Brinkhoff, Thomas (28. august 2009). «Hungary : Major cities». citypopulation.de. Besøkt 26. oktober 2009.
cnn.com
Bociurkiw, Michael (3. april 2020). «Hungarian leader's outrageous power grab». CNN. Besøkt 11. mai 2020. «Nowhere is the grab for unchecked power more egregious than in Hungary. (Michael Bociurkiw is a global affairs analyst and a former spokesman for the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe)»
Heinrich Georg-Hans (2019): From Horthy to Orban: Neo-Authoritarianism in Hungary. I Jerzy J. Wiatr, red., New Authoritarianism: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st century, Opladen-Berlin-Toronto: Barbara Budrich Publishers: 100-128.
Cosman, Ioana; Macavei, Bianca; Sucala, Madalina; David, Daniel (1. mars 2013). «Rational and Irrational Beliefs and Coping Strategies Among Transylvanian Holocaust Survivors: An Exploratory Analysis». Journal of Loss and Trauma. 2. 18: 179–194. ISSN1532-5024. doi:10.1080/15325024.2012.687322. Besøkt 8. september 2019. «All of the Jewish population from northern Transylvania (with the exception of those who were in forced labor detachments) was sent to Auschwitz during the months of May and June 1944. Prior to deportation, ghettos were established in the main towns of the region within areas surrounded by barbed wire, but mostly inside brick factories that were no longer in function. The Jews were kept in these ghettos for 3 to 4 weeks, some of them being tortured to confess where they had hidden their belongings.»
Ward, James Mace (1. april 2015). «The 1938 First Vienna Award and the Holocaust in Slovakia». Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 1 (på engelsk). 29: 76–108. ISSN8756-6583. doi:10.1093/hgs/dcv004. Besøkt 16. september 2019. «The 1938 First Vienna Award obliged Slovakia to cede substantial territories to Hungary. For many Slovaks, the logic of ethnic borders transformed Jews into, or confirmed them as, “security threats,” accentuating the goal of ethnic homogeneity as a defense against Hungarian irredentism. … Hungarian irredentism sought to regain territories lost as a result of the 1920 Treaty of Trianon. Among the most important of these lands were the Felvidék (the Czechoslovak provinces of Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus') and Transylvania (which Romania had gained). … Strengthening the radicals' case was a November 1937 meeting between German Chancellor Adolf Hitler and Hungarian Foreign Minister Kálmán Kánya at which Hitler revealed his intention to dismember Czechoslovakia.»
Ward, J. M. (2015). The 1938 First Vienna Award and the Holocaust in Slovakia. Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 29(1), 76-108. «On November 2, 1938, Czecho-Slovak and Hungarian delegations assembled in Vienna's Belvedere Palace for final arguments before the two arbiters, German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and Italian Foreign Minister Count Galeazzo Ciano.»
«Pain remains for Slovak Holocaust survivor | DW | 23.01.2013». Deutsche Welle (på engelsk). 23. januar 2013. Besøkt 1. april 2019. «Until 1938, Kosice had been a thriving city in eastern Czechoslovakia. Hungarians, Germans, Slovaks and Jews - 12,000 of them, 20 percent of the population - lived alongside each other in relative harmony.»
«How Viktor Orban hollowed out Hungary’s democracy». The Economist. 29. august 2019. ISSN0013-0613. Besøkt 31. august 2019. «Viktor Orban, the prime minister of Hungary, has other ideas. In the place of such strife, he and his colleagues in Fidesz, the governing party, have over the past nine years sought to align the executive, legislative and judicial powers of the state. Those branches now buttress each other and Fidesz—sometimes unobtrusively, sometimes blatantly. Mr Orban refers to the result of these efforts as the “system of national co-operation”. He used to speak more openly of an “illiberal democracy”.»
«How Viktor Orban hollowed out Hungary’s democracy». The Economist. 29. august 2019. ISSN0013-0613. Besøkt 31. august 2019. «Viktor Orban, the prime minister of Hungary, has other ideas. In the place of such strife, he and his colleagues in Fidesz, the governing party, have over the past nine years sought to align the executive, legislative and judicial powers of the state. Those branches now buttress each other and Fidesz—sometimes unobtrusively, sometimes blatantly. Mr Orban refers to the result of these efforts as the “system of national co-operation”. He used to speak more openly of an “illiberal democracy”.»
«How Hungary’s leader, Viktor Orban, gets away with it». The Economist. 2. april 2020. ISSN0013-0613. Besøkt 11. mai 2020. «He takes near-dictatorial powers, while the EU does nothing...In 2013 he told an interviewer: “In a crisis, you don’t need governance by institutions.” Again, he has followed through. A law enacted on March 30th means Mr Orban can rule by decree—bypassing parliament—until the coronavirus crisis is over. In films the villain is thwarted after revealing his hand.»
foreignpolicy.com
Traub, James (31. oktober 2015). «The Regression of Viktor Orban». Foreign Policy (på engelsk). Besøkt 15. august 2019. «Orban made his name in Hungary when, as a young lawyer and activist, he spoke at an immense rally in 1989 celebrating the reburial of Imre Nagy, the hero of the country’s 1956 failed uprising against the Soviets who was later executed for treason. Orban thrilled Hungarians by demanding that the Soviet Union withdraw from his country. Several months later, in one of the first signs of the exhaustion of the empire, the Soviets did just that. Hungary had one of the smoothest and least painful transitions to democracy in Eastern Europe. If the country had a single iconic moment of liberation, it was Orban who delivered it.»
freedomhouse.org
«Dropping the Democratic Facade». Freedom House (på engelsk). Besøkt 12. mai 2020. «The 2020 adoption of an emergency law that allows the government to rule by decree indefinitely has further exposed the undemocratic character of Orbán’s regime. Hungary’s decline has been the most precipitous ever tracked in Nations in Transit; it was one of the three democratic frontrunners as of 2005, but in 2020 it became the first country to descend by two regime categories and leave the group of democracies entirely.»
Wig, Tore (4. april 2020). «Et veikart for diktatur i Europa». morgenbladet.no. Besøkt 23. mai 2020. «I en ny forskningsartikkel analyserer den samme Przeworski (og medforfatter Luo), som formulerte «Argentina-regelen» om de siste årenes eksempler på overganger til diktatur (eksempelvis Tyrkia, Venezuela og Ungarn), at dagens diktaturer driver «undergraving i det skjulte», hvor hvert skritt mot autokratiet i seg selv ikke er grunnlovsstridig eller udemokratisk, men hvor endepunktet ofte er et diktatur.»
Ward, James Mace (1. april 2015). «The 1938 First Vienna Award and the Holocaust in Slovakia». Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 1 (på engelsk). 29: 76–108. ISSN8756-6583. doi:10.1093/hgs/dcv004. Besøkt 16. september 2019. «The 1938 First Vienna Award obliged Slovakia to cede substantial territories to Hungary. For many Slovaks, the logic of ethnic borders transformed Jews into, or confirmed them as, “security threats,” accentuating the goal of ethnic homogeneity as a defense against Hungarian irredentism. … Hungarian irredentism sought to regain territories lost as a result of the 1920 Treaty of Trianon. Among the most important of these lands were the Felvidék (the Czechoslovak provinces of Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus') and Transylvania (which Romania had gained). … Strengthening the radicals' case was a November 1937 meeting between German Chancellor Adolf Hitler and Hungarian Foreign Minister Kálmán Kánya at which Hitler revealed his intention to dismember Czechoslovakia.»
Sulyok, Vince (14. januar 2019). «Miklós Horthy». Store norske leksikon (på norsk). Besøkt 9. februar 2019.
telegraph.co.uk
Kelly, Ben (31. mars 2020). «If the EU cannot rein in Hungary's dictator Viktor Orban, it will rot from the inside». The Telegraph (på engelsk). ISSN0307-1235. Besøkt 11. mai 2020. «It’s official, the European Union has its first dictatorship. This is an existential threat and it could not have come at a worse time. Nonetheless, the EU must deal with this decisively. While the whole of Europe is distracted by the pandemic, Viktor Orban has forced through emergency powers that allow him to ‘rule by decree’.»
«From Orban to Kaczynski, Wannabe Autocrats Love the Pandemic». Washington Post. 31. mars 2020. Arkivert fra originalen 6. juni 2020. Besøkt 22. mai 2020. «It lets Orban rule by decree, and without any time limit whatsoever. Jaw-dropping in its brazenness, the new law also allows Orban to suspend any previous law he doesn’t like and changes the criminal code so that Orban’s government can imprison anybody who in its opinion “distorts” facts. In effect, it’s a silent coup d’etat that leaves Orban’s power completely unchecked.»
web.archive.org
«From Orban to Kaczynski, Wannabe Autocrats Love the Pandemic». Washington Post. 31. mars 2020. Arkivert fra originalen 6. juni 2020. Besøkt 22. mai 2020. «It lets Orban rule by decree, and without any time limit whatsoever. Jaw-dropping in its brazenness, the new law also allows Orban to suspend any previous law he doesn’t like and changes the criminal code so that Orban’s government can imprison anybody who in its opinion “distorts” facts. In effect, it’s a silent coup d’etat that leaves Orban’s power completely unchecked.»
Cosman, Ioana; Macavei, Bianca; Sucala, Madalina; David, Daniel (1. mars 2013). «Rational and Irrational Beliefs and Coping Strategies Among Transylvanian Holocaust Survivors: An Exploratory Analysis». Journal of Loss and Trauma. 2. 18: 179–194. ISSN1532-5024. doi:10.1080/15325024.2012.687322. Besøkt 8. september 2019. «All of the Jewish population from northern Transylvania (with the exception of those who were in forced labor detachments) was sent to Auschwitz during the months of May and June 1944. Prior to deportation, ghettos were established in the main towns of the region within areas surrounded by barbed wire, but mostly inside brick factories that were no longer in function. The Jews were kept in these ghettos for 3 to 4 weeks, some of them being tortured to confess where they had hidden their belongings.»
Ward, James Mace (1. april 2015). «The 1938 First Vienna Award and the Holocaust in Slovakia». Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 1 (på engelsk). 29: 76–108. ISSN8756-6583. doi:10.1093/hgs/dcv004. Besøkt 16. september 2019. «The 1938 First Vienna Award obliged Slovakia to cede substantial territories to Hungary. For many Slovaks, the logic of ethnic borders transformed Jews into, or confirmed them as, “security threats,” accentuating the goal of ethnic homogeneity as a defense against Hungarian irredentism. … Hungarian irredentism sought to regain territories lost as a result of the 1920 Treaty of Trianon. Among the most important of these lands were the Felvidék (the Czechoslovak provinces of Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus') and Transylvania (which Romania had gained). … Strengthening the radicals' case was a November 1937 meeting between German Chancellor Adolf Hitler and Hungarian Foreign Minister Kálmán Kánya at which Hitler revealed his intention to dismember Czechoslovakia.»
«How Viktor Orban hollowed out Hungary’s democracy». The Economist. 29. august 2019. ISSN0013-0613. Besøkt 31. august 2019. «Viktor Orban, the prime minister of Hungary, has other ideas. In the place of such strife, he and his colleagues in Fidesz, the governing party, have over the past nine years sought to align the executive, legislative and judicial powers of the state. Those branches now buttress each other and Fidesz—sometimes unobtrusively, sometimes blatantly. Mr Orban refers to the result of these efforts as the “system of national co-operation”. He used to speak more openly of an “illiberal democracy”.»
«How Viktor Orban hollowed out Hungary’s democracy». The Economist. 29. august 2019. ISSN0013-0613. Besøkt 31. august 2019. «Viktor Orban, the prime minister of Hungary, has other ideas. In the place of such strife, he and his colleagues in Fidesz, the governing party, have over the past nine years sought to align the executive, legislative and judicial powers of the state. Those branches now buttress each other and Fidesz—sometimes unobtrusively, sometimes blatantly. Mr Orban refers to the result of these efforts as the “system of national co-operation”. He used to speak more openly of an “illiberal democracy”.»
«How Hungary’s leader, Viktor Orban, gets away with it». The Economist. 2. april 2020. ISSN0013-0613. Besøkt 11. mai 2020. «He takes near-dictatorial powers, while the EU does nothing...In 2013 he told an interviewer: “In a crisis, you don’t need governance by institutions.” Again, he has followed through. A law enacted on March 30th means Mr Orban can rule by decree—bypassing parliament—until the coronavirus crisis is over. In films the villain is thwarted after revealing his hand.»
Kelly, Ben (31. mars 2020). «If the EU cannot rein in Hungary's dictator Viktor Orban, it will rot from the inside». The Telegraph (på engelsk). ISSN0307-1235. Besøkt 11. mai 2020. «It’s official, the European Union has its first dictatorship. This is an existential threat and it could not have come at a worse time. Nonetheless, the EU must deal with this decisively. While the whole of Europe is distracted by the pandemic, Viktor Orban has forced through emergency powers that allow him to ‘rule by decree’.»
