Greenstein, The Bi-nationalist Perspective in Israel/Palestine during the British Mandate, 1917-1948, Chapter 1. Zie par. The Roots of Bi-Nationalism en Brit Shalom. Ran Greenstein, 2014
"[The bi-nationalist associations of the Mandate period] adhered to a version of Zionism which supported the formation of a Jewish national home, frequently understood as a ‘spiritual centre’ rather than a political entity. They rarely deviated from the quest for Jewish immigration to the country and settlement on the land, but they distanced themselves from the mainstream Zionist position, which viewed the majority national home as a prelude to a state (sometimes referred to vaguely as a 'commonwealth') in which Jews would dominate demographically and politically. Their [The bi-nationalist associations'] aim was to create a solid basis for the Jewish community in the country, without making it the dominant group. [...]
Willingness to compromise on – but not necessarily abandon – basic Zionist principle served to distinguish what became known as the bi-nationalist approach from other political perspectives.
Greenstein, The Bi-nationalist Perspective in Israel/Palestine during the British Mandate, 1917-1948, Chapter 1. In: Ran Greenstein, Zionism and its Discontents: A century of radical dissent in Israel/Palestine, 2014, pp. 1-49:
"Simon rejected that [(define the solution of the Jewish problem in Palestine as the movement's goal)]. Instead he proposed an explicit renunciation of the demand for a majority, and [proposed] a statement that Zionism – the quest to create a secure basis for the Jewish people in Palestine according to international law – could be realized in a bi-national country, with no need for a Jewish majority. This would alleviate the Arab fear that Zionism was merely a scheme to take over the country and marginalize non-Jews."
[Albert Hourani] opposed a bi-national state, ... Even if it were possible, a bi-national state would lead to one of two things: “Either to a complete deadlock involving perhaps the intervention of foreign powers, or else to the domination of the whole life of the state by communal considerations.” Above all, Hourani said, the integrity and sincerity of Magnes were not in doubt but he spoke for “a very small section of the Jewish community in Palestine.” His scheme would satisfy his group of supporters “but it would not satisfy the vast majority of Zionists.” If a bi-national state were established, he and his group “would be swept aside and the majority of Zionists would use what Doctor Magnes had obtained for them in order to press their next demands.” Thus, he might become “the first victim of political Zionism.”". Gearchiveerd op 26 juni 2023.
De Britse minister Balfour in 1919 over het zionistische programma en het Britse beleid, zoals Balfour zelf had voorgesteld in een memo aan de Premier: "Palestine should be excluded from the terms of reference because the Powers had committed themselves to the Zionist programme which inevitably excluded numerical self-determination [zelfbestemming voor de Arabische meerderheid was voor de zionisten uitgesloten]. Palestine presented a unique situation. We (de Britse regering) are dealing not with the wishes of an existing community but are consciously seeking to reconstitute a new community and definitely building for a numerical majority in the future ... [We hebben niet te maken met de wensen van een bestaande gemeenschap, maar willen doelbewust een nieuwe (joodse) gemeenschap vestigen met een meerderheid in de toekomst]" Allied policy on Palestine. Citaat uit een Brits regeringsdocument in: The Origins And Evolution Of The Palestine Problem, 1917-1947 (VN-DPR)
Greenstein, The Bi-nationalist Perspective in Israel/Palestine during the British Mandate, 1917-1948, Chapter 1. In: Ran Greenstein, Zionism and its Discontents: A century of radical dissent in Israel/Palestine, 2014, pp. 1-49:
"Simon rejected that [(define the solution of the Jewish problem in Palestine as the movement's goal)]. Instead he proposed an explicit renunciation of the demand for a majority, and [proposed] a statement that Zionism – the quest to create a secure basis for the Jewish people in Palestine according to international law – could be realized in a bi-national country, with no need for a Jewish majority. This would alleviate the Arab fear that Zionism was merely a scheme to take over the country and marginalize non-Jews."
[Albert Hourani] opposed a bi-national state, ... Even if it were possible, a bi-national state would lead to one of two things: “Either to a complete deadlock involving perhaps the intervention of foreign powers, or else to the domination of the whole life of the state by communal considerations.” Above all, Hourani said, the integrity and sincerity of Magnes were not in doubt but he spoke for “a very small section of the Jewish community in Palestine.” His scheme would satisfy his group of supporters “but it would not satisfy the vast majority of Zionists.” If a bi-national state were established, he and his group “would be swept aside and the majority of Zionists would use what Doctor Magnes had obtained for them in order to press their next demands.” Thus, he might become “the first victim of political Zionism.”". Gearchiveerd op 26 juni 2023.
There is such a thing as 'Israeli'. Haaretz, 5 mei 2014
"... The reasoning for rejecting the petition was that the existence of “an Israeli people” had not been legally proven, Judge Hanan Melcer noted, and “it is not proper to encourage the creation of ‘slivers’ of new peoples.” [...] it is hard not to wonder what exactly the basis was for the court’s determination that there is no such thing as an Israeli nationality [with the Population Registry’s use of the term “nationality” referring not to citizenship but rather to ethnic identity].". Gearchiveerd op 9 december 2021.
Greenstein, The Bi-nationalist Perspective in Israel/Palestine during the British Mandate, 1917-1948, Chapter 1. In: Ran Greenstein, Zionism and its Discontents: A century of radical dissent in Israel/Palestine, 2014, pp. 1-49:
"Simon rejected that [(define the solution of the Jewish problem in Palestine as the movement's goal)]. Instead he proposed an explicit renunciation of the demand for a majority, and [proposed] a statement that Zionism – the quest to create a secure basis for the Jewish people in Palestine according to international law – could be realized in a bi-national country, with no need for a Jewish majority. This would alleviate the Arab fear that Zionism was merely a scheme to take over the country and marginalize non-Jews."
[Albert Hourani] opposed a bi-national state, ... Even if it were possible, a bi-national state would lead to one of two things: “Either to a complete deadlock involving perhaps the intervention of foreign powers, or else to the domination of the whole life of the state by communal considerations.” Above all, Hourani said, the integrity and sincerity of Magnes were not in doubt but he spoke for “a very small section of the Jewish community in Palestine.” His scheme would satisfy his group of supporters “but it would not satisfy the vast majority of Zionists.” If a bi-national state were established, he and his group “would be swept aside and the majority of Zionists would use what Doctor Magnes had obtained for them in order to press their next demands.” Thus, he might become “the first victim of political Zionism.”". Gearchiveerd op 26 juni 2023.
Zie taartpunten-grafiek op p. 6-9 voor de keuzes uit opties; p. 16-17 voor 2 staten onder voorwaarden. De alternatieve opties werden alleen aangeboden aan de respondenten die een 2SO al hadden afgewezen (zie p. 5). Palestinian-Israeli Pulse: A Joint Poll, juni 2018 (1,3 MB). via
Likud spreekt zich uit voor verdere annexatie Palestina. The Rights Forum, 2 jan 2018.
"… the Likud Central Committee calls on Likud’s elected leaders to work to allow unhindered construction and to extend Israeli law and sovereignty in all the areas of liberated settlement in Judea and Samaria."
ESCWA Launches Report on Israeli Practices Towards the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid. ESCWA, 15 maart 2017 Samenvatting rapport; Hele rapport
"Israel ... has succeeded over the past decades in imposing and maintaining an apartheid regime that works on two levels. First, the political and geographic fragmentation of the Palestinian people ... Secondly, the oppression of all Palestinians through an array of laws, policies and practices that ensure domination of them by a racial group and serve to maintain the regime."
ESCWA Launches Report on Israeli Practices Towards the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid. ESCWA, 15 maart 2017 Samenvatting rapport; Hele rapport
"Israel ... has succeeded over the past decades in imposing and maintaining an apartheid regime that works on two levels. First, the political and geographic fragmentation of the Palestinian people ... Secondly, the oppression of all Palestinians through an array of laws, policies and practices that ensure domination of them by a racial group and serve to maintain the regime."
Brief van Chaim Weizmann aan Arthur Balfour, 24 januari 1919, voor de Vredesconferentie van Parijs. Weizmann beweert te spreken namens zowel de zionisten als de non-zionisten (niet de anti-zionisten!). Dit was een onwaarheid. In werkelijkheid waren de non-zionisten juist per definitie uitgesproken tegen een joodse staat, waarom zij dus geen zionisten waren. Gearchiveerd op 26 juni 2023.
UNSCOP-rapport, 3 september 1947 (A/364), Chapter II, par. 127 en 130 (pdf p. 71-72). van origineel
"The Jewish case seeks the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine, and Jewish immigration into Palestine both before and after the creation of the Jewish State subject only to the limitations imposed by the economic absorptive capacity of that State. ... On the one hand, the Jewish State is needed in order to assure a refuge for the Jewish immigrants ... On the other hand, a Jewish State would have urgent need of Jewish immigrants in order to affect the present great numerical preponderance of Arabs over Jews in Palestine. The Jewish case frankly recognizes the difficulty involved in creating at the present time a Jewish State in all of Palestine in which Jews would, in fact, be only a minority, ..."
"In their view, the Mandate intended that the natural evolution of Jewish immigration, unrestricted save by economic considerations, might ultimately lead to a commonwealth in which the Jews would be a majority."
De Britse minister Balfour in 1919 over het zionistische programma en het Britse beleid, zoals Balfour zelf had voorgesteld in een memo aan de Premier: "Palestine should be excluded from the terms of reference because the Powers had committed themselves to the Zionist programme which inevitably excluded numerical self-determination [zelfbestemming voor de Arabische meerderheid was voor de zionisten uitgesloten]. Palestine presented a unique situation. We (de Britse regering) are dealing not with the wishes of an existing community but are consciously seeking to reconstitute a new community and definitely building for a numerical majority in the future ... [We hebben niet te maken met de wensen van een bestaande gemeenschap, maar willen doelbewust een nieuwe (joodse) gemeenschap vestigen met een meerderheid in de toekomst]" Allied policy on Palestine. Citaat uit een Brits regeringsdocument in: The Origins And Evolution Of The Palestine Problem, 1917-1947 (VN-DPR)
Greenstein, The Bi-nationalist Perspective in Israel/Palestine during the British Mandate, 1917-1948, Chapter 1. In: Ran Greenstein, Zionism and its Discontents: A century of radical dissent in Israel/Palestine, 2014, pp. 1-49:
"Simon rejected that [(define the solution of the Jewish problem in Palestine as the movement's goal)]. Instead he proposed an explicit renunciation of the demand for a majority, and [proposed] a statement that Zionism – the quest to create a secure basis for the Jewish people in Palestine according to international law – could be realized in a bi-national country, with no need for a Jewish majority. This would alleviate the Arab fear that Zionism was merely a scheme to take over the country and marginalize non-Jews."
[Albert Hourani] opposed a bi-national state, ... Even if it were possible, a bi-national state would lead to one of two things: “Either to a complete deadlock involving perhaps the intervention of foreign powers, or else to the domination of the whole life of the state by communal considerations.” Above all, Hourani said, the integrity and sincerity of Magnes were not in doubt but he spoke for “a very small section of the Jewish community in Palestine.” His scheme would satisfy his group of supporters “but it would not satisfy the vast majority of Zionists.” If a bi-national state were established, he and his group “would be swept aside and the majority of Zionists would use what Doctor Magnes had obtained for them in order to press their next demands.” Thus, he might become “the first victim of political Zionism.”". Gearchiveerd op 26 juni 2023.
There is such a thing as 'Israeli'. Haaretz, 5 mei 2014
"... The reasoning for rejecting the petition was that the existence of “an Israeli people” had not been legally proven, Judge Hanan Melcer noted, and “it is not proper to encourage the creation of ‘slivers’ of new peoples.” [...] it is hard not to wonder what exactly the basis was for the court’s determination that there is no such thing as an Israeli nationality [with the Population Registry’s use of the term “nationality” referring not to citizenship but rather to ethnic identity].". Gearchiveerd op 9 december 2021.
Brief van Chaim Weizmann aan Arthur Balfour, 24 januari 1919, voor de Vredesconferentie van Parijs. Weizmann beweert te spreken namens zowel de zionisten als de non-zionisten (niet de anti-zionisten!). Dit was een onwaarheid. In werkelijkheid waren de non-zionisten juist per definitie uitgesproken tegen een joodse staat, waarom zij dus geen zionisten waren. Gearchiveerd op 26 juni 2023.