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Nakba (German Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Nakba" in German language version.

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32doi.org
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1948-ausstellung.de

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  • Jonathan Dimbleby: The Palestinians. London ; New York : Quartet Books, 1979, ISBN 978-0-7043-2205-9 (archive.org [abgerufen am 14. Mai 2024]): „[…The area assigned to the zionists] also incorporated the vast area of the Negev, which was populated by 100,000 Bedouin who produced from the desert most of the barley and wheat grown in Palestine.
    The land under cultivation in the Negev alone was three times that under cultivation by the Jewish settlers in the whole of the rest of Palestine. Despite the fact that there had been but 475 Jewish settlers in the Negev before President Truman made his declaration in favour of the Jewish state, the United Nations duly handed over this huge area to the Zionists, doubtless believing the myth that it was they, not the Arabs, who ‚made the desert bloom‘.“
  • Michael Palumbo: Imperial Israel : the history of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. Bloomsbury, 1990, ISBN 978-0-7475-0489-4, S. 19 (englisch, archive.org): “The Zionists accepted this scheme [the UN partition plan] since they hoped to use their state as a base to conquer the whole country”

badil.org

books.google.com

  • Avi Shlaim: Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations. Verso Books, 2009, ISBN 978-1-78960-165-7, S. 23 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “On the other hand, to refer to 90 per cent of the population as ‘the non-Jewish communities in Palestine’ was arrogant, dismissive and even racist. It was also the worst kind of imperial double standard, implying that there was one law for the Jews, and one law for everybody else.”;Rosemary Sayigh: Routledge International Handbook of Ignorance Studies. Routledge, 2023, ISBN 978-1-00-310060-7, S. 281 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 2. Dezember 2023]): “A more dangerous discursive deformation was the Balfour Declaration’s designation of the Palestinians as 'existing non-Jewish communities' contrasted with 'the Jewish people' [Cronin 2017]. The political implications of this distinction are evident: a ‘people’ was qualified for nation/statehood, whereas disparate ‘communities’ were not.”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 27 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “Significantly, the overwhelming Arab majority of the population (around 94 percent at that time) went unmentioned by Balfour, except in a backhanded way as the ‘existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine.’”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 39 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “... the Balfour Doctrine and the League Mandate were conditional, stipulating that the 'non-Jewish' communities of Palestine—some 90 percent of the indigenous peoples!—must retain their ‘civil and religious rights’.”; Patrick Wolfe: Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism's Conquest of Economics. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 2. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Januar 2012, S. 146, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 (englisch): “The Mandate’s preamble included a safeguard clause protecting the rights of ‘existing non-Jewish communities’. This clause is significant on a number of counts, not least the transience implied in the term ‘existing’, whose suggestion of temporariness was reinforced by the designation of 91 per cent of the population as ‘non-Jewish’.”; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 9–10 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 14. Januar 2024]).
  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3rd Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 111–113 (englisch, cambridge.org [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]).; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 72 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 62 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).; Hillel Cohen: Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Hrsg.: Nadim N. Rouhana, Sahar S. Huneidi. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8, The First Israeli Government (1948–1950) and the Arab Citizens: Equality in Discourse, Exclusion in Practice, S. 73–102 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 30. Dezember 2023]).; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 6 (englisch, google.com).
  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 115, 119 (englisch).; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 72 (englisch).; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 62 (englisch).;Hillel Cohen: Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Hrsg.: Nadim N. Rouhana, Sahar S. Huneidi. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8, The First Israeli Government (1948–1950) and the Arab Citizens: Equality in Discourse, Exclusion in Practice, S. 73–74 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 30. Dezember 2023]).; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 40–41, 47–51 (englisch).
  • Benny Morris: 1948: a history of the first Arab-Israeli war. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-12696-9, S. 47 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 13. Juli 2013]): “The Jews were to get 62 percent of Palestine (most of it desert), consisting of the Negev”
  • Eugene Rogan: The Arabs: A History. 3rd Auflage. Penguin, 2012, ISBN 978-0-7181-9683-7, S. 321 (englisch, google.com).
  • Benny Morris: 1948: a history of the first Arab-Israeli war. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-12696-9, S. 73 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 13. Juli 2013]): “Bevin regarded the UNSCOP majority report of 1 September 1947 as unjust and immoral. He promptly decided that Britain would not attempt to im- pose it on the Arabs; indeed, he expected them to resist its implementation… The British cabinet...: in the meeting on 4 December 1947... It decided, in a sop to the Arabs, to refrain from aiding the enforcement of the UN resolution, meaning the partition of Palestine. And in an important secret corollary... it agreed that Britain would do all in its power to delay until early May the arrival in Palestine of the UN (Implementation) Commission. The Foreign Office immediately informed the commission "that it would be intolerable for the Commission to begin to exercise its authority while the [Mandate] Palestine Government was still administratively responsible for Palestine"... This... nullified any possibility of an orderly implementation of the partition resolution.”
  • Sami Hadawi, Bitter Harvest: A Modern History of Palestine, Olive Branch Press, (1989) 1991 p. 76.
  • Sean F. McMahon, The Discourse of Palestinian-Israeli Relations, Routledge 2010 p. 40. "The Zionist movement also accepted the UN partition plan of 1947 tactically. Palumbo notes that “[t]he Zionists accepted this scheme [the UN partition plan] since they hoped to use their state as a base to conquer the whole country.” Similarly, Flapan states that “[Zionist] acceptance of the resolution in no way diminished the belief of all the Zionist parties in their right to the whole of the country [Palestine]”; and that “acceptance of the UN Partition Resolution was an example of Zionist pragmatism par excellence. It was a tactical acceptance, a vital step in the right direction – a springboard for expansion when circumstances proved more judicious.”
  • J.P.D. Dunbabin: The Post-Imperial Age: The Great Powers and the Wider World. Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-1-317-89293-9, S. 256–258 (google.com).
  • George Crews McGhee: On the frontline in the Cold War: an ambassador reports. Greenwood Publishing Group, 1997, ISBN 978-0-275-95649-3, S. 42 (englisch, google.com).
  • Leslie Stein: The Hope Fulfilled: The Rise of Modern Israel. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2003, ISBN 978-0-275-97141-0 (englisch, google.com).
  • Howard Adelman, Elazar Barkan: No Return, No Refuge: Rites and Rights in Minority Repatriation. Columbia University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-231-15336-2, S. 203 (englisch, google.com): “As indicated earlier, the formulation of the right of return first appeared in Count Bernadotte's proposal of 27 June 1948... Bernadotte, who can correctly be viewed as the father of the right to return... But the murder of Bernadotte froze any further discussions on formulating a policy of resettlement.”
  • Michael Chiller-Glaus: Tackling the Intractable: Palestinian Refugees and the Search for Middle Peace. Peter Lang, 2007, ISBN 978-3-03911-298-2, S. 99–102 (englisch, google.com).

cambridge.org

ccrjustice.org

cet.ac.il

lib.cet.ac.il

columbia.edu

cup.columbia.edu

  • Rosemary Sayigh: Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory. Hrsg.: Ahmad H. Sa'di, Lila Abu-Lughod. Columbia University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-13579-5, Women's Nakba Stories: Between Being and Knowing, S. 135–158, 136 (englisch, columbia.edu [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]).
  • Ahmad H. Sa'di: Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory. Hrsg.: Ahmad H.; Abu-Lughod, Lila Sa'di. Columbia University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-13579-5, Afterword: Reflections on Representations, History and Moral Accountability, S. 285–314 (englisch, columbia.edu [abgerufen am 2. November 2023]).

palestine.mei.columbia.edu

  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3. Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 128 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]): “Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 350 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces”; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 237 (englisch, columbia.edu): “Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000”; Adel Manna: The Palestinian Nakba and Its Continuous Repercussions. In: Israel Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2013, S. 86–99, doi:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86, JSTOR:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 (englisch): “Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees”

ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu

  • Baruch Kimmerling: Clash of Identities: Explorations in Israeli and Palestinian Societies. Columbia University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-231-14329-5, S. 280 (englisch, columbia.edu [PDF; abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]).

degruyter.com

  • Yehouda Shenhav: Jews and the Ends of Theory. Hrsg.: Shai Ginsburg, Martin Land, Jonathan Boyarin. Fordham University Press, 2019, ISBN 978-0-8232-8201-2, The Palestinian Nakba and the Arab-Jewish Melancholy, S. 49–50, 54, 61 (englisch, degruyter.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).

doi.org

  • Rosemarie Esber: The 1948 Palestinian Arab Exodus from Haifa (= The Arab World Geographer (2003) 6 (2): 112–141.). doi:10.5555/arwg.6.2.6012k171034g3nw8.
  • Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 8–18 (englisch).; Bashir Bashir, Amos Goldberg: The Holocaust and the Nakba: A New Grammar of Trauma and History. Columbia University Press, 2018, ISBN 978-0-231-54448-1, S. 2, 7 (englisch).; Elias Khoury: The Holocaust and the Nakba: A New Grammar of Trauma and History. Columbia University Press, 2018, ISBN 978-0-231-54448-1, S. xi-xiii, xv (englisch).; Nadim Rouhana, Areej Sabbagh-Khoury: Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8, S. 423 (englisch).; Haifa Rashed, Damien Short, John Docker: Nakba Memoricide: Genocide Studies and the Zionist/Israeli Genocide of Palestine. In: Holy Land Studies. 13. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Mai 2014, S. 8, doi:10.3366/hls.2014.0076 (englisch).; Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948-1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, S. 89 (englisch).; Nur Masalha: The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory. Zed Books, 2012, ISBN 978-1-84813-973-2, S. 44, 70, 168 (englisch).; Patrick Wolfe: Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism’s Conquest of Economics. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 2. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Januar 2012, S. 134, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 (englisch).; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 1, 392 (englisch).; Ahmad H. Sa’di: Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory. Hrsg.: Ahmad H. Sa’di, Lila Abu-Lughod. Columbia University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-13579-5, S. 287–290 (englisch).
  • Avi Shlaim: Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations. Verso Books, 2009, ISBN 978-1-78960-165-7, S. 56 (englisch): “That most Zionist leaders wanted the largest possible Jewish state in Palestine with as few Arabs inside it as possible is hardly open to question.”;Ian S. Lustick, Matthew Berkman: Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8, S. 47–48 (englisch): “As Ben-Gurion told one Palestinian leader in the early 1930s, 'Our final goal is the independence of the Jewish people in Palestine, on both sides of the Jordan River, not as a minority, but as a community numbering millions (Teveth 1985:130). Ipso facto, this meant Zionism’s success would produce an Arab minority in Palestine, no matter what its geographical dimensions.”;Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948-1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, S. 2, 4, 33 (englisch): “the principal objective of the Zionist leadership to keep as few Arabs as possible in the Jewish state; in the 1948 war, when it became clear that the objective that enjoyed the unanimous support of Zionists of all inclinations was to establish a Jewish state with the smallest possible number of Palestinians; The Zionists had two cherished objectives: fewer Arabs in the country and more land in the hands of the settlers.”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 76 (englisch): “The Nakba represented a watershed in the history of Palestine and the Middle East. It transformed most of Palestine from what it had been for well over a millennium—a majority Arab country—into a new state that had a substantial Jewish majority. This transformation was the result of two processes: the systematic ethnic cleansing of the Arab-inhabited areas of the country seized during the war; and the theft of Palestinian land and property left behind by the refugees as well as much of that owned by those Arabs who remained in Israel. There would have been no other way to achieve a Jewish majority, the explicit aim of political Zionism from its inception. Nor would it have been possible to dominate the country without the seizures of land.”; Hillel Cohen: Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8, S. 78 (englisch): “As was suggested by Masalha (1992), Morris (1987), and other scholars, many preferred a state without Arabs or with as small a minority as possible, and plans for population transfers were considered by Zionist leaders and activists for years.”; Nadim N. Rouhana, Areej Sabbagh-Khoury: Settler-colonial citizenship: conceptualizing the relationship between Israel and its Palestinian citizens. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 5. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, 2014, S. 205–225, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2014.947671 (englisch): “It was obvious to most approaches within the Zionist movement – certainly to the mainstream as represented by Labor Zionism and its leadership headed by Ben Gurion, that a Jewish state would entail getting rid of as many of the Palestinian inhabitants of the land as possible ... Following Wolfe, we argue that the logic of demographic elimination is an inherent component of the Zionist project as a settler-colonial project, although it has taken different manifestations since the founding of the Zionist movement.”; Nur Masalha: The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory. Zed Books, 2012, ISBN 978-1-84813-973-2, S. 38 (englisch): “From the late nineteenth century and throughout the Mandatory period the demographic and land policies of the Zionist Yishuv in Palestine continued to evolve. But its demographic and land battles with the indigenous inhabitants of Palestine were always a battle for ‘maximum land and minimum Arabs’ (Masalha 1992, 1997, 2000).”; Ronit Lentin: Co-memory and melancholia: Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba. Manchester University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-1-84779-768-1, S. 7 (englisch): ‘the Zionist leadership was always determined to increase the Jewish space […] Both land purchases in and around the villages, and military preparations, were all designed to dispossess the Palestinians from the area of the future Jewish state’ (Pappe 2008: 94).; Ilan Pappe: The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications, 2006, ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0, S. 250 (englisch): “In other words, hitkansut is the core of Zionism in a slightly different garb: to take over as much of Palestine as possible with as few Palestinians as possible.”; Benny Morris: The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6, S. 588 (englisch): “But the displacement of Arabs from Palestine or from the areas of Palestine that would become the Jewish State was inherent in Zionist ideology and, in microcosm, in Zionist praxis from the start of the enterprise. The piecemeal eviction of tenant farmers, albeit in relatively small numbers, during the first five decades of Zionist land purchase and settlement naturally stemmed from, and in a sense hinted at, the underlying thrust of the ideology, which was to turn an Arab-populated land into a State with an overwhelming Jewish majority.”
  • Rosemary Sayigh: Routledge International Handbook of Ignorance Studies. Routledge, 2023, ISBN 978-1-00-310060-7, S. 281 (englisch).; Adel Manna: The Palestinian Nakba and Its Continuous Repercussions. In: Israel Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2013, S. 89, doi:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 (englisch).; Nur Masalha: The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory. Zed Books, 2012, ISBN 978-1-84813-973-2, S. 33, 54, 150 (englisch).; Patrick Wolfe: Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism's Conquest of Economics. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 2. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Januar 2012, S. 143, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 (englisch).; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 6 (englisch).; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 9–14 (englisch).; Ahmad H. Sa'di: Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory. Columbia University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-13579-5, S. 288–290 (englisch).
  • Avi Shlaim: Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations. Verso Books, 2009, ISBN 978-1-78960-165-7, S. 23 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “On the other hand, to refer to 90 per cent of the population as ‘the non-Jewish communities in Palestine’ was arrogant, dismissive and even racist. It was also the worst kind of imperial double standard, implying that there was one law for the Jews, and one law for everybody else.”;Rosemary Sayigh: Routledge International Handbook of Ignorance Studies. Routledge, 2023, ISBN 978-1-00-310060-7, S. 281 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 2. Dezember 2023]): “A more dangerous discursive deformation was the Balfour Declaration’s designation of the Palestinians as 'existing non-Jewish communities' contrasted with 'the Jewish people' [Cronin 2017]. The political implications of this distinction are evident: a ‘people’ was qualified for nation/statehood, whereas disparate ‘communities’ were not.”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 27 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “Significantly, the overwhelming Arab majority of the population (around 94 percent at that time) went unmentioned by Balfour, except in a backhanded way as the ‘existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine.’”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 39 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “... the Balfour Doctrine and the League Mandate were conditional, stipulating that the 'non-Jewish' communities of Palestine—some 90 percent of the indigenous peoples!—must retain their ‘civil and religious rights’.”; Patrick Wolfe: Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism's Conquest of Economics. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 2. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Januar 2012, S. 146, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 (englisch): “The Mandate’s preamble included a safeguard clause protecting the rights of ‘existing non-Jewish communities’. This clause is significant on a number of counts, not least the transience implied in the term ‘existing’, whose suggestion of temporariness was reinforced by the designation of 91 per cent of the population as ‘non-Jewish’.”; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 9–10 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 14. Januar 2024]).
  • Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948-1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, S. 88 (englisch): “Under the partition resolution, the Arab state included three basic areas: the Galilee mountains in the north, the mountains of central Palestine (subsequently called the West Bank), and a coastal strip which extends from north of Isdud (Ashdod) to Rafah. The presence of the Egyptian army in the south explains why the Gaza Strip remained under Arab rule, and the presence of the Jordanian Arab Legion in the center, and the prior agreement between King Abdullah and the Zionist leadership, explains what became of the West Bank.”; Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3rd Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 123, 129 (englisch, [2004]): “The Legion paused near the city of Jerusalem, the fate of which remained undecided despite the tacit understanding before the war between the Hashemites and the Jews on the partitioning of post-Mandate Palestine between them. The tacit understanding reached between Israel and Jordan during the war over the partitioning of post-Mandate Palestine neutralized the Arab Legion, Jordan’s efficient, British-led army, which confined its activity to the area around Jerusalem. This was a strategic decision that determined the balance of power in the 1948 war.”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 77–78 (englisch): “Thereafter he sought to expand his territory through a variety of means. The most obvious direction was westward, into Palestine, whence the king’s lengthy secret negotiations with the Zionists to reach an accommodation that would give him control of part of the country […] Both the king and the British opposed allowing the Palestinians to benefit from the 1947 partition or the war that followed, and neither wanted an independent Arab state in Palestine. They had come to a secret agreement to prevent this, via sending “the Arab Legion across the Jordan River as soon as the Mandate ended to occupy the part of Palestine allotted to the Arabs.” This goal meshed with that of the Zionist movement, which negotiated with ‘Abdullah to achieve the same end.”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 79, 88 (englisch): “In fall 1947, a number of meetings occurred between King Abdullah of Jordan and high Zionist leaders. These resulted in a secret agreement under which Abdullah would keep the Arab Legion out of any Arab invasion into the lands designated to Israel by the UN, and Israel would stay out of the West Bank, designated for an Arab state, and East Jerusalem, which was to be internationalized. Because of his ambitions to extend Hashemite rule into the West Bank, Abdullah had no interest in destroying a Jewish state within the UN boundaries; in fact, he preferred a friendly Jewish neighbor to a hostile Palestinian one. Before the war, the Zionists and King Abdullah of Jordan had secretly reached an agreement to avoid war with each other: the Israelis would not oppose a Jordanian takeover of the West Bank as long as Abdullah kept the Arab Legion out of an Israel within its UN-designated boundaries.”; Adel Manna: The Palestinian Nakba and Its Continuous Repercussions. Band 18, Nr. 2, 2013, S. 86–99, doi:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 (englisch): “They failed also to consider the effects of factionalized Arab world and the clear interest of King Abdullah of Jordan in preventing the establishment of a Palestinian state, even if it meant colluding with Britain and the Jewish Yishuv.”; Nur Masalha: The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory. Zed Books, 2012, ISBN 978-1-84813-973-2, S. 150 (englisch): “The picture that emerges from the 1948 war, for example, as historian Avi Shlaim has shown, is not the fictional one (still repeated by Israeli spokespersons) of Israel standing alone against the combined might of the Arab world. It is rather one of convergence between the interests of Israel and those of Hashemite Transjordan and the ‘tacit alliance’ between the Zionists and Hashemites (backed by the British) against other members of the divided Arab ‘war coalition’ and especially against the creation of an independent state for the Palestinians.”; Avi Shlaim: Israel and Palestine: Reappraisals, Revisions, Refutations. Verso Books, 2009, ISBN 978-1-78960-165-7, S. 38, 80, 169–170, 256 (englisch): “King Abdullah of Transjordan, whose undeclared aim was to partition Palestine with the Zionists and to annex the Arab part to his kingdom. Greater tactical flexibility but a similar reluctance to pay a significant price emerge from the survey of Israel's negotiations with Jordan. That King Abdullah, the grandfather of King Hussein, dealt with the Jewish Agency was an open secret. These contacts were maintained from the establishment of the emirate of Transjordan in 1921 until Abdullah's assassination in 1951. In 1947 its leaders reached an agreement with King Abdullah of Jordan to partition Palestine at the expense of the Palestinians. Britain’s secret objective was partition between the Zionists and King Abdullah of Jordan, their loyal ally – which was the precise outcome of the 1948 war.”; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 189–195 (englisch): “So partition it would have to be. This was agreed in principle in two secret meetings in August 1946 in Transjordan between 'Abdullah and Jewish Agency emissary Eliahu (Elias) Sasson. (Incidentally, 'Abdullah and his prime minister, Ibrahim Hashim, believed—as had the Peel Commission—that such a partition, in order to be viable and lasting, should be accompanied by a transfer of the Arab inhabitants out of the area of the Jewish state–to-be.) There matters stood until UNSCOP proposed partition—but between Palestine’s Arabs and Palestine’s Jews—as the preferred solution. Neither 'Abdullah nor the Jewish Agency wanted a Husseini-led Palestinian Arab state as their neighbor; both preferred an alternative partition, between themselves. On 17 November 1947, twelve days before the passage of the partition resolution, Golda Myerson (Meir), acting head of the Jewish Agency Political Department, secretly met 'Abdullah at Naharayim (Jisr al-Majami), to reaffirm the agreement in principle of August 1946. 'Abdullah at first vaguely reiterated his preference for incorporating all of Palestine in his kingdom, with the Jews enjoying autonomy. Meir countered that the Jews wanted peaceful partition between two sovereign “states.” The Jews would accept a Jordanian takeover of the West Bank as a fait accompli and would not oppose it—though, formally, the Jewish Agency remained bound by the prospective UN decision to establish two states. 'Abdullah said that he, too, wanted a compromise, not war. In effect, 'Abdullah agreed to the establishment of a Jewish state in part of Palestine and Meir agreed to a Jordanian takeover of the West Bank (albeit while formally adhering to whatever partition resolution the General Assembly would adopt). Both sides agreed not to attack each other. The subject of Jerusalem was not discussed or resolved […] Thus it was that when Golda Meir, disguised in an Arab robe, arrived on the night of 10–11 May in Amman for her second secret meeting with ‘Abdullah, the previous months’ understanding about a peaceful Jewish-Hashemite partition was not reaffirmed […] There was a green light. Jordan had won British consent to occupy of the West Bank with the termination of the Mandate—so 'Abdullah, Abul Huda, and Glubb believed—and nothing the British did or said thereafter was to contradict this impression […] But 'Abdullah’s bellicose tone and Meir’s gloomy report notwithstanding, the king had decided—as became clear from the Legion’s subsequent actions—to move into Arab Palestine while trying to avoid war with the Yishuv and refraining from attacking the territory of the UN-defined Jewish state.”; Ahmad H. Sa'di: Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory. Columbia University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-13579-5, S. 291 (englisch): “Not content with the 56 percent of the country offered to them by the un plan, the Zionists colluded with ‘Abdallah, the Emir of Trans-Jordan, to partition the remaining 43 percent proposed for a Palestinian Arab State (Shlaim 1988; 2001; Rogan 2001) and ended up with more than three quarters of the country. Even this was not enough. Zionist leaders have always refused to accept a final demarcation of the Jewish State’s borders.”
  • Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Abigail B. Bakan: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting. In: The Political Quarterly. 93. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 2022, S. 508–516, doi:10.1111/1467-923X.13166 (englisch): “67 per cent”; Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948-1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, doi:10.1525/luminos.129 (englisch): “two-thirds of the population on p. 30 and more than two thirds (about 1,350,000) of the country's two million people on p. 90”; Ghaleb Natour: Catastrophes: Views from Natural and Human Sciences. Springer Science+Business Media, 2016, ISBN 978-3-319-20846-6, S. 89 (englisch): “around 70 %”; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 15 (englisch): “1.3 million”; Ilan Pappé: The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications, 2006, ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0, S. 29 (englisch): “The indigenous Palestinians made up the two-third majority, down from ninety per cent at the start of the Mandate.”
  • Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 62 (englisch): “one-third”; Ghaleb Natour: Catastrophes: Views from Natural and Human Sciences. Springer Science+Business Media, 2016, ISBN 978-3-319-20846-6, S. 89 (englisch): “around 35 %”; Patrick Wolfe: Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism's Conquest of Economics. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 2. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Januar 2012, S. 133–134, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 (englisch): “26%”; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 6 (englisch): “33 percent”; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 15, 65 (englisch): “630,000 and 37 percent”; Ahmad H. Sa'di: Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory. Columbia University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-13579-5, S. 290 (englisch): “about one-third”; Ilan Pappe: The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications, 2006, ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0, S. 34 (englisch): “no more than one third”
  • Areej Sabbagh-Khoury: Colonizing Palestine: The Zionist Left and the Making of the Palestinian Nakba. Stanford University Press, 2023, ISBN 978-1-5036-3629-3, S. 119, 262 (englisch): “about 7 percent of the total territory of Mandatory Palestine by May 15, 1948 and just over 1.5 million dunams, or only about 7 percent”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917-2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 83 (englisch): “about 6 percent of Palestinian land had been Jewish-owned prior to 1948”; Ghaleb Natour: Catastrophes: Views from Natural and Human Sciences. Springer Science+Business Media, 2016, ISBN 978-3-319-20846-6, S. 89 (englisch): “6%”; Nur Masalha: The Palestine Nakba: Decolonising History, Narrating the Subaltern, Reclaiming Memory. Zed Books, 2012, ISBN 978-1-84813-973-2, S. 58 (englisch): “6.6 per cent of the land area of Palestine”; Patrick Wolfe: Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism's Conquest of Economics. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 2. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Januar 2012, S. 133–134, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 (englisch): “around 7%”; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 6 (englisch): “nearly 8 percent of the land”; Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 65 (englisch): “7 percent”; Ahmad H. Sa'di: Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory. Columbia University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-231-13579-5, S. 290 (englisch): “between 5.6 percent and 7 percent”; Ilan Pappe: The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications, 2006, ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0, S. 24, 34 (englisch): “by the end of the Mandate ... around six per cent of the land and less than six per cent of the total land area of Palestine”
  • Matthew Hogan: The 1948 Massacre at Deir Yassin Revisited. In: Historian. 63. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2001, S. 309–334, doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.2001.tb01468.x (englisch, wiley.com): “Meanwhile, the subsequent May 1948 outbreak of regional war between the newly declared state of Israel and the Arab states, beginning the prolonged Arab-Israeli conflict, was contemporaneously explained by Arab League chief Azzam Pasha in terms of the Deir Yassin incident: “The massacre of Deir Yassin was to a great extent the cause of the wrath of the Arab nations and the most important factor for sending [in] the Arab armies.””
  • Elias Khoury: Rethinking the Nakba. In: Critical Inquiry. 38. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, Januar 2012, S. 250–266, doi:10.1086/662741 (englisch).
  • Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Abigail B. Bakan: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting. In: The Political Quarterly. 93. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 2022, S. 508–516, doi:10.1111/1467-923X.13166 (englisch, wiley.com): “S. 511, over 80 per cent”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 60 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ...”
  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3. Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 128 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]): “Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 350 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces”; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 237 (englisch, columbia.edu): “Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000”; Adel Manna: The Palestinian Nakba and Its Continuous Repercussions. In: Israel Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2013, S. 86–99, doi:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86, JSTOR:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 (englisch): “Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees”
  • Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948–1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, S. 41, doi:10.1525/luminos.129 (englisch): “Most of the four hundred thousand Palestinians who lived in those areas had become refugees before the intervention of the Arab armies began”; Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3rd Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 121 (englisch, google.de – [2004]): “By the time the British left in the middle of May, one-third of the Palestinian population had already been evicted”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9 (englisch, google.de): “In this first phase of the Nakba before May 15, 1948, a pattern of ethnic cleansing resulted in the expulsion and panicked departure of about 300,000 Palestinians overall and the devastation of many of the Arab majority’s key urban economic, political, civic, and cultural centers”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6 (englisch, oup.com): “S. 81 ("While a number of studies have found no evidence to support the Israeli claim of an Arab propaganda campaign to induce the Palestinians to flee, well before the Arab invasion some 300,000 to 400,000 Palestinians (out of a population of about 900,000 at the time of the UN partition) were either forcibly expelled—sometimes by forced marches with only the clothes on their backs—or fled as a result of Israeli psychological warfare, economic pressures, and violence, designed to empty the area that would become Israel of most of its Arab inhabitants.") and 406 n.44 ("Reviewing the evidence marshaled by Morris and others, Tom Segev concluded that 'most of the Arabs in the country, approximately 400,000, were chased out and expelled during the first stage of the war. In other words, before the Arab armies invaded the country' (Haaretz, July 18, 2010). Other estimates have varied concerning the number of Palestinians who fled or were expelled before the May 1948 Arab state attack; Morris estimated the number to be 250,000–300,000 (The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, 262); Tessler puts it at 300,000 (A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 279); Pappé’s estimate is 380,000 (The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 96) ... Daniel Blatman estimates the number to be about 500,000 (Blatman, “Netanyahu, This Is What Ethnic Cleansing Really Looks Like”). Whatever the exact number, even Israeli 'Old Historians' now admit that during the 1948 war, the Israeli armed forces drove out many of the Palestinians, though they emphasized the action as a military 'necessity.' For example, see Anita Shapira, Israel: A History, 167–68.")”
  • Michael R. Fischbach: Settling Historical Land Claims in the Wake of Arab-Israeli Peace. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. Band 27, Nr. 1, 1997, ISSN 0377-919X, S. 38–50, 40, doi:10.2307/2537808, JSTOR:2537808 (englisch).
  • Geremy Forman, Alexandre Kedar: From Arab Land to 'Israel Lands': The Legal Dispossession of the Palestinians Displaced by Israel in the Wake of 1948. In: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 22. Jahrgang, Nr. 6, Dezember 2004, S. 809–830, doi:10.1068/d402, bibcode:2004EnPlD..22..809F (englisch).
  • Ahmad H. Sa'di: Catastrophe, Memory and Identity: Al-Nakbah as a Component of Palestinian Identity. In: Israel Studies. 7. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2002, S. 175–198, doi:10.2979/ISR.2002.7.2.175, JSTOR:30245590 (englisch): “Al-Nakbah is associated with a rapid de-Arabization of the country. This process has included the destruction of Palestinian villages. About 418 villages were erased, and out of twelve Palestinian or mixed towns, a Palestinian population continued to exist in only seven. This swift transformation of the physical and cultural environment was accompanied, at the symbolic level, by the changing of the names of streets, neighborhoods, cities, and regions. Arabic names were replaced by Zionist, Jewish, or European names. This renaming continues to convey to the Palestinians the message that the country has seen only two historical periods which attest to its "true" nature: the ancient Jewish past, and the period that began with the creation of Israel”
  • Patrick Williams: 'Naturally, I reject the term "diaspora"': Said and Palestinian Dispossession. In: Comparing Postcolonial Diasporas. 2009, ISBN 978-1-349-36142-7, S. 83–103, 98, doi:10.1057/9780230232785_5: „Just as the land of Palestine was to be cleared of the unwanted presence of its inhabitants, so the period after 1948 witnessed the ‘clearing’ of evidence of non-Jewish cultures: in the shape of their historical and archaeological remains, from the landscape as well as the looting of their artefacts from museums and archives. Part of this was sanctioned – if secret – Israeli government policy; part of it unattributable (military) vandalism – again. Astonishingly, as well as the ‘primitive’ cultural relics of the Palestinian past – with something like eighty per cent of village mosques demolished in this period – the destruction also included remarkable Roman remains, as in the city of Tiberias, which happened even when Israeli officials had specifically asked for them to be spared (see Rapaport 2007). Once again, just as the Nakba contrived to be both punctual historical event and persistent catastrophic condition, so the obliteration of historic non-Jewish sites in Palestine proved to be not simply a product of the destructive ecstasy of the moment of victory in 1948, but much more of a calculated, consistent approach, a policy that is still being carried out today, in pointless demolition, bulldozing and dynamiting in cities such as Nablus and Hebron.“
  • Victor Kattan: The Nationality of Denationalized Palestinians. In: Nordic Journal of International Law. 74. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, 1. Januar 2005, ISSN 0902-7351, S. 67–102, doi:10.1163/1571810054301004 (englisch).
  • Benny Morris, Benjamin Z. Kedar: 'Cast thy bread': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War. In: Middle Eastern Studies. 59. Jahrgang, Nr. 5. Routledge, 2023, S. 752–776, doi:10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448 (englisch): “The SHAI, in its report from the end of June 1948 on the causes of the Arab flight from Palestine, mentioned ‘the typhus epidemic’ as ‘an exacerbating factor in the evacuation’ in certain areas. ‘More than the disease itself, it was the panic induced by the rumours of the spread of the disease in the area that was a factor in the evacuation’, stated the report. In its site-by-site breakdown of the Arab flight, the report mentioned ‘harassment [by the Haganah] and the typhus epidemic’ as the causes of the partial exodus of the population from Acre on 6 May.”
  • Haifa Rashed, Damien Short, John Docker: Nakba Memoricide: Genocide Studies and the Zionist/Israeli Genocide of Palestine. In: Holy Land Studies. 13. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Mai 2014, S. 1–23, doi:10.3366/hls.2014.0076 (englisch): “The University of Oxford’s first professor of Israel Studies Derek Penslar recently stated that pro-Israelis needed to catch up with the past 30 years of academic scholarship that has accepted the ‘vast bulk of findings’ by the New Historians regarding the Nakba. He said: ‘what happened to the Palestinians, the Nakba, was not a genocide. It was horrible, but it was not a genocide. Genocide means that you wipe out a people. It wasn’t a genocide. It was ethnic cleansing.' That Penslar mistakenly interprets the concept of genocide is perhaps not surprising.”
  • Walid Khalidi: Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, 1988, ISSN 0377-919X, S. 4–33, doi:10.2307/2537591, JSTOR:2537591 (englisch).
  • Kurt René Radley: The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. In: The American Journal of International Law. 72. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 1978, S. 586–614, doi:10.2307/2200460, JSTOR:2200460 (englisch).
  • Andy Lamey: An institutional right of refugee return. In: European Journal of Philosophy. 29. Jahrgang, Nr. 4, 2021, S. 948–964, doi:10.1111/ejop.12614 (englisch, wiley.com).
  • Haifa Rashed, Damien Short, John Docker: Nakba Memoricide: Genocide Studies and the Zionist/Israeli Genocide of Palestine. In: Holy Land Studies. 13. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Mai 2014, S. 1–23, doi:10.3366/hls.2014.0076 (englisch): “The University of Oxford’s first professor of Israel Studies Derek Penslar recently stated that pro-Israelis needed to catch up with the past 30 years of academic scholarship that has accepted the ‘vast bulk of findings’ by the New Historians regarding the Nakba. He said: ‘what happened to the Palestinians, the Nakba, was not a genocide. It was horrible, but it was not a genocide. Genocide means that you wipe out a people. It wasn’t a genocide. It was ethnic cleansing.' That Penslar mistakenly interprets the concept of genocide is perhaps not surprising.”;Ronit Lentin: Co-memory and melancholia: Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba. Manchester University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-1-84779-768-1, S. 111 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]): “Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago (e.g., Karmi and Cotran 1999; Pappe 2004a; Abu Lughod and Sa’di 2007)”;Michael Milshtein: The Memory that Never Dies: The Nakba Memory and the Palestinian National Movement. Hrsg.: Litvak, Meir. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, ISBN 978-0-230-62163-3, S. 50 (englisch, springer.com [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]): “The majority of Palestinian writers”; Yasmeen Abu-Laban: The „Israelization“ of social sorting and the „Palestinianization“ of the racial contract. Reframing Israel/Palestine and the war on terror. In: dieselbe; Elia Zureik und David Lyon: Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine. Population, Territory and Power. Routledge, New York 2011, S. 281 ff.; Petra Wild: Apartheid und ethnische Säuberung in Palästina. Der zionistische Siedlerkolonialismus in Wort und Tat. Promedia Verlag, Wien 2013, S. 17.
  • Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948–1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, doi:10.1525/luminos.129 (englisch, ucpress.edu [abgerufen am 9. Dezember 2023]).
  • Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury: Memory and the Return of History in a Settler-colonial Context: The Case of the Palestinians in Israel. In: Interventions. 21. Jahrgang, Nr. 4. Routledge, 2019, S. 527–550, doi:10.1080/1369801X.2018.1558102 (englisch, tandfonline.com).
  • Martin Shaw, Omer Bartov: The question of genocide in Palestine, 1948: an exchange between Martin Shaw and Omer Bartov. In: Journal of Genocide Research. Band 12, Nr. 3-4. Routledge, 2010, S. 243–259, 258, doi:10.1080/14623528.2010.529698 (englisch): “That is historically true in the sense that Israel emerged from the Holocaust into a war of survival in 1948, in the course of which it also perpetrated ethnic cleansing on the Palestinians.”
  • Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Abigail B. Bakan: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting. In: The Political Quarterly. 93. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 2022, S. 508–516, doi:10.1111/1467-923X.13166 (englisch, wiley.com).
  • Patrick Wolfe: Purchase by Other Means: The Palestine Nakba and Zionism's Conquest of Economics. In: Settler Colonial Studies. 2. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Januar 2012, S. 133–171, doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648830 (englisch).
  • Uri Ram: Ways of Forgetting: Israel and the Obliterated Memory of the Palestinian Nakba. In: Journal of Historical Sociology. 22. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, September 2009, S. 366–395, 387–388, doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2009.01354.x (englisch, wiley.com).
  • Vgl. Shabtai Teveth: The Palestine Arab Refugee Problem and Its Origins. In: Middle Eastern Studies. 26. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, April 1990, S. 214–249, doi:10.1080/00263209008700816, JSTOR:4283366 (englisch).

fff.org

fordham.edu

ir.lawnet.fordham.edu

  • Andrew Kent: Evaluating the Palestinians' Claimed Right of Return. In: University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Law. 34. Jahrgang, 2012 (englisch, fordham.edu).

fr.de

genius.com

globalpolicy.org

google.de

books.google.de

  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3rd Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 111–113 (englisch, cambridge.org [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]).; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 72 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 62 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).; Hillel Cohen: Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Hrsg.: Nadim N. Rouhana, Sahar S. Huneidi. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8, The First Israeli Government (1948–1950) and the Arab Citizens: Equality in Discourse, Exclusion in Practice, S. 73–102 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 30. Dezember 2023]).; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 6 (englisch, google.com).
  • Jamal K. Kanj: Children of Catastrophe: Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America. Garnet, 2010, ISBN 978-1-85964-262-7 (google.de): „the total population of the Jewish State at the time of its establishment will be about one million, including almost 40% non-Jews. Such a [population] composition does not provide a stable basis for a Jewish State. This [demographic] fact must be viewed in all its clarity and acuteness. With such a [population] composition, there cannot even be absolute certainty that control will remain in the hands of the Jewish majority... There can be no stable and strong Jewish state so long as it has a Jewish majority of only 60%.“
  • Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 118 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 17. Mai 2024]): “Plan D, formulated in early March and signed and dispatched to the Haganah brigade commanders on 10 March”
  • Benny Morris: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3, S. 187, 189 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 17. Mai 2024]): “S187,Most described the aim of the invasion as "saving" the Palestinian Arabs. Typical was the Egyptian government's announcement on the day of the invasion, stating it had ordered its army into Palestine "to re-establish security and order and put an end to the massacres perpetrated by Zionist terrorist bands against Arabs and humanity." Less carefully, al-Quwwatli told his people, "Our army has entered Palestine with the rest of the Arab states' armies to protect our brothers and their rights and to restore order. We shall restore the country to its owners, we shall win and we shall eradicate Zionism." S189, But even more unsettling for the whole Arab coalition was Jordan’s last-minute announcement of changed intentions and objectives. That day, Jordan informed its partners that its army was heading for Ramallah, Nablus, and Hebron, to take over the area later known as the West Bank; it had no intention of thrusting northwestward, toward Afula, or of driving westward, to the sea. The goal of the Arab Legion—the Arab world’s best army, as all acknowledged and as it emerged—was the peaceful takeover of the core Arab area of Palestine, not war with the Jews.”
  • Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Abigail B. Bakan: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting. In: The Political Quarterly. 93. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 2022, S. 508–516, doi:10.1111/1467-923X.13166 (englisch, wiley.com): “S. 511, over 80 per cent”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 60 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ...”
  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3. Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 128 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]): “Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 350 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces”; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 237 (englisch, columbia.edu): “Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000”; Adel Manna: The Palestinian Nakba and Its Continuous Repercussions. In: Israel Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2013, S. 86–99, doi:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86, JSTOR:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 (englisch): “Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees”
  • Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948–1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, S. 41, doi:10.1525/luminos.129 (englisch): “Most of the four hundred thousand Palestinians who lived in those areas had become refugees before the intervention of the Arab armies began”; Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3rd Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 121 (englisch, google.de – [2004]): “By the time the British left in the middle of May, one-third of the Palestinian population had already been evicted”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9 (englisch, google.de): “In this first phase of the Nakba before May 15, 1948, a pattern of ethnic cleansing resulted in the expulsion and panicked departure of about 300,000 Palestinians overall and the devastation of many of the Arab majority’s key urban economic, political, civic, and cultural centers”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6 (englisch, oup.com): “S. 81 ("While a number of studies have found no evidence to support the Israeli claim of an Arab propaganda campaign to induce the Palestinians to flee, well before the Arab invasion some 300,000 to 400,000 Palestinians (out of a population of about 900,000 at the time of the UN partition) were either forcibly expelled—sometimes by forced marches with only the clothes on their backs—or fled as a result of Israeli psychological warfare, economic pressures, and violence, designed to empty the area that would become Israel of most of its Arab inhabitants.") and 406 n.44 ("Reviewing the evidence marshaled by Morris and others, Tom Segev concluded that 'most of the Arabs in the country, approximately 400,000, were chased out and expelled during the first stage of the war. In other words, before the Arab armies invaded the country' (Haaretz, July 18, 2010). Other estimates have varied concerning the number of Palestinians who fled or were expelled before the May 1948 Arab state attack; Morris estimated the number to be 250,000–300,000 (The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, 262); Tessler puts it at 300,000 (A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 279); Pappé’s estimate is 380,000 (The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 96) ... Daniel Blatman estimates the number to be about 500,000 (Blatman, “Netanyahu, This Is What Ethnic Cleansing Really Looks Like”). Whatever the exact number, even Israeli 'Old Historians' now admit that during the 1948 war, the Israeli armed forces drove out many of the Palestinians, though they emphasized the action as a military 'necessity.' For example, see Anita Shapira, Israel: A History, 167–68.")”
  • Benny Morris: Israel's Border Wars, 1949–1956: Arab Infiltration, Israeli Retaliation, and the Countdown to the Suez War. Clarendon Press, 1997, ISBN 978-0-19-829262-3, S. 432 (englisch, google.de): “The available documentation suggests that Israeli security forces and civilian guards, and their mines and booby-traps, killed somewhere between 2,700 and 5,000 Arab infiltrators during 1949–56. The evidence suggests that the vast majority of those killed were unarmed. The overwhelming majority had infiltrated for economic or social reasons. The majority of the infiltrators killed died during 1949–51; there was a drop to some 300–500 a year in 1952–4. Available statistics indicate a further drop in fatalities during 1955–6, despite the relative increase in terrorist infiltration.”
  • Neil Caplan: The Israel-Palestine Conflict: Contested Histories (= Contesting the Past). Wiley, 2019, ISBN 978-1-119-52387-1, S. 120 (englisch, google.de): “In some locations, yishuv–British cooperation and collusion helped to coerce Palestinians to leave.”
  • Benny Morris: The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited (= Cambridge Middle East Studies). Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6, S. 60 (englisch, google.de).
  • Benny Morris: The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited (= Cambridge Middle East Studies). Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6, S. 597 (google.de): „But no expulsion policy was ever enunciated and Ben-Gurion always refrained from issuing clear or written expulsion orders; he preferred that his generals ‘understand’ what he wanted. He probably wished to avoid going down in history as the ‘great expeller’ and he did not want his government to be blamed for a morally questionable policy“
  • Avi Shlaim: The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (= Norton paperback). W.W. Norton, 2001, ISBN 978-0-393-32112-8, S. 60 (google.de).
  • Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 12, 73, 76, 231 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).
  • Nur Masalha: Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History. Zed Books, 2018, ISBN 978-1-78699-275-8, S. 44, 52–54, 64, 319, 324, 376, 383 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]).
  • Areej Sabbagh-Khoury: Colonizing Palestine: The Zionist Left and the Making of the Palestinian Nakba (= Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic Societies and Cultures). Stanford University Press, 2023, ISBN 978-1-5036-3629-3, S. 5, 11, 30, 65, 71, 81, 182, 193–194 (englisch, google.de).
  • Ronit Lentin: Co-memory and melancholia: Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba. Manchester University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84779-768-1, S. 8, 20–23, 69, 90, 110–111, 114,155 (google.de).
  • Elias Khoury: The Holocaust and the Nakba: A New Grammar of Trauma and History. Hrsg.: Bashir Bashir, Amos Goldberg. Columbia University Press, 2018, ISBN 978-0-231-54448-1, Foreword, S. ix–xvi (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 23. November 2023]).
  • Mark Levene: The Holocaust and the Nakba: A New Grammar of Trauma and History. Hrsg.: BASHIR BASHIR, Amos Goldberg. Columbia University Press, 2019, ISBN 978-0-231-18296-6, Harbingers of Jewish and Palestinian Disasters: European Nation-State Building and Its Toxic Legacies, 1912–1948, S. 45–65 (englisch, google.de).
  • Yair Auron: The Holocaust, Rebirth, and the Nakba: Memory and Contemporary Israeli–Arab Relations. Lexington Books, 2017, ISBN 978-1-4985-5949-2, S. 1–12 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 12. November 2023]).

haaretz.com

  • Ofer Aderet: ‘Place the material in the wells’: Docs point to Israeli army’s 1948 biological warfare. In: Haaretz. 14. Oktober 2022 (haaretz.com [abgerufen am 13. Mai 2024]): „For decades, rumors and testimonies swirled about Jewish troops sent to poison wells in Arab villages. Now, researchers have located official documentation of the ‘Cast Thy Bread’ operation Übersetzung: Jahrzehntelang kursierten Gerüchte und Zeugenaussagen über jüdische Truppen, die Brunnen in arabischen Dörfern vergiften sollten. Jetzt haben Forscher offizielle Unterlagen über die Operation „Cast Thy Bread“ gefunden“
  • Shay Hazkani: Catastrophic thinking: Did Ben-Gurion try to rewrite history? In: Haaretz. 16. Mai 2013 (haaretz.com [abgerufen am 4. Mai 2024]).
  • Tom Segev: Will we ever find out what the censor left out? In: Haaretz. 16. März 2013 (haaretz.com [abgerufen am 4. Mai 2024]).
  • Talila Nesher: Minister tells Israeli university to rethink ceremony marking Palestinian Nakba. In: Haʾaretz, am 13. Mai 2012.
  • Ian Black: Memories and maps keep alive Palestinian hopes of return. The Guardian, 26. Oktober 2010, Zugriff am 25. Juni 2017; Marlène Schnieper: Nakba – die offene Wunde. Die Vertreibung der Palästinenser 1948 und die Folgen. Rotpunktverlag, Zürich 2012; Gideon Levy: Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, Or, Democratic Israel at Work. haaretz.com, 12. Mai 2011, Zugriff am 2. Juli 2017; so auch die Broschüre Verein Flüchtlingskinder im Libanon e. V. (Hrsg.): Begleitheft zur Wanderausstellung „Die Nakba – Flucht und Vertreibung der Palästinenser 1948“, S. 13.
  • Daniel Blatman: Yes, Benny Morris, Israel did perpetrate ethnic cleansing in 1948. In: Haaretz. 14. Oktober 2016 (haaretz.com [abgerufen am 28. April 2024]).
  • Yehouda Shenhav: Hitching a ride on the magic carpet. In: Haaretz. 15. August 2003 (englisch, haaretz.com [abgerufen am 23. April 2024]): “I don't regard the departure of Jews from Arab lands as that of refugees. They came here because they wanted to, as Zionists”
  • Yehouda Shenhav: Hitching a ride on the magic carpet. In: Haaretz. 15. August 2003 (englisch, haaretz.com [abgerufen am 23. April 2024]): “I have this to say: I am not a refugee. […] I came at the behest of Zionism, due to the pull that this land exerts, and due to the idea of redemption. Nobody is going to define me as a refugee.”

haifa.ac.il

law.haifa.ac.il

  • Alexandre Kedar: The Legal Transformation of Ethnic Geography: Israeli Law and the Palestinian Landholder 1948–1967. In: New York University Journal of International Law and Politics. 33. Jahrgang, 12. Dezember 2001, S. 923–1000 (englisch, haifa.ac.il [PDF; abgerufen am 14. November 2023]).

harvard.edu

ui.adsabs.harvard.edu

  • Geremy Forman, Alexandre Kedar: From Arab Land to 'Israel Lands': The Legal Dispossession of the Palestinians Displaced by Israel in the Wake of 1948. In: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 22. Jahrgang, Nr. 6, Dezember 2004, S. 809–830, doi:10.1068/d402, bibcode:2004EnPlD..22..809F (englisch).

israelnetz.com

jewishvirtuallibrary.org

jstor.org

  • Shir Alon: No One to See Here: Genres of Neutralization and the Ongoing Nakba. In: Arab Studies Institute (Hrsg.): The Arab Studies Journal. Band 27, Nr. 1, 2019, S. 90–117, 93–94, JSTOR:26732402.
  • Hanan Ashrawi: Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerances. In: International Islamic University (Hrsg.): Islamic Studies. Band 41, Nr. 1. Islamabad 2002, S. 97–104, JSTOR:20837166.
  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3. Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 128 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]): “Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 350 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces”; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 237 (englisch, columbia.edu): “Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000”; Adel Manna: The Palestinian Nakba and Its Continuous Repercussions. In: Israel Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2013, S. 86–99, doi:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86, JSTOR:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 (englisch): “Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees”
  • Michael R. Fischbach: Settling Historical Land Claims in the Wake of Arab-Israeli Peace. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. Band 27, Nr. 1, 1997, ISSN 0377-919X, S. 38–50, 40, doi:10.2307/2537808, JSTOR:2537808 (englisch).
  • Ahmad H. Sa'di: Catastrophe, Memory and Identity: Al-Nakbah as a Component of Palestinian Identity. In: Israel Studies. 7. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2002, S. 175–198, doi:10.2979/ISR.2002.7.2.175, JSTOR:30245590 (englisch): “Al-Nakbah is associated with a rapid de-Arabization of the country. This process has included the destruction of Palestinian villages. About 418 villages were erased, and out of twelve Palestinian or mixed towns, a Palestinian population continued to exist in only seven. This swift transformation of the physical and cultural environment was accompanied, at the symbolic level, by the changing of the names of streets, neighborhoods, cities, and regions. Arabic names were replaced by Zionist, Jewish, or European names. This renaming continues to convey to the Palestinians the message that the country has seen only two historical periods which attest to its "true" nature: the ancient Jewish past, and the period that began with the creation of Israel”
  • Benny Morris: The Causes and Character of the Arab Exodus from Palestine: The Israel Defence Forces Intelligence Branch Analysis of June 1948. In: Middle Eastern Studies. 22. Jahrgang, Nr. 1. Taylor & Francis, Ltd., 1986, ISSN 0026-3206, S. 5–19, JSTOR:4283093 (englisch).
  • Steven Glazer: The Palestinian Exodus in 1948. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 9. Jahrgang, Nr. 4. [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies], 1980, S. 96–118, 97, JSTOR:2536126 (englisch): “Accordingly, many of these secondary sources start from a biased orientation and seek to discuss only those points which lend credence to their arguments. Evidence which contradicts these arguments is either ignored or dismissed as essentially irrelevant.”
  • Steven Glazer: The Palestinian Exodus in 1948. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 9. Jahrgang, Nr. 4. [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies], 1980, S. 96–118, JSTOR:2536126 (englisch).
  • Avi Shlaim: The Debate about 1948. In: International Journal of Middle East Studies. 27. Jahrgang, Nr. 3. Cambridge University Press, 1995, S. 287–304 4, JSTOR:176252 (englisch).
  • Walid Khalidi: Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, 1988, ISSN 0377-919X, S. 4–33, doi:10.2307/2537591, JSTOR:2537591 (englisch).
  • Benny Morris: Response to Finkelstein and Masalha. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 21. Jahrgang, Nr. 1. University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies, 1991, S. 98–114, JSTOR:2537368 (englisch): “during 1948 Ben-Gurion and most of the Yishuv's leaders wished to see as few Arabs remaining as possible, does not mean that the Yishuv adopted and implemented a policy of expulsion”
  • Nabila El-Ahmed, Nadia Abu-Zahra: Unfulfilled Promise: Palestinian Family Reunification and the Right of Return. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 45. Jahrgang, Nr. 3 (179). [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies], 2016, S. 24–39, JSTOR:26378602 (englisch): “In the run-up to the UNGA vote on 17 December, the Zionist leadership had sought the support of Washington not only to vote in favor but also to pressure other states to do the same. While expressing support, the United States explained that it would not place pressure on others unless Israel readied itself to carry out its obligations under international law and allowed refugees to return to their homes. After Israel refused to do so, the U.S. president described himself as “disgusted””
  • Nabila El-Ahmed, Nadia Abu-Zahra: Unfulfilled Promise: Palestinian Family Reunification and the Right of Return. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 45. Jahrgang, Nr. 3 (179). [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies], 2016, S. 24–39, JSTOR:26378602 (englisch): “In the late 1940s, persistent pressure from the United States as well as several UN committees to repatriate the non-Jewish Palestinian population and refugees impelled Israel to make a concession, without compromising its agenda against the right of return. It is in that context that family reunification—Israel’s concession—came to play a critical role in the campaign to establish international state legitimacy, thereby bolstering the nascent state’s UN candidacy.35”
  • Nabila El-Ahmed, Nadia Abu-Zahra: Unfulfilled Promise: Palestinian Family Reunification and the Right of Return. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 45. Jahrgang, Nr. 3 (179). [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies], 2016, S. 24–39, JSTOR:26378602 (englisch): “With regard to the actual number of Palestinian refugees allowed to return in the period between the 1948 and 1967 censuses, accounts vary. Official Israeli figures range from 23,000 to 40,000”
  • Nabila El-Ahmed, Nadia Abu-Zahra: Unfulfilled Promise: Palestinian Family Reunification and the Right of Return. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 45. Jahrgang, Nr. 3 (179). [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies], 2016, S. 24–39, JSTOR:26378602 (englisch): “All the while, Israel has instrumentalized the policy (even after it was effectively frozen in 2002) to oppose any measure addressing the Palestinian right of return, in effect turning family reunification into a strategic tool to deny that right.”
  • Nabila El-Ahmed, Nadia Abu-Zahra: Unfulfilled Promise: Palestinian Family Reunification and the Right of Return. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 45. Jahrgang, Nr. 3 (179). [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies], 2016, S. 24–39, JSTOR:26378602 (englisch): “Truman warned that failure to comply on the issue of refugees could force the United States into a “revision of its attitude toward Israel”: The Govt of the US is seriously disturbed by the attitude of Israel with respect to the question of Palestinian refugees. The US Govt has recently made a number of representations to the Israeli Govt concerning the repatriation of refugees. These representations were in conformity with the principles set forth in the resolution of the GA of Dec 11, 1948, and urged the acceptance of the principle of substantial repatriation. The US Govt does not, however, regard the present attitude of the Israeli Govt as being consistent with the principles upon which the US support has been based. If the Govt of Israel continues to reject the basic principles set forth by the res of the GA of Dec 11, 1948, the US Govt will regretfully be forced to the conclusion that a revision of its attitude toward Israel has become unavoidable. In the face of this pressure, on 5 July Israeli foreign minister Sharett suggested to his government that an Israeli gesture on the refugee question was necessary to appease the United States. While he officially proposed repatriating 100,000 refugees,68 the actual number was far lower, some 75,000, of whom 25,000 had already made their way into Israel, which consented to include 10,000 of them in a project of family reunification.”
  • Kurt René Radley: The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. In: The American Journal of International Law. 72. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 1978, S. 586–614, doi:10.2307/2200460, JSTOR:2200460 (englisch).
  • Vgl. Shabtai Teveth: The Palestine Arab Refugee Problem and Its Origins. In: Middle Eastern Studies. 26. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, April 1990, S. 214–249, doi:10.1080/00263209008700816, JSTOR:4283366 (englisch).

lemonde.fr

lib-hilfe.de

meforum.org

  • Efraim Karsh: Rewriting Israel's History. In: The Middle East Quarterly. Juni 1996 (englisch, meforum.org [abgerufen am 10. August 2014]).

mlwerke.de

nd-aktuell.de

newrepublic.com

nla.gov.au

  • U.N.O. PASSES PALESTINE PARTITION PLAN. In: Newcastle Morning Herald and Miners' Advocate (NSW : 1876–1954), National Library of Australia, 1. Dezember 1947, S. 1. Abgerufen am 24. Oktober 2014 (englisch). „"Semi-hysterical Jewish crowds in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem were still celebrating the U.N.O. partition vote at dawn to-day. Great bonfires at Jewish collective farms in the north were still blazing. Many big cafes in Tel Aviv served free champagne. A brewery threw open its doors to the crowd. Jews jeered some British troops who were patrolling Tel Aviv streets but others handed them wine. In Jerusalem crowds mobbed armoured cars and drove through the streets on them. The Chief Rabbi in Jerusalem (Dr Isaac Herzog) said: "After the darkness of 2000 years, the dawn of redemption has broken. The decision marks at epoch not only in Jewish history, but in world history." The Jewish terrorist organisation, Irgun Zvai Leumi, announced from its headquarters that it would “cease to exist in the new Jewish state.”“ 

nybooks.com

  • Yehoshua Porath: Mrs. Peters’s Palestine. In: The New York Review of Books. Band 32, Nr. 21, 16. Januar 1986, ISSN 0028-7504 (englisch, nybooks.com [abgerufen am 23. April 2024]): “Mrs. Peters puts great emphasis on the claim that during and after the 1948 war an “exchange of populations” took place. Against the Arabs who left Palestine one had to put, in her view, about the same number of Jews, most of them driven by the Arab rulers from their traditional homes in the Arab world. And indeed there is a superficial similarity between the two movements of population. But their ideological and historical significance is entirely different. From a Jewish-Zionist point of view the immigration of the Jews of the Arab countries to Israel, expelled or not, was the fulfillment of a national dream—the “ingathering of the exiles.” Since the 1930s the Jewish Agency had sent agents, teachers, and instructors to the various Arab countries in order to propagate Zionism. They organized Zionist youth movements there and illegal immigration to Palestine. Israel then made great efforts to absorb these immigrants into its national, political, social, and economic life. For the Palestinian Arabs the flight of 1948 was completely different. It resulted in an unwanted national calamity that was accompanied by unending personal tragedies. The result was the collapse of the Palestinian community, the fragmentation of a people, and the loss of a country that had in the past been mostly Arabic-speaking and Islamic. No wonder that the Arabs look at what happened very differently. When Mrs. Peters argues, as many Israeli and pro-Israeli spokesmen once did, that all refugees should live and be rehabilitated in their new countries, the Arabs reply that all refugees should go back to their countries of origin. When, in 1976, they invited former Jewish citizens to return, they did so not only from the mistaken belief that Oriental Jews’ attachment to Israel was weak, but also from the need to refute the Israeli argument, now repeated forcefully by Mrs. Peters, that there was a symmetry between the two movements of population.”

nzz.ch

openlibrary.org

  • Edward W. Said: The Question of Palestine. Vintage Books, New York 1992, ISBN 0-679-73988-2, S. 29 (englisch, openlibrary.org – [1979]): “Just how brutal these acts were is indicated, I think, in these remarks by Moshe Dayan in April 1969: We came to this country which was already populated by Arabs, and we are establishing a Hebrew, that is a Jewish state here. In considerable areas of the country [the total area was about 6 percent] we bought the lands from the Arabs. Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these Arab villages, and I do not blame you, because these geography books no longer exist; not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahalal [Dayan’s own village] arose in the place of Mahalul, Gevat—in the place of Jibta, [Kibbutz] Sarid—in the place of Haneifs and Kefar Yehoshua—in the place of Tell Shaman. There is not one place built in this country that did not have a former Arab population. [Ha-Aretz, April 4, 1969] Even Dayan’s terminology, frank as it is, is euphemistic. For what he means by ‘the Arab villages are not there either’ is that they were destroyed systematically. One outraged Israeli, Professor Israel Shahak, who reckons almost four hundred villages were thus eliminated, has said that these villages were ‘destroyed completely, with their houses, garden-walls, and even cemeteries and tombstones, so that literally a stone does not remain standing, and visitors are passing and being told that ‘it was all desert.’’”

oup.com

academic.oup.com

  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3rd Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 111–113 (englisch, cambridge.org [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]).; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 72 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 62 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]).; Hillel Cohen: Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State. Hrsg.: Nadim N. Rouhana, Sahar S. Huneidi. Cambridge University Press, 2017, ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8, The First Israeli Government (1948–1950) and the Arab Citizens: Equality in Discourse, Exclusion in Practice, S. 73–102 (englisch, google.com [abgerufen am 30. Dezember 2023]).; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 6 (englisch, google.com).
  • Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3. Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 128 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023] [2004]): “Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6, S. 350 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces”; Rochelle Davis: Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced. Stanford University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-8047-7313-3, S. 237 (englisch, columbia.edu): “Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000”; Adel Manna: The Palestinian Nakba and Its Continuous Repercussions. In: Israel Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2013, S. 86–99, doi:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86, JSTOR:10.2979/israelstudies.18.2.86 (englisch): “Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees”
  • Adel Manna: Nakba and Survival: The Story of Palestinians Who Remained in Haifa and the Galilee, 1948–1956. University of California Press, 2022, ISBN 978-0-520-38936-6, S. 41, doi:10.1525/luminos.129 (englisch): “Most of the four hundred thousand Palestinians who lived in those areas had become refugees before the intervention of the Arab armies began”; Ilan Pappe: A History of Modern Palestine. 3rd Auflage. Cambridge University Press, 2022, ISBN 978-1-108-24416-9, S. 121 (englisch, google.de – [2004]): “By the time the British left in the middle of May, one-third of the Palestinian population had already been evicted”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9 (englisch, google.de): “In this first phase of the Nakba before May 15, 1948, a pattern of ethnic cleansing resulted in the expulsion and panicked departure of about 300,000 Palestinians overall and the devastation of many of the Arab majority’s key urban economic, political, civic, and cultural centers”; Jerome Slater: Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press, 2020, ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6 (englisch, oup.com): “S. 81 ("While a number of studies have found no evidence to support the Israeli claim of an Arab propaganda campaign to induce the Palestinians to flee, well before the Arab invasion some 300,000 to 400,000 Palestinians (out of a population of about 900,000 at the time of the UN partition) were either forcibly expelled—sometimes by forced marches with only the clothes on their backs—or fled as a result of Israeli psychological warfare, economic pressures, and violence, designed to empty the area that would become Israel of most of its Arab inhabitants.") and 406 n.44 ("Reviewing the evidence marshaled by Morris and others, Tom Segev concluded that 'most of the Arabs in the country, approximately 400,000, were chased out and expelled during the first stage of the war. In other words, before the Arab armies invaded the country' (Haaretz, July 18, 2010). Other estimates have varied concerning the number of Palestinians who fled or were expelled before the May 1948 Arab state attack; Morris estimated the number to be 250,000–300,000 (The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, 262); Tessler puts it at 300,000 (A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 279); Pappé’s estimate is 380,000 (The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 96) ... Daniel Blatman estimates the number to be about 500,000 (Blatman, “Netanyahu, This Is What Ethnic Cleansing Really Looks Like”). Whatever the exact number, even Israeli 'Old Historians' now admit that during the 1948 war, the Israeli armed forces drove out many of the Palestinians, though they emphasized the action as a military 'necessity.' For example, see Anita Shapira, Israel: A History, 167–68.")”
  • Helena Lindholm Schulz: The Palestinian Diaspora: Formation of Identities and Politics of Homeland. Routledge, 2003, ISBN 978-0-415-26821-9, S. 1–2 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 7. April 2021]): “One of the grim paradoxes of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is that the foundation of the state of Israel, intended to create a safe haven for the ‘archetypical’ Jewish diaspora, spelt the immediate diasporisation of the Arab Palestinians. The territorialisation of the Jewish diaspora spurred a new ‘wandering identity’ and the Palestinians became a ‘refugee nation’. To the Palestinians, the birth of Israel is thus remembered as the catastrophe, al-nakba, to imprint the suffering caused by dispersal, exile, alienation and denial ... The nakba is the root cause of the Palestinian diaspora.”
  • Haifa Rashed, Damien Short, John Docker: Nakba Memoricide: Genocide Studies and the Zionist/Israeli Genocide of Palestine. In: Holy Land Studies. 13. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Mai 2014, S. 1–23, doi:10.3366/hls.2014.0076 (englisch): “The University of Oxford’s first professor of Israel Studies Derek Penslar recently stated that pro-Israelis needed to catch up with the past 30 years of academic scholarship that has accepted the ‘vast bulk of findings’ by the New Historians regarding the Nakba. He said: ‘what happened to the Palestinians, the Nakba, was not a genocide. It was horrible, but it was not a genocide. Genocide means that you wipe out a people. It wasn’t a genocide. It was ethnic cleansing.' That Penslar mistakenly interprets the concept of genocide is perhaps not surprising.”;Ronit Lentin: Co-memory and melancholia: Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba. Manchester University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-1-84779-768-1, S. 111 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]): “Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago (e.g., Karmi and Cotran 1999; Pappe 2004a; Abu Lughod and Sa’di 2007)”;Michael Milshtein: The Memory that Never Dies: The Nakba Memory and the Palestinian National Movement. Hrsg.: Litvak, Meir. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, ISBN 978-0-230-62163-3, S. 50 (englisch, springer.com [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]): “The majority of Palestinian writers”; Yasmeen Abu-Laban: The „Israelization“ of social sorting and the „Palestinianization“ of the racial contract. Reframing Israel/Palestine and the war on terror. In: dieselbe; Elia Zureik und David Lyon: Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine. Population, Territory and Power. Routledge, New York 2011, S. 281 ff.; Petra Wild: Apartheid und ethnische Säuberung in Palästina. Der zionistische Siedlerkolonialismus in Wort und Tat. Promedia Verlag, Wien 2013, S. 17.

palestineremembered.com

pcbs.gov.ps

redirecter.toolforge.org

  • Cablegram from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States to the Secretary-General of the United Nations: S/745. In: undocs.org. 15. Mai 1948, archiviert vom Original am 1. September 2023; abgerufen am 6. Juni 2012 (englisch).
  • The Internally Displaced Refugees. Archiviert vom Original am 31. März 2012; (englisch).
  • Israel's apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity. In: Amnesty International. 1. Februar 2022, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 2. Dezember 2023; abgerufen am 23. Oktober 2023 (englisch, Siehe Abschnitt 5.3: Segregation and Control, insbesondere 5.3.1: Denial of right to equal nationality and status und 5.3.2: Restrictions on freedom of movement as a means of control over land and people.).
  • Ruth Lapidoth: Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA), 1. September 2002, archiviert vom Original am 17. Februar 2012; (englisch, JCPA ist eine israelische Denkfabrik): „Moreover, according to Stig Jagerskiold, the right of return or the right to enter one's country in the 1966 International Covenant is intended to apply to individuals asserting an individual right. There was no intention here to address the claims of masses of people who have been displaced as a by-product of war or by political transfers of territory or population, such as the relocation of ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe during and after the Second World War, the flight of the Palestinians from what became Israel, or the movement of Jews from the Arab countries“
  • Ruth Lapidoth: Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question. In: Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. 1. September 2002, archiviert vom Original am 17. Februar 2012; (englisch, JCPA ist eine israelische Denkfabrik.): „Moreover, that permission is subject to two conditions - that the refugee wishes to return, and that he wishes to live at peace with his neighbors. The violence that erupted in September 2000 forecloses any hope for a peaceful co-existence between Israelis and masses of returning refugees.“
  • Karin Wenger: An-Nakba – die unvergessene Katastrophe der Palästinenser. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung. 5. Juni 2009, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 5. Juni 2008; abgerufen am 5. März 2017.  Info: Der Archivlink wurde automatisch eingesetzt und noch nicht geprüft. Bitte prüfe Original- und Archivlink gemäß Anleitung und entferne dann diesen Hinweis.@1@2Vorlage:Webachiv/IABot/www.nzz.ch
  • Israel conducted no ethnic cleansing in 1948 – Opinion – Haaretz.com. 16. Juni 2022, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar); abgerufen am 25. April 2024: „I don’t accept the definition “ethnic cleansing” for what the Jews in prestate Israel did in 1948. (If you consider Lod and Ramle, maybe we can talk about partial ethnic cleansing.)“
  • Survival of the Fittest (Cont.): When ethnic cleansing is justified. In: Haaretz. 8. Januar 2004, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 13. Juni 2022; abgerufen am 25. April 2024.
  • Efraim Karsh: Were the Palestinians Expelled? In: Commentary, August 2000. Archiviert vom Original am 24. Februar 2014; abgerufen am 6. August 2014.
  • Warren Hoge: Group seeks justice for ‘forgotten’ Jews. In: The New York Times. 5. November 2007, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 11. November 2022; abgerufen am 3. Dezember 2012 (englisch).

rollingstone.com

rosalux.org.il

  • Eitan Bronstein Aparicio: Ohne Erinnerung keine Zukunft. Die Nakba auf Hebräisch. In: Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Israel Office. 14. September 2016, abgerufen am 4. März 2017 (Historische Zusammenfassung des Nakba-Diskurses innerhalb der israelischen Gesellschaft von einem Zochrot-Mitbegründer).

springer.com

link.springer.com

  • Haifa Rashed, Damien Short, John Docker: Nakba Memoricide: Genocide Studies and the Zionist/Israeli Genocide of Palestine. In: Holy Land Studies. 13. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, Mai 2014, S. 1–23, doi:10.3366/hls.2014.0076 (englisch): “The University of Oxford’s first professor of Israel Studies Derek Penslar recently stated that pro-Israelis needed to catch up with the past 30 years of academic scholarship that has accepted the ‘vast bulk of findings’ by the New Historians regarding the Nakba. He said: ‘what happened to the Palestinians, the Nakba, was not a genocide. It was horrible, but it was not a genocide. Genocide means that you wipe out a people. It wasn’t a genocide. It was ethnic cleansing.' That Penslar mistakenly interprets the concept of genocide is perhaps not surprising.”;Ronit Lentin: Co-memory and melancholia: Israelis memorialising the Palestinian Nakba. Manchester University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-1-84779-768-1, S. 111 (englisch, oup.com [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]): “Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago (e.g., Karmi and Cotran 1999; Pappe 2004a; Abu Lughod and Sa’di 2007)”;Michael Milshtein: The Memory that Never Dies: The Nakba Memory and the Palestinian National Movement. Hrsg.: Litvak, Meir. Palgrave Macmillan, 2009, ISBN 978-0-230-62163-3, S. 50 (englisch, springer.com [abgerufen am 5. Mai 2024]): “The majority of Palestinian writers”; Yasmeen Abu-Laban: The „Israelization“ of social sorting and the „Palestinianization“ of the racial contract. Reframing Israel/Palestine and the war on terror. In: dieselbe; Elia Zureik und David Lyon: Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine. Population, Territory and Power. Routledge, New York 2011, S. 281 ff.; Petra Wild: Apartheid und ethnische Säuberung in Palästina. Der zionistische Siedlerkolonialismus in Wort und Tat. Promedia Verlag, Wien 2013, S. 17.

tandfonline.com

  • Nadim N. Rouhana and Areej Sabbagh-Khoury: Memory and the Return of History in a Settler-colonial Context: The Case of the Palestinians in Israel. In: Interventions. 21. Jahrgang, Nr. 4. Routledge, 2019, S. 527–550, doi:10.1080/1369801X.2018.1558102 (englisch, tandfonline.com).

taz.de

tcf.org

theguardian.com

ucpress.edu

un.org

un.org

digitallibrary.un.org

  • Question of Palestine :: resolution /: adopted by the General Assembly. 22. November 1974 (un.org [abgerufen am 15. Mai 2024]).

unrwa.org

web.archive.org

  • Cablegram from the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States to the Secretary-General of the United Nations: S/745. In: undocs.org. 15. Mai 1948, archiviert vom Original am 1. September 2023; abgerufen am 6. Juni 2012 (englisch).
  • The Internally Displaced Refugees. Archiviert vom Original am 31. März 2012; (englisch).
  • Israel's apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity. In: Amnesty International. 1. Februar 2022, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 2. Dezember 2023; abgerufen am 23. Oktober 2023 (englisch, Siehe Abschnitt 5.3: Segregation and Control, insbesondere 5.3.1: Denial of right to equal nationality and status und 5.3.2: Restrictions on freedom of movement as a means of control over land and people.).
  • Ruth Lapidoth: Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA), 1. September 2002, archiviert vom Original am 17. Februar 2012; (englisch, JCPA ist eine israelische Denkfabrik): „Moreover, according to Stig Jagerskiold, the right of return or the right to enter one's country in the 1966 International Covenant is intended to apply to individuals asserting an individual right. There was no intention here to address the claims of masses of people who have been displaced as a by-product of war or by political transfers of territory or population, such as the relocation of ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe during and after the Second World War, the flight of the Palestinians from what became Israel, or the movement of Jews from the Arab countries“
  • Ruth Lapidoth: Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question. In: Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. 1. September 2002, archiviert vom Original am 17. Februar 2012; (englisch, JCPA ist eine israelische Denkfabrik.): „Moreover, that permission is subject to two conditions - that the refugee wishes to return, and that he wishes to live at peace with his neighbors. The violence that erupted in September 2000 forecloses any hope for a peaceful co-existence between Israelis and masses of returning refugees.“
  • The JPost : Refugees forever? 24. April 2009, abgerufen am 15. Mai 2024.
  • Karin Wenger: An-Nakba – die unvergessene Katastrophe der Palästinenser. In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung. 5. Juni 2009, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 5. Juni 2008; abgerufen am 5. März 2017.  Info: Der Archivlink wurde automatisch eingesetzt und noch nicht geprüft. Bitte prüfe Original- und Archivlink gemäß Anleitung und entferne dann diesen Hinweis.@1@2Vorlage:Webachiv/IABot/www.nzz.ch
  • Israel conducted no ethnic cleansing in 1948 – Opinion – Haaretz.com. 16. Juni 2022, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar); abgerufen am 25. April 2024: „I don’t accept the definition “ethnic cleansing” for what the Jews in prestate Israel did in 1948. (If you consider Lod and Ramle, maybe we can talk about partial ethnic cleansing.)“
  • Survival of the Fittest (Cont.): When ethnic cleansing is justified. In: Haaretz. 8. Januar 2004, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 13. Juni 2022; abgerufen am 25. April 2024.
  • Efraim Karsh: Were the Palestinians Expelled? In: Commentary, August 2000. Archiviert vom Original am 24. Februar 2014; abgerufen am 6. August 2014.
  • Warren Hoge: Group seeks justice for ‘forgotten’ Jews. In: The New York Times. 5. November 2007, archiviert vom Original (nicht mehr online verfügbar) am 11. November 2022; abgerufen am 3. Dezember 2012 (englisch).

wiley.com

onlinelibrary.wiley.com

  • Matthew Hogan: The 1948 Massacre at Deir Yassin Revisited. In: Historian. 63. Jahrgang, Nr. 2, 2001, S. 309–334, doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.2001.tb01468.x (englisch, wiley.com): “Meanwhile, the subsequent May 1948 outbreak of regional war between the newly declared state of Israel and the Arab states, beginning the prolonged Arab-Israeli conflict, was contemporaneously explained by Arab League chief Azzam Pasha in terms of the Deir Yassin incident: “The massacre of Deir Yassin was to a great extent the cause of the wrath of the Arab nations and the most important factor for sending [in] the Arab armies.””
  • Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Abigail B. Bakan: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting. In: The Political Quarterly. 93. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 2022, S. 508–516, doi:10.1111/1467-923X.13166 (englisch, wiley.com): “S. 511, over 80 per cent”; Rashid Khalidi: The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017. Metropolitan Books, 2020, ISBN 978-1-62779-854-9, S. 60 (englisch, google.de [abgerufen am 6. November 2023]): “Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ...”
  • Andy Lamey: An institutional right of refugee return. In: European Journal of Philosophy. 29. Jahrgang, Nr. 4, 2021, S. 948–964, doi:10.1111/ejop.12614 (englisch, wiley.com).
  • Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Abigail B. Bakan: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting. In: The Political Quarterly. 93. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, Juli 2022, S. 508–516, doi:10.1111/1467-923X.13166 (englisch, wiley.com).
  • Uri Ram: Ways of Forgetting: Israel and the Obliterated Memory of the Palestinian Nakba. In: Journal of Historical Sociology. 22. Jahrgang, Nr. 3, September 2009, S. 366–395, 387–388, doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2009.01354.x (englisch, wiley.com).

youtube.com

zdb-katalog.de

  • Michael R. Fischbach: Settling Historical Land Claims in the Wake of Arab-Israeli Peace. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. Band 27, Nr. 1, 1997, ISSN 0377-919X, S. 38–50, 40, doi:10.2307/2537808, JSTOR:2537808 (englisch).
  • Victor Kattan: The Nationality of Denationalized Palestinians. In: Nordic Journal of International Law. 74. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, 1. Januar 2005, ISSN 0902-7351, S. 67–102, doi:10.1163/1571810054301004 (englisch).
  • Benny Morris: The Causes and Character of the Arab Exodus from Palestine: The Israel Defence Forces Intelligence Branch Analysis of June 1948. In: Middle Eastern Studies. 22. Jahrgang, Nr. 1. Taylor & Francis, Ltd., 1986, ISSN 0026-3206, S. 5–19, JSTOR:4283093 (englisch).
  • Walid Khalidi: Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine. In: Journal of Palestine Studies. 18. Jahrgang, Nr. 1, 1988, ISSN 0377-919X, S. 4–33, doi:10.2307/2537591, JSTOR:2537591 (englisch).
  • The Liar as Hero. In: The New Republic. ISSN 0028-6583 (newrepublic.com [abgerufen am 4. Mai 2024]).
  • Yehoshua Porath: Mrs. Peters’s Palestine. In: The New York Review of Books. Band 32, Nr. 21, 16. Januar 1986, ISSN 0028-7504 (englisch, nybooks.com [abgerufen am 23. April 2024]): “Mrs. Peters puts great emphasis on the claim that during and after the 1948 war an “exchange of populations” took place. Against the Arabs who left Palestine one had to put, in her view, about the same number of Jews, most of them driven by the Arab rulers from their traditional homes in the Arab world. And indeed there is a superficial similarity between the two movements of population. But their ideological and historical significance is entirely different. From a Jewish-Zionist point of view the immigration of the Jews of the Arab countries to Israel, expelled or not, was the fulfillment of a national dream—the “ingathering of the exiles.” Since the 1930s the Jewish Agency had sent agents, teachers, and instructors to the various Arab countries in order to propagate Zionism. They organized Zionist youth movements there and illegal immigration to Palestine. Israel then made great efforts to absorb these immigrants into its national, political, social, and economic life. For the Palestinian Arabs the flight of 1948 was completely different. It resulted in an unwanted national calamity that was accompanied by unending personal tragedies. The result was the collapse of the Palestinian community, the fragmentation of a people, and the loss of a country that had in the past been mostly Arabic-speaking and Islamic. No wonder that the Arabs look at what happened very differently. When Mrs. Peters argues, as many Israeli and pro-Israeli spokesmen once did, that all refugees should live and be rehabilitated in their new countries, the Arabs reply that all refugees should go back to their countries of origin. When, in 1976, they invited former Jewish citizens to return, they did so not only from the mistaken belief that Oriental Jews’ attachment to Israel was weak, but also from the need to refute the Israeli argument, now repeated forcefully by Mrs. Peters, that there was a symmetry between the two movements of population.”

zochrot.org

  • Zochrot: Zochrot – Who, Why and How. Abgerufen am 9. Mai 2024 (englisch): „The Nakba (نكبة), Arabic for great catastrophe, is the designation of an ongoing process of disfranchisement of the Palestinian people from their land and assets. This process had begun long before 1948, with the Zionist ambition to convert as many lands as possible to exclusive Jewish usage. The 1948 war was its calumniation: alongside the atrocities of war, massacres, rape and lootings, the Nakba is also the destruction of over 600 settlements, turning more than 750,000 men and women into refugees, comprising about 85 percent of the Palestinian inhabitants in the territory where the state of Israel was established.“
  • Ilan Pappe: Zochrot – Were they expelled? Abgerufen am 4. Mai 2024 (englisch).