Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "สังคมนิยมแบบอิสรนิยม" in Thai language version.
[i]t is apparent [...] that Proudhonian Anarchism was to be found in the United States at least as early as 1848 and that it was not conscious of its affinity to the Individualist Anarchism of Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews [...]. William B. Greene presented this Proudhonian Mutualism in its purest and most systematic form.
It was with sadness and a certain frustration that I read in Democracy and Nature (Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 198-202) that Murray Bookchin and Janet Biehl have resigned from the D&N International Advisory Board, Murray complaining, among other things, that the journal has become too 'Castoriadian' in its orientation. The sadness stems from the fact that I found inherently appealing D&N's effort to examine what it considered the best of Bookchin and Castoriadis (1) so as to encourage the emergence of a 'new liberatory project.'
As an ideology insurrectionalism originates in the peculiar conditions of post war Italy and Greece.
Left libertarianism can therefore range from the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the State.
from the 1890s on, the term 'libertarian socialism' has entered common use as a synonym for anarchism
Anarchism continued to develop, partly in the direction of Proudhonian "Mutuellisme," but chiefly as Communist-Anarchism, to which a third direction, Christian-Anarchism, was added by Leo Tolstoy, and a fourth, which might be ascribed as literary-Anarchism, began amongst some prominent modern writers.
Soon after their meeting, Kropotkin asked Chertkov to transmit a message of friendly esteem to Tolstoy. He seems to have made some reference to their difference of opinions on the question of violence, for Tolstoy wrote to Chertkov shortly afterwards: 'Kropotkin’s letter has pleased me very much. His arguments in favour of violence do not seem to me to be the expression of his opinions, but only of his fidelity to the banner under which he has served so honestly all his life He cannot fail to see that the protest against violence, in order to be strong, must have a solid foundation But a protest for violence has no foundation and for this very reason IS destined to failure'
Gandhi was aware that his meaning of swaraj differed from theirs. For them, swaraj was 'to drive the English out of India,' but to retain the English system of administrative practice, military power, and national glory. Gandhi confessed to his difficulty in understanding such a swaraj: it was not true swaraj, the swaraj that he wanted.
In many of the alternative communities established in Britain in the early 1900s, nudism, anarchism, vegetarianism and free love were accepted as part of a politically radical way of life. In the 1920s the inhabitants of the anarchist community at Whiteway, near Stroud in Gloucestershire, shocked the conservative residents of the area with their shameless nudity.
Inmiddels kan ik vaststellen dat de term ‘liberalisme’ voor verwarring zorgt. De jaren van Paars neoliberalisme hebben de publieke conceptie van liberalisme uitgehold. Liberalisme is synoniem geworden met marktdenken, vrijblijvendheid en afscheid van de publieke sector. Deze beperkte vorm van liberalisme wordt door mij juist niet nagestreefd. [...] Wèl gaat het mij om liberalisme in de vorm van vrijzinnigheid: grote nadruk op het vrije woord en de vrijheid ‘anders’ te zijn, ondogmatisch, met een gezonde achterdocht jegens culturele dwang en een tikje anarchistisch ten opzichte van de uitdijende overheidsbureaucratie. [...] illustreert de Britse filosoof Isaiah Berlin dit aan de hand van het negatieve en het positieve vrijheidsbeginsel (in vertaling: Twee opvattingen van vrijheid; Boom, 1996). In Berlins opvatting is negatieve vrijheid het recht van burgers om gevrijwaard te zijn van dwang en onderdrukking door de overheid. Dit vrijheidsbeginsel is diep geworteld in onze samenleving en verankerd in de klassieke grondrechten: de vrijheid van meningsuiting, van vergadering, van religie, het recht op de persoonlijke levenssfeer, de onaantastbaarheid van het lichaam enzovoort. Alleen als er dwingende redenen zijn van algemeen belang (de veiligheid van de staat) of als door bijvoorbeeld onderdrukking, discriminatie of geweld andermans vrijheid in het gedrang komt, mag er door de overheid (proportioneel) worden ingegrepen. Naast het negatieve vrijheidsbeginsel staat het positieve vrijheidsbeginsel. Dit houdt in dat de overheid vrijheid van zijn onderdanen ook mogelijk maakt. Aangezien in de moderne kapitalistische samenleving vrijheid door sociaal-economische positie, onderwijs en maatschappelijke kansen wordt bepaald, moet ‘bevrijding’ van individuen uit achterstand en achterstelling worden nagestreefd. Ook dit vrijheidsbeginsel is verankerd in onze grondwet, in de sociale grondrechten. Deze dwingen de overheid zich ‘in te spannen’ voor bijvoorbeeld de spreiding van welvaart, het creëren van werkgelegenheid en onderwijs en voor verbetering van welzijn en het leefmilieu.
As we apprehend it, the process of instituting communism can only take the form of a collection of acts of communisation, of making common suchand-such space, such-and-such machine, suchand-such knowledge. That is to say, the elaboration of the mode of sharing that attaches to them. Insurrection itself is just an accelerator, a decisive moment in this process.
Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations – by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power – and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation.
it was Nehru's vision, not Gandhi's, that was eventually preferred by the Indian State
[...] the ideally non-violent State would be an ordered anarchy.
[d]uring the Spanish revolution of 1873, Pi y Margall attempted to establish a decentralized, or 'cantonalist,' political system on Proudhonian lines
[...] in an implied contractual relationship with the public. [...] stood for state ownership of industry, combined with 'workers' control' through delegation of authority to national guilds organized internally on democratic lines. About the state itself they differed, some believing it would remain more or less in its existing form and others that it would be transformed into a federal body representing the workers' guilds, consumers' organizations, local government bodies, and other social structures.
But there has always been a market-oriented strand of libertarian socialism that emphasizes voluntary cooperation between producers. And markets, properly understood, have always been about cooperation. As a commenter at Reason magazine’s Hit&Run blog, remarking on Jesse Walker’s link to the Kelly article, put it: 'every trade is a cooperative act.' In fact, it’s a fairly common observation among market anarchists that genuinely free markets have the most legitimate claim to the label 'socialism.'
There was no time to answer the one great disagreement which was in their minds--how can you reconcile your Faith in the monolithic, authoritarian Church which seems so far from Jesus who 'had no place to lay his head,' and who said 'sell what you have and give to the poor,'--with your anarchism? Because I have been behind bars in police stations, houses of detention, jails and prison farms, whatsoever they are called, eleven times, and have refused to pay Federal income taxes and have never voted, they accept me as an anarchist. And I in turn, can see Christ in them even though they deny Him, because they are giving themselves to working for a better social order for the wretched of the earth.
The blurb on the back of the book Small Is Beautiful lists fellow spokesmen for the ideas expressed, including 'Alex Comfort, Paul Goodman and Murray Bookchin. It is the tradition we might call anarchism.' We ourselves have never hesitated to use the word.
Libertarian socialism, furthermore, does not limit its aims to democratic control by producers over production, but seeks to abolish all forms of domination and hierarchy in every aspect of social and personal life, an unending struggle, since progress in achieving a more just society will lead to new insight and understanding of forms of oppression that may be concealed in traditional practice and consciousness.
Les anarchistes individualistes du début du siècle l'avaient bien compris, et intégraient le naturisme dans leurs préoccupations. Il est vraiment dommage que ce discours se soit peu à peu effacé, d'antan plus que nous assistons, en ce moment, à un retour en force du puritanisme (conservateur par essence).
Inmiddels kan ik vaststellen dat de term ‘liberalisme’ voor verwarring zorgt. De jaren van Paars neoliberalisme hebben de publieke conceptie van liberalisme uitgehold. Liberalisme is synoniem geworden met marktdenken, vrijblijvendheid en afscheid van de publieke sector. Deze beperkte vorm van liberalisme wordt door mij juist niet nagestreefd. [...] Wèl gaat het mij om liberalisme in de vorm van vrijzinnigheid: grote nadruk op het vrije woord en de vrijheid ‘anders’ te zijn, ondogmatisch, met een gezonde achterdocht jegens culturele dwang en een tikje anarchistisch ten opzichte van de uitdijende overheidsbureaucratie. [...] illustreert de Britse filosoof Isaiah Berlin dit aan de hand van het negatieve en het positieve vrijheidsbeginsel (in vertaling: Twee opvattingen van vrijheid; Boom, 1996). In Berlins opvatting is negatieve vrijheid het recht van burgers om gevrijwaard te zijn van dwang en onderdrukking door de overheid. Dit vrijheidsbeginsel is diep geworteld in onze samenleving en verankerd in de klassieke grondrechten: de vrijheid van meningsuiting, van vergadering, van religie, het recht op de persoonlijke levenssfeer, de onaantastbaarheid van het lichaam enzovoort. Alleen als er dwingende redenen zijn van algemeen belang (de veiligheid van de staat) of als door bijvoorbeeld onderdrukking, discriminatie of geweld andermans vrijheid in het gedrang komt, mag er door de overheid (proportioneel) worden ingegrepen. Naast het negatieve vrijheidsbeginsel staat het positieve vrijheidsbeginsel. Dit houdt in dat de overheid vrijheid van zijn onderdanen ook mogelijk maakt. Aangezien in de moderne kapitalistische samenleving vrijheid door sociaal-economische positie, onderwijs en maatschappelijke kansen wordt bepaald, moet ‘bevrijding’ van individuen uit achterstand en achterstelling worden nagestreefd. Ook dit vrijheidsbeginsel is verankerd in onze grondwet, in de sociale grondrechten. Deze dwingen de overheid zich ‘in te spannen’ voor bijvoorbeeld de spreiding van welvaart, het creëren van werkgelegenheid en onderwijs en voor verbetering van welzijn en het leefmilieu.
If any radical left tendency has been responsible for inspiring action, the palm should go to Marxism's historic antagonist on the Left–anarchism. [...] Wherever movements have been provoked against neoliberalism, black flags have tended to outnumber red. Autonomista and other kinds of left-libertarian thought were major currents running through movements in Greece and Spain. The cornerstone for the occupation of Zuccotti Park was laid by anarchists, who also developed the consensus procedures by which the movement participants made (or occasionally failed to make) decisions.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (ลิงก์)Le socialisme libertaire, enfin, incarné par Fournière et Malon, refuse à la fois l’économie marxiste et l’économisme libéral, la propriété coopérative permettant le développement des individualités.
human beings have an inalienable right to the product of their own labor
Sí se ha aprobado por unanimidad, también a propuesta de Ciudadanos, dedicar una calle al anarquista Melchor Rodríguez García, el último alcalde de Madrid republicano, ante 'el gran consenso social y político' al respecto y por 'su gran relevancia para la reconciliación y la concordia tras la Guerra Civil'
Los anarco-individualistas, G.I.A...Una escisión de la FAI producida en el IX Congreso (Carrara, 1965) se pr odujo cuando un sector de anarquistas de tendencia humanista rechazan la interpretación que ellos juzgan disciplinaria del "pacto asociativo" clásico, y crean los GIA (Gruppi di Iniziativa Anarchica). Esta pequeña federación de grupos, hoy nutrida sobre todo de veteranos anarco-individualistas de orientación pacifista, naturista, etcétera defiende la autonomía personal y rechaza a rajatabla toda forma de intervención en los procesos del sistema, como sería por ejemplo el sindicalismo. Su portavoz es L'Internazionale con sede en Ancona. La escisión de los GIA prefiguraba, en sentido contrario, el gran debate que pronto había de comenzar en el seno del movimiento
[...] subordinated, exploited: his permanent condition is one of obedience [...]
Like Marx, Gandhi hated the state and wished to eliminate it, and he told me he considered himself 'a philosophical anarchist.'
The group was known for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the 'Groucho Marxists.'
It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like [Adam] Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west.
[...] contemporary anarchism can be seen as a powerful critique of the pseudo-libertarianism of contemporary neo-liberalism [...] One might say that contemporary anarchism is about responsibility, whether sexual, ecological or socio-economic; it flows from an experience of conscience about the manifold ways in which the West ravages the rest; it is an ethical outrage at the yawning inequality, impoverishment and disenfranchisment that is so palpable locally and globally.
The IAF – IFA fights for: the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual.
Fotopoulos’ approach is not declaredly anarchist, [...] Anarchism seems nevertheless the most proximate formal category, given his radical decentralisation, direct democracy, municipalism and abolition of state, money and market economy.
[...] secures real freedom of choice, without incurring the adverse effects associated with real markets.
In the last few years, Robin's legacy has become even broader. In his speeches and articles he was setting out a vision of libertarian, democratic socialism that was beginning to break the sometimes sterile boundaries of "old" and "New" Labour labels.
It was in these conditions of class struggle that, among a whole cluster of radical groups such as the Fifth Monarchy Men, the Levellers and the Ranters, there emerged perhaps the first real proto-anarchists, the Diggers, who like the classical 19th-century anarchists identified political and economic power and who believed that a social, rather than political revolution was necessary for the establishment of justice. Gerrard Winstanley, the Diggers' leader, made an identification with the word of God and the principle of reason, an equivalent philosophy to that found in Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God is Within You. In fact, it seems likely Tolstoy took much of his own inspiration from Winstanley: [...]. ที่ The Anarchist Library.
A libertarian socialist and even anarcho-syndicalist character permeates CUP, in the anti-authoritarian tradition of the Catalan left — embodied by Civil War-era organizations like the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), which was anarcho-syndicalist, or Trotskyists like Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista (POUM). [...] cooperatives and popular cultural centers (casals and ateneus populars) flourished in the late 1990s and 2000s as safe havens for radical socialist communities, economic alternatives, and ideological formations. Many revolutionary youth organizations were born in these cultural centers. [...] In addition to the network of popular cultural centers, the emergence of squatted houses — also known as "self-managed social centers" — further extended this radical sensibility in Catalonia. While not all squatted houses are aligned with separatist socialism, some of the most emblematic houses are more identified with the separatist movement, like the squatted house of Can Vies in Barcelona. [...] Every local assembly represents the essential unit of this popular unity. It represents the neighborhood, the village, the town. [...] Assemblies are sovereign and potentially powerful. They are the cradle of participatory democracy. In some of the towns where CUP holds the power, these open assemblies have received extra responsibilities and "devolved" powers.
papers relating to Libertarian Communism (a splinter group of the SPGB) including journals and miscellaneous correspondence, 1970-1980 (1 box);
human beings have an inalienable right to the product of their own labor
These groups had their roots in the anarchist resurgence of the nineteen sixties. Young militants finding their way to anarchism, often from the anti-bomb and anti-Vietnam war movements, linked up with an earlier generation of activists, largely outside the ossified structures of ‘official’ anarchism. Anarchist tactics embraced demonstrations, direct action such as industrial militancy and squatting, protest bombings like those of the First of May Group and Angry Brigade – and a spree of publishing activity.
A Libertarian Marxist Journal
Outside and against this process of turning of Marxism into an ideology of domination, however, were various revolutionary tendencies which still drew on Marx's work to inform their struggles and which rejected both social- democratic and Marxist-Leninist versions of his theory. The most interesting of these, those that are relevant to my current purpose, have been those which insisted on the primacy of the self-activity and creativity of people in struggle against capitalism. Within the space of these tendencies there has developed a coherent critique of "orthodox Marxism" that includes not only a rejection of the concept of "the transition" but a reconceptualization of the process of transcending capitalism that has remarkable similarities to Kropotkin's thinking on this subject. [...] Thus one of the earliest political tendencies within which this approach appeared after the Russian revolution of 1917 was that of "Council communism" which saw the "workers councils" in Germany (see Bavarian Soviet Republic), or the soviets in Russia, as new organizational forms constructed by the people. As with the anarchists, they too saw the Bolshevik take-over of the soviets (like that of the trade unions) as subverting the revolution and beginning the restoration of domination and exploitation. [...] Over the years this emphasis on working class autonomy has resulted in a reinterpretation of Marxist theory that has brought out the two-sided character of the class struggle and shifted the focus from capital (the preoccupation of orthodox Marxism) to the workers. [...] As a result, not only has there been a recognition that capitalism seeks to subordinate everyone's life (from the traditional factory proletariat to peasants, housewives and students) but that all those peoples' struggles involve both the resistance to this subordination and the effort to construct alternative ways of being.
{{cite conference}}: CS1 maint: date format (ลิงก์)Insurrection and communization are intimately linked. There will not be, first the insurrection, and then—made possible by the insurrection—the transformation of social reality. The insurrectionary process draws its power from communization itself.
It is our aspiration and our aim that everyone should become socially conscious and effective; but to achieve this end, it is necessary to provide all with the means of life and for development, and it is therefore necessary to destroy with violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence which denies these means to the workers.
What do I mean by individualism? I mean by individualism the moral doctrine which, relying on no dogma, no tradition, no external determination, appeals only to the individual conscience.
The Anarchists are right in everything; in the negation of the existing order, and in the assertion that, without Authority, there could not be worse violence than that of Authority under existing conditions. They are mistaken only in thinking that Anarchy can be instituted by a revolution. But it will be instituted only by there being more and more people who do not require the protection of governmental power [...] There can be only one permanent revolution – a moral one: the regeneration of the inner man.
La relación entre el anarquismo y las corrientes naturistas siempre ha estado presente a lo largo del tiempo.
Farrell provides a detailed history of the Catholic Workers and their founders Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin. He explains that their pacifism, anarchism, and commitment to the downtrodden were one of the important models and inspirations for the 60s. As Farrell puts it, 'Catholic Workers identified the issues of the sixties before the Sixties began, and they offered models of protest long before the protest decade.'
Day believed all states were inherently totalitarian
Le socialisme libertaire, enfin, incarné par Fournière et Malon, refuse à la fois l’économie marxiste et l’économisme libéral, la propriété coopérative permettant le développement des individualités.
At one end of an institutional continuum one can place the total institutions that routinely destroy the autonomy and initiative of their subjects. At the other end of this continuum lies, perhaps, some ideal version of Jeffersonian democracy composed of independent, self-reliant, self-respecting, landowning farmers, managers of their own small enterprises, answerable to themselves, free of debt, and more generally with no institutional reason for servility or deference. Such free-standing farmers, Jefferson thought, were the basis of a vigorous and independent public sphere where citizens could speak their mind without fear or favor. Somewhere in between these two poles lies the contemporary situation of most citizens of Western democracies: a relatively open public sphere but a quotidian institutional experience that is largely at cross purposes with the implicit assumptions behind this public sphere and encouraging and often rewarding caution, deference, servility, and conformity.
In many of the alternative communities established in Britain in the early 1900s, nudism, anarchism, vegetarianism and free love were accepted as part of a politically radical way of life. In the 1920s the inhabitants of the anarchist community at Whiteway, near Stroud in Gloucestershire, shocked the conservative residents of the area with their shameless nudity.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (ลิงก์){{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (ลิงก์)It was the great service of liberal thinkers like Jefferson and Paine that they recognized the natural limitations of every form of government. That is why they did not want to see the state become a terrestrial Providence which in its infallibility would make on its own every decision, thereby not only blocking the road to higher forms of social development, but also crippling the natural sense of responsibility of the people which is the essential condition for every prosperous society.
Libertarian marxism rejects determinism and fatalism, giving the greator place to individual will, intuition, imagination, reflex speeds, and to the deep instincts of the masses, which are more far-seeing in hours of crisis than the reasonings of the ‘elites’; libertarian marxism thinks of the effects of surprise, provocation and boldness, refuses to be cluttered and paralyzed by a heavy ‘scientific’ apparatus, doesn’t equivocate or bluff, and guards itself from adventurism as much as from fear of the unknown.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: date and year (ลิงก์)inwardly he remains refractory – fatally refractory – morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)
inwardly he remains refractory – fatally refractory – morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)
Proprio grazie a Bottaioli conosce anche «Socialisme ou barbarie», con il quale entra per la prima volta in contatto nel 1953, durante un viaggio a Parigi. Montaldi, figura rilevante nella genealogia di quello che in seguito sarà l’operaismo, fu il primo a relazionarsi organicamente con questo gruppo e a lui si dovrà buona parte dell’influenza che esso eserciterà in seguito. Tramite «Socialisme ou barbarie», Montaldi conosce i lavori d’inchiesta della Johnson-Forest Tendency, scoprendo The American Worker grazie alla già citata traduzione. Nel 1954 Montaldi tradurrà in italiano l’inchiesta di Romano «usando la versione francese e confrontandola con l’originale inglese»[9]. L’operaio americano apparirà a puntate su «Battaglia comunista» a partire dal numero di febbraio-marzo di quello stesso anno.
[...] offers a powerful new interpretation of the history and destructive dynamics of the market and provides an inspiring new vision of the future in place of both neo-liberalism and existing forms of socialism.
We therefore foresee a Society in which all activities will be coordinated, a structure that has, at the same time, sufficient flexibility to permit the greatest possible autonomy for social life, or for the life of each enterprise, and enough cohesiveness to prevent all disorder. [...] In a well-organized society, all of these things must be systematically accomplished by means of parallel federations, vertically united at the highest levels, constituting one vast organism in which all economic functions will be performed in solidarity with all others and that will permanently preserve the necessary cohesion.
By 'socialism' I mean a classless society in which the State has disappeared, production is cooperative, and no man has political or economic power over another. The touchstone would be the extent to which each individual could develop his own talents and personality.
of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and "utopian" counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin's anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren (1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist.
{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date format (ลิงก์)It was in these conditions of class struggle that, among a whole cluster of radical groups such as the Fifth Monarchy Men, the Levellers and the Ranters, there emerged perhaps the first real proto-anarchists, the Diggers, who like the classical 19th-century anarchists identified political and economic power and who believed that a social, rather than political revolution was necessary for the establishment of justice. Gerrard Winstanley, the Diggers' leader, made an identification with the word of God and the principle of reason, an equivalent philosophy to that found in Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God is Within You. In fact, it seems likely Tolstoy took much of his own inspiration from Winstanley: [...]. ที่ The Anarchist Library.
While the ideal commonwealth conceived by James Harrington tried to combine the existence of a powerful state with respect for the political rights of the citizens, Thomas Hobbes] and Gerrard Winstanley, for opposite reasons, denied the possibility of power being shared between the state and the people. [...] Before defining the government of a true Commonwealth Winstanley denounces the kingly government based on property and like Proudhon he believes that "property is theft": [...]
In the modern world, anarchism first appeared as a movement of the peasantry and yeomanry against declining feudal institutions. In Germany its foremost spokesman during the Peasant Wars was Thomas Muenzer. The concepts held by Muenzer and Winstanley were superbly attuned to the needs of their time – a historical period when the majority of the population lived in the countryside and when the most militant revolutionary forces came from an agrarian world. It would be painfully academic to argue whether Muenzer and Winstanley could have achieved their ideals. What is of real importance is that they spoke to their time; their anarchist concepts followed naturally from the rural society that furnished the bands of the peasant armies in Germany and the New Model in England.
[...] but in the middle of the 19th century literally hundreds of communes (phalansteries) were founded on fourierist principles in France, N. America, Mexico, S. America, Algeria, Yugoslavia, etc. Proudhon, Engels, & Kropotkin all read him with fascination, as did André Breton & Roland Barthes. [...] In Fourier’s system of Harmony all creative activity including industry, craft, agriculture, etc. will arise from liberated passion — this is the famous theory of 'attractive labor.' Fourier sexualizes work itself — the life of the Phalanstery is a continual orgy of intense feeling, intellection, & activity, a society of lovers & wild enthusiasts.
If an article suddenly acquires an increased utility, people will be willing to give articles which embody a great amount of labor in order to obtain the more useful article. So the producers of that article, will be able to reap a greater reward for their labor than the other members of the community. [...] If labor were the only factor in production, no one would be able to obtain anything which he did not produce, unless he exchanged it for some article which embodied an equal amount of labor, or received it as a free gift. [...]
This process of education and class organization, more than any single factor in Spain, produced the collectives. And to the degree that the CNT-FAI (for the two organizations became fatally coupled after July 1936) exercised the major influence in an area, the collectives proved to be generally more durable, communist and resistant to Stalinist counterrevolution than other republican-held areas of Spain
Between 1880 and 1890, the anarchist-communists, with their perspective of an immanent revolution, were opposed to the official workers’ movement, which was then in the process of formation (general Social Democratisation). They were opposed not only to political (statist) struggles but also to strikes which put forward wage or other claims, or which were organised by trade unions. While they were not opposed to strikes as such, they were opposed to trade unions and the struggle for the eight-hour day. This anti-reformist tendency was accompanied by an anti-organisational tendency, and its partisans declared themselves in favour of agitation amongst the unemployed for the expropriation of foodstuffs and other articles, for the expropriatory strike and, in some cases, for ‘individual recuperation’ or acts of terrorism.
The LSC promotes a vision of 'libertarian socialism'—a traditional name for anarchism—that goes beyond the confines of traditional social democratic politics
During the 1960s, Marcuse achieved world renown as 'the guru of the New Left,' publishing many articles and giving lectures and advice to student radicals all over the world. He travelled widely and his work was often discussed in the mass media, becoming one of the few American intellectuals to gain such attention. Never surrendering his revolutionary vision and commitments, Marcuse continued to his death to defend the Marxian theory and libertarian socialism.
The IAF – IFA fights for: the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual.
inwardly he remains refractory – fatally refractory – morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)
of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and "utopian" counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin's anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren (1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist.
{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date format (ลิงก์){{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: date and year (ลิงก์)Le socialisme libertaire, enfin, incarné par Fournière et Malon, refuse à la fois l’économie marxiste et l’économisme libéral, la propriété coopérative permettant le développement des individualités.
It is our aspiration and our aim that everyone should become socially conscious and effective; but to achieve this end, it is necessary to provide all with the means of life and for development, and it is therefore necessary to destroy with violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence which denies these means to the workers.
La relación entre el anarquismo y las corrientes naturistas siempre ha estado presente a lo largo del tiempo.
Los anarco-individualistas, G.I.A...Una escisión de la FAI producida en el IX Congreso (Carrara, 1965) se pr odujo cuando un sector de anarquistas de tendencia humanista rechazan la interpretación que ellos juzgan disciplinaria del "pacto asociativo" clásico, y crean los GIA (Gruppi di Iniziativa Anarchica). Esta pequeña federación de grupos, hoy nutrida sobre todo de veteranos anarco-individualistas de orientación pacifista, naturista, etcétera defiende la autonomía personal y rechaza a rajatabla toda forma de intervención en los procesos del sistema, como sería por ejemplo el sindicalismo. Su portavoz es L'Internazionale con sede en Ancona. La escisión de los GIA prefiguraba, en sentido contrario, el gran debate que pronto había de comenzar en el seno del movimiento
Les anarchistes individualistes du début du siècle l'avaient bien compris, et intégraient le naturisme dans leurs préoccupations. Il est vraiment dommage que ce discours se soit peu à peu effacé, d'antan plus que nous assistons, en ce moment, à un retour en force du puritanisme (conservateur par essence).
It was with sadness and a certain frustration that I read in Democracy and Nature (Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 198-202) that Murray Bookchin and Janet Biehl have resigned from the D&N International Advisory Board, Murray complaining, among other things, that the journal has become too 'Castoriadian' in its orientation. The sadness stems from the fact that I found inherently appealing D&N's effort to examine what it considered the best of Bookchin and Castoriadis (1) so as to encourage the emergence of a 'new liberatory project.'
It was in these conditions of class struggle that, among a whole cluster of radical groups such as the Fifth Monarchy Men, the Levellers and the Ranters, there emerged perhaps the first real proto-anarchists, the Diggers, who like the classical 19th-century anarchists identified political and economic power and who believed that a social, rather than political revolution was necessary for the establishment of justice. Gerrard Winstanley, the Diggers' leader, made an identification with the word of God and the principle of reason, an equivalent philosophy to that found in Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God is Within You. In fact, it seems likely Tolstoy took much of his own inspiration from Winstanley: [...]. ที่ The Anarchist Library.
While the ideal commonwealth conceived by James Harrington tried to combine the existence of a powerful state with respect for the political rights of the citizens, Thomas Hobbes] and Gerrard Winstanley, for opposite reasons, denied the possibility of power being shared between the state and the people. [...] Before defining the government of a true Commonwealth Winstanley denounces the kingly government based on property and like Proudhon he believes that "property is theft": [...]
In the modern world, anarchism first appeared as a movement of the peasantry and yeomanry against declining feudal institutions. In Germany its foremost spokesman during the Peasant Wars was Thomas Muenzer. The concepts held by Muenzer and Winstanley were superbly attuned to the needs of their time – a historical period when the majority of the population lived in the countryside and when the most militant revolutionary forces came from an agrarian world. It would be painfully academic to argue whether Muenzer and Winstanley could have achieved their ideals. What is of real importance is that they spoke to their time; their anarchist concepts followed naturally from the rural society that furnished the bands of the peasant armies in Germany and the New Model in England.
It was the great service of liberal thinkers like Jefferson and Paine that they recognized the natural limitations of every form of government. That is why they did not want to see the state become a terrestrial Providence which in its infallibility would make on its own every decision, thereby not only blocking the road to higher forms of social development, but also crippling the natural sense of responsibility of the people which is the essential condition for every prosperous society.
[...] but in the middle of the 19th century literally hundreds of communes (phalansteries) were founded on fourierist principles in France, N. America, Mexico, S. America, Algeria, Yugoslavia, etc. Proudhon, Engels, & Kropotkin all read him with fascination, as did André Breton & Roland Barthes. [...] In Fourier’s system of Harmony all creative activity including industry, craft, agriculture, etc. will arise from liberated passion — this is the famous theory of 'attractive labor.' Fourier sexualizes work itself — the life of the Phalanstery is a continual orgy of intense feeling, intellection, & activity, a society of lovers & wild enthusiasts.
[...] subordinated, exploited: his permanent condition is one of obedience [...]
Libertarian marxism rejects determinism and fatalism, giving the greator place to individual will, intuition, imagination, reflex speeds, and to the deep instincts of the masses, which are more far-seeing in hours of crisis than the reasonings of the ‘elites’; libertarian marxism thinks of the effects of surprise, provocation and boldness, refuses to be cluttered and paralyzed by a heavy ‘scientific’ apparatus, doesn’t equivocate or bluff, and guards itself from adventurism as much as from fear of the unknown.
A Libertarian Marxist Journal
papers relating to Libertarian Communism (a splinter group of the SPGB) including journals and miscellaneous correspondence, 1970-1980 (1 box);
What do I mean by individualism? I mean by individualism the moral doctrine which, relying on no dogma, no tradition, no external determination, appeals only to the individual conscience.
[i]t is apparent [...] that Proudhonian Anarchism was to be found in the United States at least as early as 1848 and that it was not conscious of its affinity to the Individualist Anarchism of Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews [...]. William B. Greene presented this Proudhonian Mutualism in its purest and most systematic form.
Proprio grazie a Bottaioli conosce anche «Socialisme ou barbarie», con il quale entra per la prima volta in contatto nel 1953, durante un viaggio a Parigi. Montaldi, figura rilevante nella genealogia di quello che in seguito sarà l’operaismo, fu il primo a relazionarsi organicamente con questo gruppo e a lui si dovrà buona parte dell’influenza che esso eserciterà in seguito. Tramite «Socialisme ou barbarie», Montaldi conosce i lavori d’inchiesta della Johnson-Forest Tendency, scoprendo The American Worker grazie alla già citata traduzione. Nel 1954 Montaldi tradurrà in italiano l’inchiesta di Romano «usando la versione francese e confrontandola con l’originale inglese»[9]. L’operaio americano apparirà a puntate su «Battaglia comunista» a partire dal numero di febbraio-marzo di quello stesso anno.
In the last few years, Robin's legacy has become even broader. In his speeches and articles he was setting out a vision of libertarian, democratic socialism that was beginning to break the sometimes sterile boundaries of "old" and "New" Labour labels.
The LSC promotes a vision of 'libertarian socialism'—a traditional name for anarchism—that goes beyond the confines of traditional social democratic politics
There was no time to answer the one great disagreement which was in their minds--how can you reconcile your Faith in the monolithic, authoritarian Church which seems so far from Jesus who 'had no place to lay his head,' and who said 'sell what you have and give to the poor,'--with your anarchism? Because I have been behind bars in police stations, houses of detention, jails and prison farms, whatsoever they are called, eleven times, and have refused to pay Federal income taxes and have never voted, they accept me as an anarchist. And I in turn, can see Christ in them even though they deny Him, because they are giving themselves to working for a better social order for the wretched of the earth.
The blurb on the back of the book Small Is Beautiful lists fellow spokesmen for the ideas expressed, including 'Alex Comfort, Paul Goodman and Murray Bookchin. It is the tradition we might call anarchism.' We ourselves have never hesitated to use the word.
During the 1960s, Marcuse achieved world renown as 'the guru of the New Left,' publishing many articles and giving lectures and advice to student radicals all over the world. He travelled widely and his work was often discussed in the mass media, becoming one of the few American intellectuals to gain such attention. Never surrendering his revolutionary vision and commitments, Marcuse continued to his death to defend the Marxian theory and libertarian socialism.
The group was known for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the 'Groucho Marxists.'
[...] offers a powerful new interpretation of the history and destructive dynamics of the market and provides an inspiring new vision of the future in place of both neo-liberalism and existing forms of socialism.
As an ideology insurrectionalism originates in the peculiar conditions of post war Italy and Greece.
But there has always been a market-oriented strand of libertarian socialism that emphasizes voluntary cooperation between producers. And markets, properly understood, have always been about cooperation. As a commenter at Reason magazine’s Hit&Run blog, remarking on Jesse Walker’s link to the Kelly article, put it: 'every trade is a cooperative act.' In fact, it’s a fairly common observation among market anarchists that genuinely free markets have the most legitimate claim to the label 'socialism.'
Insurrection and communization are intimately linked. There will not be, first the insurrection, and then—made possible by the insurrection—the transformation of social reality. The insurrectionary process draws its power from communization itself.
As we apprehend it, the process of instituting communism can only take the form of a collection of acts of communisation, of making common suchand-such space, such-and-such machine, suchand-such knowledge. That is to say, the elaboration of the mode of sharing that attaches to them. Insurrection itself is just an accelerator, a decisive moment in this process.
These groups had their roots in the anarchist resurgence of the nineteen sixties. Young militants finding their way to anarchism, often from the anti-bomb and anti-Vietnam war movements, linked up with an earlier generation of activists, largely outside the ossified structures of ‘official’ anarchism. Anarchist tactics embraced demonstrations, direct action such as industrial militancy and squatting, protest bombings like those of the First of May Group and Angry Brigade – and a spree of publishing activity.
Farrell provides a detailed history of the Catholic Workers and their founders Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin. He explains that their pacifism, anarchism, and commitment to the downtrodden were one of the important models and inspirations for the 60s. As Farrell puts it, 'Catholic Workers identified the issues of the sixties before the Sixties began, and they offered models of protest long before the protest decade.'
While not always formally recognized, much of the protest of the sixties was anarchist. Within the nascent women's movement, anarchist principles became so widespread that a political science professor denounced what she saw as 'The Tyranny of Structurelessness.' Several groups have called themselves 'Amazon Anarchists.' After the Stonewall Rebellion, the New York Gay Liberation Front based their organization in part on a reading of Murray Bookchin's anarchist writings.
If any radical left tendency has been responsible for inspiring action, the palm should go to Marxism's historic antagonist on the Left–anarchism. [...] Wherever movements have been provoked against neoliberalism, black flags have tended to outnumber red. Autonomista and other kinds of left-libertarian thought were major currents running through movements in Greece and Spain. The cornerstone for the occupation of Zuccotti Park was laid by anarchists, who also developed the consensus procedures by which the movement participants made (or occasionally failed to make) decisions.
While not always formally recognized, much of the protest of the sixties was anarchist. Within the nascent women's movement, anarchist principles became so widespread that a political science professor denounced what she saw as 'The Tyranny of Structurelessness.' Several groups have called themselves 'Amazon Anarchists.' After the Stonewall Rebellion, the New York Gay Liberation Front based their organization in part on a reading of Murray Bookchin's anarchist writings.
Le socialisme libertaire, enfin, incarné par Fournière et Malon, refuse à la fois l’économie marxiste et l’économisme libéral, la propriété coopérative permettant le développement des individualités.