Доклад Мюллера (Russian Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Доклад Мюллера" in Russian language version.

refsWebsite
Global rank Russian rank
1st place
1st place
918th place
1,620th place
34th place
95th place
129th place
378th place
476th place
1,759th place
220th place
617th place
108th place
313th place
137th place
525th place
61st place
116th place
7th place
23rd place
964th place
62nd place
48th place
152nd place
312th place
914th place
269th place
547th place
92nd place
360th place
565th place
901st place
228th place
594th place
99th place
216th place
6,649th place
low place
7,075th place
low place
198th place
517th place
20th place
25th place
low place
low place
14th place
11th place
259th place
618th place

afp.com

apnews.com

archive.today

bbc.com

bloomberg.com

cbsnews.com

cnbc.com

  • Breuninger, Kevin (2019-03-22). "Mueller Probe Ends: Special counsel submits Russia report to Attorney General William Barr". CNBC (англ.). Архивировано 22 марта 2019. Дата обращения: 18 апреля 2019.
  • Mangan, Dan Trump asserts 'executive privilege' over Mueller report in fight with House Democrats (англ.). CNBC (8 мая 2019). Дата обращения: 9 мая 2019. Архивировано 9 мая 2019 года.

factcheck.org

go.com

abcnews.go.com

justice.gov

  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. I, p. 180: "the Office's investigation uncovered evidence of numerous links (i.e., contacts) between Trump Campaign officials and individuals having or claiming to have ties to the Russian government. The Office evaluated the contacts under several sets of federal laws, including conspiracy laws and statutes governing foreign agents who operate in the United States. After considering the available evidence, the Office did not pursue charges under these statutes against any of the individuals discussed in Section IV above – with the exception of FARA charges against Paul Manafort and Richard Gates based on their activities on behalf of Ukraine.... several U.S. persons connected to the Campaign made false statements about those contacts and took other steps to obstruct the Office's investigation and those of Congress. This Office has therefore charged some of those individuals with making false statements and obstructing justice."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. I, p. 173: "Ultimately, the investigation did not establish that the Campaign coordinated or conspired with the Russian government in its election-interference activities."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, Vol. 1, p.10: The investigation did not always yield admissible information or testimony, or a complete picture of the activities undertaken by subjects of the investigation. Some individuals invoked their Fifth Amendment right against compelled self-incrimination and were not, in the Office's judgment, appropriate candidates for grants of immunity. The Office limited its pursuit of other witnesses and information-such as information known to attorneys or individuals claiming to be members of the media-in light of internal Department of Justice policies. See, e.g., Justice Manual §§ 9-13.400, 13.410. Some of the information obtained via court process, moreover, was presumptively covered by legal privilege and was screened from investigators by a filter (or "taint") team. Even when individuals testified or agreed to be interviewed, they sometimes provided information that was false or incomplete, leading to some of the false-statements charges described above. And the Office faced practical limits on its ability to access relevant evidence as well-numerous witnesses and subjects lived abroad, and documents were held outside the United States. Further, the Office learned that some of the individuals we interviewed or whose conduct we investigated-including some associated with the Trump Campaign—deleted relevant communications or communicated during the relevant period using applications that feature encryption or that do not provide for long-term retention of data or communications records. In such cases, the Office was not able to corroborate witness statements through comparison to contemporaneous communications or fully question witnesses about statements that appeared inconsistent with other known facts.
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. I, p. 1: "The Russian government interfered in the 2016 presidential election in sweeping and systematic fashion"
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. I, p. 66: "The Office identified multiple contacts – 'links', in the words of the Appointment Order – between Trump Campaign officials and individuals with ties to the Russian government."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. II, p. 2: "Third, we considered whether to evaluate the conduct we investigated under the Justice Manual standards governing prosecution and declination decisions, but we determined not to apply an approach that could potentially result in a judgment that the President committed crimes."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. II, p. 1: "The Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) has issued an opinion finding that 'the indictment or criminal prosecution of a sitting President would impermissibly undermine the capacity of the executive branch to perform its constitutionally assigned functions' in violation of the constitutional separation of powers. [...] this Office accepted OLC's legal conclusion for the purpose of exercising prosecutorial jurisdiction."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. II, pp. 1–2: "[...] apart from OLC's constitutional view, we recognized that a federal criminal accusation against a sitting President would place burdens on the President's capacity to govern and potentially preempt constitutional processes for addressing presidential misconduct. Footnote: See U.S. CONST. Art. I § 2, cl. 5; § 3, cl. 6; cf. OLC Op. at 257–258 (discussing relationship between impeachment and criminal prosecution of a sitting President). [...] Even if an indictment were sealed during the President's term, OLC reasoned, 'it would be very difficult to preserve [an indictment's] secrecy', and if an indictment became public, '[t]he stigma and opprobrium' could imperil the President's ability to govern."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. II, p. 2: "[...] a prosecutor's judgment that crimes were committed, but that no charges will be brought, affords no such adversarial opportunity for public name-clearing before an impartial adjudicator. The concerns about the fairness of such a determination would be heightened in the case of a sitting President, where a federal prosecutor's accusation of a crime, even in an internal report, could carry consequences that extend beyond the realm of criminal justice. OLC noted similar concerns about sealed indictments."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. II, p. 7: "while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. II, p. 2: "Fourth, if we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state. Based on the facts and the applicable legal standards, however, we are unable to reach that judgment. The evidence we obtained about the President's actions and intent presents difficult issues that prevent us from conclusively determining that no criminal conduct occurred. Accordingly, while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine., vol. II, p. 185: "The President's efforts to influence the investigation were mostly unsuccessful, but that is largely because the persons who surrounded the President declined to carry out orders or accede to his requests. [...] The President launched public attacks on the investigation and individuals involved in it who could possess evidence adverse to the President, while in private, the President engaged in a series of targeted efforts to control the investigation."
  • Mueller Report Архивная копия от 22 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, vol. II, p. 8: "With respect to whether the President can be found to have obstructed justice by exercising his powers under Article II of the Constitution, we concluded that Congress has authority to prohibit a President's corrupt use of his authority in order to protect the integrity of the administration of justice. [...] The conclusion that Congress may apply the obstruction laws to the President's corrupt exercise of the powers of office accords with our constitutional system of checks and balances and the principle that no person is above the law."
  • Barr letter Архивная копия от 14 апреля 2019 на Wayback Machine, p. 3: "After reviewing the Special Counsel's final report on these issues; consulting with Department officials, including the Office of Legal Counsel; and applying the principles of federal prosecution that guide our charging decisions, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein and I have concluded that the evidence developed during the Special Counsel's investigation is not sufficient to establish that the President committed an obstruction-of-justice offense."

lawfareblog.com

nbcnews.com

newsweek.com

npr.org

nytimes.com

pbs.org

politico.com

slate.com

svoboda.org

theatlantic.com

thehill.com

time.com

washingtonpost.com

web.archive.org

yale.edu

yaleglobal.yale.edu