et Nyima Gyaincain, The historical Status of China's Tibet, China Intercontinental Press, également reproduit sur china.com.cn, p. 143, chap. 5 (The 13th Dalai Lama Awakens), 1997 : « To stop the British before it was too late, he closed the British schools in Gyangze and banned Tibetan officials and civilians from wearing Western suits. As a token of his resolution, he ordered the dismantling of a Western-style villa put up by the British for him in Norbu Lingka ».
Claude B. Levenson, La Chine envahit le Tibet : 1949-1959, éditions Complexe, 1995, (ISBN2870275803), p. 11-12. « a laissé un testament peut-être obscur au moment de sa rédaction, mais dont les avertissements s'avèrent maintenant prémonitoires, et les mises en garde d'une redoutable clarté. » La citation est précédée de « Arrivé à mon âge, mieux vaudrait renoncer au pouvoir ecclésiastique et temporel pour consacrer le bref temps qui m'est encore imparti dans cette vie à la dévotion religieuse. Nombreuses sont mes vies futures, et j'aimerais pouvoir me vouer entièrement aux choses spirituelles. Jusqu'ici, j'ai accompli ma tâche au mieux de mes capacités, mais j'aurai bientôt cinquante-huit ans, il me sera alors plus difficile de continuer à mener de front mes activités religieuses et profanes. Qui ne le comprendrait ? », et suivi de « Considérez ce qu'il convient de faire ou de ne pas faire, et accomplissez votre tâche sans douter, à la manière voulue par le Maître Omniscient, comme si toute chose se déroulait sous son regard. Agissez dans cet esprit, et tout ira bien (…). Ceux qui se détourneront de la Loi et de la tradition pour emprunter une voie mauvaise, ceux qui ne se préoccupent que de leurs propres intérêts en aidant uniquement ceux qui leur plaisent et pas les autres, ceux qui sont indignes de confiance aujourd'hui et ne s'astreignent pas au bien, ceux-là n'atteindront pas leurs buts et seront châtiés par les Protecteurs. Réfléchissez sérieusement à ce que j'ai écrit, rejetez irrévocablement le mal et conformez-vous au bien. »
(en) Max Oidtmann, « Playing the Lottery with Sincere Thoughts: the Manchus and the selection of incarnate lamas during the last days of the Qing »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), sur le site Academia.edu, p. 31-32 : « A number of continuities between the ritual practices of the high Qing and of the Guangxu and Xuantong periods should be noted. The Lhasa ambans may not have been directly involved in the selection of the 13th Dalai Lama, but they were certainly involved in the installation of the three-year-old incarnation on his dais in the Potala Palace two years later. Sunggui, the chief amban since 1874, composed a bilingual memorial describing the two-day festivities in 1879 wherein he points out the moments in the ceremonies where the dynasty was recognized. On the first day the young Dalai Lama was taken before the image of Qianlong and Sunggui led him in performing the “three genuflections and nine prostrations” (a full kowtow) before it. On the next day, in the great Dug’eng Hall of the Potala Palace the emperor’s congratulatory edict was read out, the Dalai Lama, together with the regent, again performed the ketou and bowed in the direction of the court. »
(en) Louis M. J. Schram, with Owen Lattimore, « The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier: Their Origin, History, and Social Organization »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), Édition réimprimée, Kessinger Publishing, 2006, p. 385 : « The reason alleged by the opium smoker should be well known among lamas and Living Buddhas. It was the same that was used by the Dalai Lama at Kumbum in 1909. In autumn he arrived at Kumbum with the traditional splendor of an Oriental potentate. Monguors, Tibetans, and Chinese ran to Kumbum to honor him. The Dalai Lama and his retinue were savage and arrogant; their animals were turned loose among the crops in the fields. Every day troubles arose over the sheep and flour offered by the mandarins, and the Dalai Lama, swayed by foolish pride and insolence, insisted on transferring three lama officials of Kumbum. Achia, defending his rights, denied the Dalai Lama permission to interfere with his administration of the lamasery. [...] The lamas of Kumbum, breathing fire and brimstone, prepared their weapons and called together lamas of neighboring monasteries. The officials of Hsining (the Amban, the General, the tao-t’ai, and the prefect) were in a hurry, and went to Kumbum with troops in order to prevent a clash. The Dalai Lama left [...]. The Dalai Lama cut a sorry figure in Hsining in 1909. »
(en) Parshotam Mehra, compte rendu de Nicholas Rhodes, Deki Rhodes, A Man of the Frontier: S. W. Landen La (1876-1936): His Life and Times in Darjeeling and Tibet, Mira Bar, Kolkata, 2006, xi + 89 p. : « he was the first non-Tibetan to raise from scratch and command Lhasa's police force (1923-4) ».
(en) Parshotam Mehra, compte rendu de Nicholas Rhodes, Daki Rhodes, A Man of the Frontier : S. W. Landen La (1876-1936): His Life and Times in Darjeeling and Tibet, Mira Bar, Kolkata, 2006, xi + 89 p. : « Sadly for him, and for Tibet, the experiment was a non-starter, largely because of the dalai lamas' stiff opposition. Not only did it encroach upon their vested interest to maintain law and order, but it also took away their freedom, they felt, to manage things their own way. In the final count, however, it was the Dalai Lama who refused to take a stand and, fearing for the worst, caved in to the monks' bullying and blusters to save his own throne ».
(en) British Intelligence on China in Tibet, 1903-1950, Formerly classified and confidential British intelligence and policy files, Editor: A.J. Farrington, Former Deputy Director, OIOC, British Library, Londres, IDC Publishers, 2002, p. 2 : « A fascinating group of files offers minute detail in an attempt to turn four young Tibetans into a vangard of "modernisers" through the medium of an English public school education ».
(en) Jamyang Norbu, From darkness to dawn, 17 mai 2009 : « There is a possibility that an overzealous official could have done something like that, but there is no evidence beyond the rumour. »
jstor.org
(en) Alex McKay, The Establishment of the British Trade Agencies in Tibet : A Survey, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1992), Third Series, 2, p. 399-421 : « After 1936 a mission was stationed in Lhasa. The last British official in Lhasa, Hugh Richardson, departed in 1950 following the Chinese invasion of Tibet ».
(en) Alex McKay,"The Birth of a Clinic"? The IMS Dispensary in Gyantse (Tibet), 1904–1910, Med Hist. 2005, 49(2): 135–154 : « Their first public health initiative came only after the expulsion of the Chinese from Tibet in 1912, with the opening of a public hospital within the Men-se-Khang college in Lhasa in 1916. Medical services there were provided free of cost. The initiative for this hospital appears to have come from the Dalai Lama, who in a reversal of his previous flight, had gone into exile in British India in 1910 to escape Chinese domination. There he came under the authority of the Political Officer Charles Bell, who apparently influenced him to experiment with a number of aspects of modernity on his return to Tibet in 1913. The beneficent aspect of a public hospital would naturally have appealed to Buddhist sensibilities. Rechung Rinpoche, op. cit., note 10, p. 25. »
(en) Damien P. Horigan, A buddhist perspective on the death penalty of compassion and capital punishment, American Journal of Jurisprudence, 1996 : « He also reformed Tibet's feudal legal system. Among the changes was the abolition of the death penalty by about 1920. Before that time the Dalai Lama would avoid any direct involvement in cases of capital punishment because of his religious role ».
Il est présenté comme tel sur le site Dreams of Tibet, auquel il a donné une interview : « among the minority of Tibetan exiles who are for total independence ».
phayul.com
(en) Jamyang Norbu, Independent Tibet - The Facts, Phayul, 5 mars 2010 : « Tibet abolished capital punishment in 1913 (noted by many foreign travelers [3]) and was one of the first nations in the world to do so. »
(en) Jamyang Norbu, From Darkness to Dawn, site Phayul.com, 19 mai 2009 : « The first clear indication of the Dalai Lama’s enlightened intentions for his nation’s future came after his enthronement in 1895. The former regent Demo Rinpoche after relinquishing power began to plot with his two brothers, Norbu Tsering and Lobsang Dhonden, to murder the Dalai Lama. The plot was discovered and Demo and his two brothers arrested. An outraged National Assembly (tsongdu), called for the death penalty but the Dalai Lama rejected their decision declaring his opposition to capital punishment on Buddhist principles. »
(en) Jamyang Norbu, From Darkness to Dawn, site Phayul.com, 19 mai 2009. Celui-ci cite la référence suivante : Shakabpa, W.D., Tibet: A Political History, Yale, 1967, p. 248 : « After His return from exile, on the eighth day of the fourth month of the water Ox Year (1913) the Great Thirteenth, in his declaration of independence, announced the ending of what we might now call “cruel and unusual” punishments – in addition to his earlier abolishment of the death penalty. The statement is quite specific. “Furthermore, the amputations of citizens’ limbs has been carried out as a form of punishment. Henceforth, such severe punishments are forbidden.”[13] Copies of the proclamation were sent out throughout Tibet, and copies had to be maintained in the office of every district ».
Françoise Wang-Toutain L’Histoire du Tibet du XVIIe au XXIe siècle Groupe d’information internationale sur le Tibet, 2012 « Les liens si étroits établis par les premiers empereurs mandchous avec les maîtres tibétains s’amenuisent inexorablement. Il ne reste qu’un vernis. En 1908, lorsque l’impératrice Cixi et son neveu Guangxu reçoivent le XIIIe dalaï-lama, la relation chapelain / donateur n’a plus cours. »
thetibetpost.com
(en) Chinese Authorities Eliminating the 13th Dalai Lama's Home, Tibet Post, 16 juin 2011 : « Sources say that the demolition began on the 10th of June, and was completed within short time. Family members had earlier appealed to the Lhasa city government to protect [the residence] from demolition, but their calls went unheeded. The concerned city authorities stated that they were helpless to stop the demolition because the area fell under Chinese military control. »
(en) J. F. Leclere, The Third World Day against Death Penalty, reproduit sur World Tibet News, 11 octobre 2005 : « Tibet government restricted and abolish[ed] for the first time the death penalty in 1898 and by about 1920. Before that time the Dalai Lama would avoid any direct involvement in case of capital punishment, because of his religious role ».
(en) Dorje Tseten, On the Thirteenth Dalai Lama Ngawang Lozang Thubten Gyatso (translated by Chen Guansheng), in China Tibetology Magazine, no 32004, 2005 : « The Regent asked the emperor for the permission to omit the lot-drawing process. […] The child candidate for the Dalai Lama listened to Emperor Guangxu's imperial edict about the permission to omit the lot-drawing process at Tsel Gungtang monastery. »
en.tibet.cn
Bai Rusheng, The earliest Tibetan newspaper in Tibet, China Tibet Information Center, 2005-07-01 : « The "Vernacular Paper in Tiber" was a publication appearing once every ten days, with 300 to 400 copies per issue. »
tibetanpost.com
(en) Geoffrey Flack, Chinese Imperial : « For approximately two years, five Chinese Post Offices operated in Central Tibet and a Chinese Post Office at Chambo (Eastern Tibet) was open in 1913 and 1914. Initially the Post Office used regular Chinese Imperial stamps, but in 1911 a set of eleven stamps (surcharged in three languages) was introduced for Tibet. »
(en) Geoffrey Flack, Chinese Imperial : "From 1909 to late 1911 China occupied Tibet and the Dalai Lama and his Government fled to India. For approximately two years, five Chinese Post Offices operated in Central Tibet and a Chinese Post Office at Chambo (Eastern Tibet) was open in 1913 and 1914. Initially the Post Office used regular Chinese Imperial stamps, but in 1911 a set of eleven stamps (surcharged in three languages) was introduced for Tibet."
tibettravel.info
(en) Attractions of the Potala, site TibetTravel.info : « The thirteenth Dalai Lama’s stupa chapel is the hall where the stupa of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama (1876-1933) is housed. People started to build his stupa after his death in the fall of 1933, so it's the latest building in Potala Palace. Taking three years, the stupa is comparable with the Great Fifth's stupa. It is 14 meters (46 feet) in height, which is only 0.86 metres lower than the Fifth Dalai Lama’s. Made of a large amount of silver, covered with about 600 kilograms of gold and studded with lots of coral, amber, agate, diamond and other precious jewelries. »
treasuryoflives.org
Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, The Treasury of Lives : « His attempt to build a strong and well-trained army could not be realized, not only because of internal opposition but because the British refused to supply adequate and sufficient weapons. Other reforms could not be carried out because Tibet's economy could not sustain the cost. »
(en) Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, The Treasury of Lives (adaptation de l'article "The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Thubten Gyatso", in The Dalai Lamas : A Visual History, Martin Brauen dir., Serindia, Londres, p. 137-161 : « Since there were no other candidates, the regent submitted the name of the boy and the details of discovery to the Manchu Guangxu Emperor (r. 1875-1908), who sent his official endorsement. The young boy and his parents were taken to Lhasa accompanied by an escort of one hundred Tibetan soldiers and monks ».
Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, sur The Treasury of Lives : « The Dalai Lama's stay in Urga had caused a serious rift with Jetsundampa, the ruler of Mongolia. It would seem that the popularity of the Dalai Lama eclipsed that of the Jetsundampa, who had refused to meet the Dalai Lama on his arrival in Urga. The Jetsundampa had asserted that it was more appropriate for the Dalai Lama to come to him. »
Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, sur The Treasury of Lives : « Increasing tension between the two lamas made staying in Urga untenable. […] as a result of the above mentioned tensions with the Jetsundampa, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama left Urga some time in 1907. »
Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, sur The Treasury of Lives : « Yabzhi Punkhang (yab gzhis phun khang, d.u.) who was the head of the newly created Tibetan foreign office, was taken prisoner and two of his officials were killed. The Dalai Lama, informed that Zhao intended to take him prisoner, and fearing that there would be bloodshed in Lhasa as the public would try to protect him from the Chinese soldiers, decided to leave Lhasa. On the night of the third day of the first Tibetan month, the Dalai Lama summoned the Ganden Tripa, Tsemonling Ngawang Lobzang, and appointed him Regent. »
Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, sur The Treasury of Lives : « The Dalai Lama also weakened his own reforms by some of his policies. Before his rule as Dalai Lama, monks could not serve in the Kashak. This barred the clergy from direct interference in the highest decision making body of the government. The Dalai Lama allowed monks to become members of the Kashak, and later, those monk officials obstructed his reforms. »
Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, sur The Treasury of Lives : « Not open to all modernizing trends, the Dalai Lama banned the import of tobacco and the customs office was ordered to seize all cigarettes and tobacco. The Dalai Lama also banned aristocrats from wearing Western style dress, especially when attending government meetings and functions. He forbade ostentatious displays of wealth and the wearing of expensive jewellery by aristocratic ladies, saying that doing so created unnecessary jealousy and rivalry among the people. »
Tsering Shakya, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Tubten Gyatso b.1876 - d.1933, sur The Treasury of Lives : « At the time Kunga Wangchuk was only nineteen years old and lacked experience in political affairs. This appointment left Tibet without an experienced and able leader ».
uoregon.edu
library.uoregon.edu
(en) Louis M. J. Schram, with Owen Lattimore, « The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier: Their Origin, History, and Social Organization »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), Édition réimprimée, Kessinger Publishing, 2006, p. 385 : « The reason alleged by the opium smoker should be well known among lamas and Living Buddhas. It was the same that was used by the Dalai Lama at Kumbum in 1909. In autumn he arrived at Kumbum with the traditional splendor of an Oriental potentate. Monguors, Tibetans, and Chinese ran to Kumbum to honor him. The Dalai Lama and his retinue were savage and arrogant; their animals were turned loose among the crops in the fields. Every day troubles arose over the sheep and flour offered by the mandarins, and the Dalai Lama, swayed by foolish pride and insolence, insisted on transferring three lama officials of Kumbum. Achia, defending his rights, denied the Dalai Lama permission to interfere with his administration of the lamasery. [...] The lamas of Kumbum, breathing fire and brimstone, prepared their weapons and called together lamas of neighboring monasteries. The officials of Hsining (the Amban, the General, the tao-t’ai, and the prefect) were in a hurry, and went to Kumbum with troops in order to prevent a clash. The Dalai Lama left [...]. The Dalai Lama cut a sorry figure in Hsining in 1909. »
(en) Heather Spence, British Policy and the 'development' of Tibet 1912-1933, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Department of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts, University of Wollingong [Australie], 1993, x + 362 p. : « The Nanking government saw in the Thirteenth Dalai Lama's death the opportunity to send a 'condolence' mission to Lhasa. When the mission returned to China, two liaison officers with a wireless transmitter remained at Lhasa. In a counter-move, a rival British Mission was quickly established by Hugh Richardson ».
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(en) Barry Sautman, “All that Glitters is Not Gold”: Tibet as a Pseudo-State, in Maryland Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, no 3, 2009 : « A US international law scholar who studied Tibet’s “declarations of independence” found they were not political-legal declarations at all, but merely the 13th Dalai Lama’s affirmations that the mchod-yon (priest-patron) relationship between Dalai Lamas and Chinese emperors had been extinguished due to the end of the empire. [Note :] Alfred P. Rubin, “Tibet’s Declarations of Independence,” AJIL 60 (1966):812-814 and Rubin, “A Matter of Fact,” AJIL 60 (1966):586. »
(en) Barry Sautman, “All that Glitters is Not Gold”: Tibet as a Pseudo-State 2009 : « Norbu claims Tibet had a mutual recognition treaty with Mongolia in 1913 and the Simla treaty of 1914 with Britain, but Tibet was not recognized by any established state in the modern era, the era that matters to the modern concept of statehood. Mongolia was not a recognized state in 1913. It proclaimed independence in late 1911, when many Chinese provinces and territories were declaring they were separate, because the Qing Dynasty had just collapsed. Mongolia was not recognized until decades later by Russia and China (…). The treaty [with Mongolia] was apparently inspired and executed with Russian interests at the fore; yet, whether that is so is not the main point, because Tibet and Mongolia were not recognized as states. Thus, for them to recognize each other had no more significance than the present-day mutual recognition by South Ossetia and Abhazia (…) ».
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(en) Max Oidtmann, « Playing the Lottery with Sincere Thoughts: the Manchus and the selection of incarnate lamas during the last days of the Qing »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), sur le site Academia.edu, p. 31-32 : « A number of continuities between the ritual practices of the high Qing and of the Guangxu and Xuantong periods should be noted. The Lhasa ambans may not have been directly involved in the selection of the 13th Dalai Lama, but they were certainly involved in the installation of the three-year-old incarnation on his dais in the Potala Palace two years later. Sunggui, the chief amban since 1874, composed a bilingual memorial describing the two-day festivities in 1879 wherein he points out the moments in the ceremonies where the dynasty was recognized. On the first day the young Dalai Lama was taken before the image of Qianlong and Sunggui led him in performing the “three genuflections and nine prostrations” (a full kowtow) before it. On the next day, in the great Dug’eng Hall of the Potala Palace the emperor’s congratulatory edict was read out, the Dalai Lama, together with the regent, again performed the ketou and bowed in the direction of the court. »
(en) Louis M. J. Schram, with Owen Lattimore, « The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier: Their Origin, History, and Social Organization »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), Édition réimprimée, Kessinger Publishing, 2006, p. 385 : « The reason alleged by the opium smoker should be well known among lamas and Living Buddhas. It was the same that was used by the Dalai Lama at Kumbum in 1909. In autumn he arrived at Kumbum with the traditional splendor of an Oriental potentate. Monguors, Tibetans, and Chinese ran to Kumbum to honor him. The Dalai Lama and his retinue were savage and arrogant; their animals were turned loose among the crops in the fields. Every day troubles arose over the sheep and flour offered by the mandarins, and the Dalai Lama, swayed by foolish pride and insolence, insisted on transferring three lama officials of Kumbum. Achia, defending his rights, denied the Dalai Lama permission to interfere with his administration of the lamasery. [...] The lamas of Kumbum, breathing fire and brimstone, prepared their weapons and called together lamas of neighboring monasteries. The officials of Hsining (the Amban, the General, the tao-t’ai, and the prefect) were in a hurry, and went to Kumbum with troops in order to prevent a clash. The Dalai Lama left [...]. The Dalai Lama cut a sorry figure in Hsining in 1909. »
(en) Alex McKay, Introduction, dans The History of Tibet: the modern period: 1985-1959, the encounter with modernity, edited by Alex McKay, RoutledgeCurzon, 2003, p. 32, note 2 (voir aussi note 5) : « Note 2 : The death penalty was abolished around 1898. Isolated cases of capital punishment did, however, take place in later years; see, for example, M. Goldstein, a History of Modern Tibet, 1913-1951: The Demise of the Lamaist State (Londres/Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 126-30 in regard to the death of Padma Chandra. But for an example of a more despotic kind, see Oriental and India Office Collection (hereafter OIOC), L/P&5/7/251, in regard to the execution of a youth involved in stealing the western Tibetan administrator's horse ».
(en) Max Oidtmann, « Playing the Lottery with Sincere Thoughts: the Manchus and the selection of incarnate lamas during the last days of the Qing »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), sur le site Academia.edu, p. 31-32 : « A number of continuities between the ritual practices of the high Qing and of the Guangxu and Xuantong periods should be noted. The Lhasa ambans may not have been directly involved in the selection of the 13th Dalai Lama, but they were certainly involved in the installation of the three-year-old incarnation on his dais in the Potala Palace two years later. Sunggui, the chief amban since 1874, composed a bilingual memorial describing the two-day festivities in 1879 wherein he points out the moments in the ceremonies where the dynasty was recognized. On the first day the young Dalai Lama was taken before the image of Qianlong and Sunggui led him in performing the “three genuflections and nine prostrations” (a full kowtow) before it. On the next day, in the great Dug’eng Hall of the Potala Palace the emperor’s congratulatory edict was read out, the Dalai Lama, together with the regent, again performed the ketou and bowed in the direction of the court. »
(en) Louis M. J. Schram, with Owen Lattimore, « The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier: Their Origin, History, and Social Organization »(Archive.org • Wikiwix • Archive.is • Google • Que faire ?), Édition réimprimée, Kessinger Publishing, 2006, p. 385 : « The reason alleged by the opium smoker should be well known among lamas and Living Buddhas. It was the same that was used by the Dalai Lama at Kumbum in 1909. In autumn he arrived at Kumbum with the traditional splendor of an Oriental potentate. Monguors, Tibetans, and Chinese ran to Kumbum to honor him. The Dalai Lama and his retinue were savage and arrogant; their animals were turned loose among the crops in the fields. Every day troubles arose over the sheep and flour offered by the mandarins, and the Dalai Lama, swayed by foolish pride and insolence, insisted on transferring three lama officials of Kumbum. Achia, defending his rights, denied the Dalai Lama permission to interfere with his administration of the lamasery. [...] The lamas of Kumbum, breathing fire and brimstone, prepared their weapons and called together lamas of neighboring monasteries. The officials of Hsining (the Amban, the General, the tao-t’ai, and the prefect) were in a hurry, and went to Kumbum with troops in order to prevent a clash. The Dalai Lama left [...]. The Dalai Lama cut a sorry figure in Hsining in 1909. »
(en) Complete series of six stamps, issue 1912 : « The first stamps of Tibet have been most likely first issued in December 1912 in Lhasa (c.-à-d. « Les premiers timbres du Tibet ont été très vraisemblablement émis en décembre 1912 à Lhassa ») ».
Wang Jiawei (王家伟) et Nimajianzan (尼玛坚赞), The historical status of China's Tibet, Pékin, 五洲传播出版社, (ISBN7-80113-304-8, OCLC39092468, lire en ligne), p. 150 : « While the military situation in Xikang was far calm, a British Sikkim official was sent to Lhasa, where he plotted with the Gaxag governement of Tibet on matters concerning a military invasion of the Yushu Area of Qinghai. The upper echelons of the Tibetan ruling lcass, whose appetite was wetted by Tibetan military successes in Xikang, came up to the idea of acheiving a "Greater Tibet" by capturing southern Qinghai. In March 1932, the Tibetan army launched an attack on southern Qinghai with the excuse of land dispute between monasteries in Yushu and also taking advantage of the weak defences then in place in Southern Qinghai. The Tibetan expeditionnary force captured Ranqian on April 3 and closed in on Yushu shortly afeter. Qinghai warlord Ma Bufang rushed reinforcements to the front, and the Qinghai army launched a counter-attack in July, routing the Tibetan army and driving it back to Xikang. The Qinghai army captured Shiqu, Dengke and other counties that had fallen into the hands of the Tibetan army since 1919. The victory on the part of the Qinghai army threatened the supply lines of the Tibetan forces in Garze and Xinlong. As a result, this part of the Tibetan army was forced to withdraw. »
(en) Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the making of modern China, New York, Columbia University Press, , 337 p. (ISBN0-231-13446-0, OCLC62124451, lire en ligne), p. 172 : « When Tibetan forces advanced into Yul Shul (Ch. Yushu; considered by Chinese to be part of the recently formed Qinghai Province), Liu was able to convince Qinghai(s governor, Ma Bufang, to coordinate an attack, which proved successful, on the Tibetans. »
