Laporan Mueller (Malay Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Laporan Mueller" in Malay language version.

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15justice.gov

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3washingtonpost.com

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3apnews.com

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2bloomberg.com

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2wikipedia.org

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2thehill.com

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1cnbc.com

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1npr.org

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1yale.edu

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1theintercept.com

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1washingtonexaminer.com

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1go.com

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1time.com

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1factcheck.org

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1pbs.org

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1nytimes.com

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afp.com

"Main points of Mueller report". Agence France-Presse. April 18, 2019. Dicapai pada April 20, 2019.

apnews.com

Day, Chad; Gresko, Jessica (April 19, 2019). "How Mueller made his no-call on Trump and obstruction". Associated Press. Dicapai pada April 19, 2019.
Woodward, Calvin; Yen, Hope (April 20, 2019). "AP Fact Check: Trump team's distortions on Mueller report". AP News. Dicapai pada April 21, 2019.
Mascaro, Lisa (April 19, 2019). "Mueller drops obstruction dilemma on Congress". Associated Press. Dicapai pada April 20, 2019.

bbc.com

"Mueller report: Eight things we only just learned". BBC News. April 18, 2019. Dicapai pada April 18, 2019.

bloomberg.com

Newcomer, Eric (April 19, 2019). "Mueller's Reminder That Silicon Valley Isn't Ready for the Next Election". Bloomberg L.P. Dicapai pada April 21, 2019. Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (bantuan)
Strohm, Chris (April 19, 2019). "Mueller's Signal on Obstruction: Congress Should Take On Trump". Bloomberg News. Dicapai pada April 20, 2019.

cbsnews.com

"The key findings from the Justice Department summary of Mueller's report" (dalam bahasa Inggeris). CBS News. Dicapai pada 2019-04-23.

cnbc.com

Breuninger, Kevin (Mac 22, 2019). "Mueller Probe Ends: Special counsel submits Russia report to Attorney General William Barr". CNBC. Dicapai pada April 18, 2019.

factcheck.org

Farley, Robert; Robertson, Lori; Gore, D'Angelo; Spencer, Saranac Hale; Fichera, Angelo; McDonald, Jessica (April 19, 2019). "What the Mueller Report Says About Obstruction". FactCheck.org (dalam bahasa Inggeris). Dicapai pada April 22, 2019.

go.com

abcnews.go.com

Mosk, Matthew (April 18, 2019). "Here's what we know about: Collusion". ABC News (dalam bahasa Inggeris). Dicapai pada April 21, 2019.

justice.gov

Mueller Report, vol. I, p. 1: The Russian government interfered in the 2016 presidential election in sweeping and systematic fashion.
Mueller Report, vol. I, p. 4: The Internet Research Agency (IRA) carried out the earliest Russian interference operations identified by the investigation–a social media campaign designed to provoke and amplify political and social discord in the United States [...] The campaign evolved from a generalized program designed in 2014 and 2015 to undermine the U.S. electoral system, to a targeted operation that by early 2016 favored candidate Trump and disparaged candidate Clinton
Mueller Report, vol. I, p. 4: At the same time that the IRA operation began to focus on supporting candidate Trump in early 2016, the Russian government employed a second form of interference: cyber intrusions (hacking) and releases of hacked materials damaging to the Clinton Campaign. The Russian intelligence service known as the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Army (GRU) carried out these operations. In March 2016, the GRU began hacking the email accounts of Clinton Campaign volunteers and employees, including campaign chairman John Podesta. In April 2016, the GRU hacked into the computer networks of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) and the Democratic National Committee (DNC). The GRU stole hundreds of thousands of documents from the compromised email accounts and networks. Around the time that the DNC announced in mid-June 2016 the Russian government's role in hacking its network, the GRU began disseminating stolen materials through the fictitious online personas "DCLeaks" and "Guccifer 2.0". The GRU later released additional materials through the organization WikiLeaks.
Mueller Report, vol.1 p. 66: The Office identified multiple contacts – "links", in the words of the Appointment Order – between Trump Campaign officials and individuals with ties to the Russian government.
Mueller Report, vol. I, p. 180: the Office's investigation uncovered evidence of numerous links (i.e., contacts) between Trump Campaign officials and individuals having or claiming to have ties to the Russian government. The Office evaluated the contacts under several sets of federal laws, including conspiracy laws and statutes governing foreign agents who operate in the United States. After considering the available evidence, the Office did not pursue charges under these statutes against any of the individuals discussed in Section IV above – with the exception of FARA charges against Paul Manafort and Richard Gates based on their activities on behalf of Ukraine.... several U.S. persons connected to the Campaign made false statements about those contacts and took other steps to obstruct the Office's investigation and those of Congress. This Office has therefore charged some of those individuals with making false statements and obstructing justice.
Mueller Report, vol. II, p. 7: while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him.
"Mueller Report" (PDF). m/s. 2. Third, we considered whether to evaluate the conduct we investigated under the Justice Manual standards governing prosecution and declination decisions, but we determined not to apply an approach that could potentially result in a judgment that the President committed crimes.
Mueller Report, vol. II, p. 1: The Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) has issued an opinion finding that "the indictment or criminal prosecution of a sitting President would impermissibly undermine the capacity of the executive branch to perform its constitutionally assigned functions" in violation of the constitutional separation of powers. [...] this Office accepted OLC's legal conclusion for the purpose of exercising prosecutorial jurisdiction.
Mueller Report, vol. II, p. 1 and p. 2: [...] apart from OLC's constitutional view, we recognized that a federal criminal accusation against a sitting President would place burdens on the President's capacity to govern and potentially preempt constitutional processes for addressing presidential misconduct. Footnote: See U.S. CONST. Art. I § 2, cl. 5; § 3, cl. 6; cf. OLC Op. at 257–258 (discussing relationship between impeachment and criminal prosecution of a sitting President). [...] Even if an indictment were sealed during the President's term, OLC reasoned, "it would be very difficult to preserve [an indictment's] secrecy," and if an indictment became public, "[t]he stigma and opprobrium" could imperil the President's ability to govern.
Mueller Report, vol. II, p. 2: [...] a prosecutor's judgment that crimes were committed, but that no charges will be brought, affords no such adversarial opportunity for public name-clearing before an impartial adjudicator. The concerns about the fairness of such a determination would be heightened in the case of a sitting President, where a federal prosecutor's accusation of a crime, even in an internal report, could carry consequences that extend beyond the realm of criminal justice. OLC noted similar concerns about sealed indictments.
Mueller Report, vol. II, p. 2: Fourth, if we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state. Based on the facts and the applicable legal standards, however, we are unable to reach that judgment. The evidence we obtained about the President's actions and intent presents difficult issues that prevent us from conclusively determining that no criminal conduct occurred. Accordingly, while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him.
Barr's four-page letter p.3 The Special Counsel's decision to describe the facts of his obstruction investigation without reaching any legal conclusions leaves it to the Attorney General to determine whether the conduct described in the report constitutes a crime.
Barr's four-page letter p.3 After reviewing the Special Counsel's final report on these issues; consulting with Department officials, including the Office of Legal Counsel; and applying the principles of federal prosecution that guide our charging decisions, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein and I have concluded that the evidence developed during the Special Counsel's investigation is not sufficient to establish that the President committed an obstruction-of-justice offense.
Mueller Report, vol. II, p. 185: The President's efforts to influence the investigation were mostly unsuccessful, but that is largely because the persons who surrounded the President declined to carry out orders or accede to his requests. [...] The President launched public attacks on the investigation and individuals involved in it who could possess evidence adverse to the President, while in private, the President engaged in a series of targeted efforts to control the investigation.
Mueller Report, vol. II, p. 8: With respect to whether the President can be found to have obstructed justice by exercising his powers under Article II of the Constitution, we concluded that Congress has authority to prohibit a President's corrupt use of his authority in order to protect the integrity of the administration of justice. [...] The conclusion that Congress may apply the obstruction laws to the President's corrupt exercise of the powers of office accords with our constitutional system of checks and balances and the principle that no person is above the law.

npr.org

Inskeep, Steve; Detrow, Scott; Johnson, Carrie; Davis, Susan; Greene, David. "Redacted Mueller Report Released; Congress, Trump React". NPR. Dicapai pada April 22, 2019.

nytimes.com

Schmidt, Michael; Savage, Charlie (April 18, 2019). "Mueller Left Open the Door to Charging Trump After He Leaves Office". The New York Times.

pbs.org

Desjardins, Lisa; Alcindor, Yamiche (April 18, 2019). "11 moments Mueller investigated for obstruction of justice". PBS NewsHour. Dicapai pada April 23, 2019.

thehill.com

Chalfant, Morgan (April 18, 2019). "Mueller on obstruction: Evidence prevents 'conclusively determining no criminal conduct occurred'". The Hill. Dicapai pada April 21, 2019.
Fabian, Jordan (April 18, 2019). "Mueller report shows how Trump aides sought to protect him and themselves". The Hill. Dicapai pada April 18, 2019.

theintercept.com

Mackey, Robert; Risen, James; Aaronson, Trevor (April 18, 2019). "Annotating special counsel Robert Mueller's redacted report". The Intercept. Dicapai pada April 23, 2019.

time.com

Gajanan, Mahita (April 18, 2019). "Despite Evidence, Robert Mueller Would Not Say Whether Trump Obstructed Justice. Here's Why". Time. Dicapai pada April 20, 2019.

washingtonexaminer.com

Dunleavy, Jerry (April 18, 2019). "Mueller says Russia's GRU stole Clinton, DNC emails and gave them to WikiLeaks". Washington Examiner. Dicapai pada April 23, 2019.

washingtonpost.com

Barrett, Devlin; Zapotosky, Matt (April 17, 2019). "Mueller report lays out obstruction evidence against the president". The Washington Post. Dicapai pada April 20, 2019.
Blake, Aaron (April 18, 2019). "The 10 Trump actions Mueller spotlighted for potential obstruction". The Washington Post. Dicapai pada April 19, 2019.
Blake, Aaron (March 25, 2019). "Your big questions about the Mueller report, answered". The Washington Post (dalam bahasa Inggeris). Dicapai pada 2019-04-23. Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (bantuan)

wikipedia.org

en.wikipedia.org

Newcomer, Eric (April 19, 2019). "Mueller's Reminder That Silicon Valley Isn't Ready for the Next Election". Bloomberg L.P. Dicapai pada April 21, 2019. Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (bantuan)
Blake, Aaron (March 25, 2019). "Your big questions about the Mueller report, answered". The Washington Post (dalam bahasa Inggeris). Dicapai pada 2019-04-23. Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (bantuan)

yale.edu

yaleglobal.yale.edu

"The Mueller Report". YaleGlobal Online. MacMillan Center.