Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Internet activism" in English language version.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link){{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)All the Internet traffic may represent an "echo chamber" of virtual activism rather than meaningful protest, warns Barbara Epstein, a University of California-Santa Cruz professor of the history of consciousness. The Internet, she says, "allows people who agree with each other to talk to each other and gives them the impression of being part of a much larger network than is necessarily the case." The impersonal nature of communication by computer, Epstein suggests, may have a more insidious effect, undermining important human contact that always has been crucial to social movements. During the Vietnam War, "a large sector of a generation got drawn in, in a very personal way. They went to a protest because their roommate was going. The movement became the center of social life. It became the most exciting place on campus."
The Internet connects an ideologically broad anti-war constituency, from the leftists of A.N.S.W.E.R. to the pressed-for-time "soccer moms" who might prefer MoveOn, and conservative activists as well. And for its part, MoveOn is itself part of an anti-war coalition that includes the NAACP, the Sierra Club, the National Organization for Women and the National Council of Churches.
The ease with which current social movements form often fails to signal an organizing capacity powerful enough to threaten those in authority
{{cite magazine}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link){{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)All the Internet traffic may represent an "echo chamber" of virtual activism rather than meaningful protest, warns Barbara Epstein, a University of California-Santa Cruz professor of the history of consciousness. The Internet, she says, "allows people who agree with each other to talk to each other and gives them the impression of being part of a much larger network than is necessarily the case." The impersonal nature of communication by computer, Epstein suggests, may have a more insidious effect, undermining important human contact that always has been crucial to social movements. During the Vietnam War, "a large sector of a generation got drawn in, in a very personal way. They went to a protest because their roommate was going. The movement became the center of social life. It became the most exciting place on campus."
The Internet connects an ideologically broad anti-war constituency, from the leftists of A.N.S.W.E.R. to the pressed-for-time "soccer moms" who might prefer MoveOn, and conservative activists as well. And for its part, MoveOn is itself part of an anti-war coalition that includes the NAACP, the Sierra Club, the National Organization for Women and the National Council of Churches.
The ease with which current social movements form often fails to signal an organizing capacity powerful enough to threaten those in authority
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