"The state ruling over a hostile population of 1.4 to 2 million foreigners will necessarily become a Shin Bet state, with all that this implies for the spirit of education, freedom of speech and thought, and democratic governance. The corruption that is characteristic of all colonial regimes will also infect the State of Israel." (Rapoport 2024) Rapoport, Meron (23 August 2024). "Israeli society's dehumanization of Palestinians is now absolute". +972 Magazine.
"The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is as prototypical case of a conflict which meets the criteria describing an intractable conflict: it is prolonged, irreconcilable, violent and perceived as having zero-game nature and total." (Shaked 2016, p. 134) Shaked, Ronni (2016). "Ethos of Conflict of the Palestinian Society". In Sharvit, Keren; Halperin, Eran (eds.). A Social Psychology Perspective on The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Celebrating the Legacy of Daniel Bar-Tal. Vol. 2. Springer Publishing. pp. 133–149. ISBN978-3-319-24841-7.
"A partial Jewish state is not the end, but only the beginning. The establishment of such a Jewish State will serve as a means in our historical efforts to redeem the country in its entirety ... We will expel the Arabs and take their places.. with the force at our disposal." (1937); "I favour partition of the country because when we become a strong power after the establishment of the state, we will abolish partition and spread throughout all of Palestine."(1938) (Slater 1994, p. 182) Slater, Jerome (1994). "The Significance of Israeli Historical Revisionism". In Stone, Russell; Zenner, Walter P. (eds.). Essays on Israeli Social Issues and Scholarship. Vol. 3. SUNY Press. pp. 179–199. ISBN978-1-438-42140-7.
"Dayan ordered his troops to dig in on the slopes east of Jerusalem. When an armoured brigade commander, on his own initiative, penetrated further east and reported having Jericho in his sights, Dayan angrily ordered him to turn his force around. It was only after Military Intelligence reported hours later that King Hussein had ordered his forces to retreat across the river that Dayan agreed to the capture of the entire West Bank." (Shlaim 2012, p. 46) Shlaim, Avi (2012). "Poor Little Samson". In Shlaim, Avi; Louis, Wm Roger (eds.). The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Origins and Consequences. Cambridge University Press. pp. 22–54. ISBN978-1-107-00236-4.
"It is often stated that Israel's concern with security trumps every other consideration. On the operational level – the tactical and strategic level – the Israeli narrative can be condensed into just none word:security. It trumps every other consideration..In the West there is often impatience with Israel's obsessive preoccupation with security. Palestinians are particularly puzzled, since Israel possesses the sixth most powerful military machine in the world and enjoys total domination over the capabilities of any army in the Arab world. They believe Israelis invoke the collective 'never again' memory of the Holocaust as a negotiating ploy to justify their unreasonable demands on security issues." (O'Malley 2015, pp. 39–40) O'Malley, Padraig (2015). The Two-State Delusion: Israel and Palestine—A Tale of Two Narratives. Penguin Books. ISBN978-0-698-19218-8.
"The very nature of settler states, their establishment, consolidation and driving ideology, requires a realpolitik approach to the indigenous population(s) because the state itself can be established only at their expense and the expense of their descendants. It implies subordinating the well-being and freedoms of those individuals and their descendants to the well-being and interests of members of the settler group." (Graff 2015, p. 163) Graff, James A. (2015). "Targeting Children: Rights versus Realpolitik". In Kapitan, Tomis (ed.). Philosophical Perspectives on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (2nd ed.). Routledge. pp. 157–184. ISBN978-1-317-46285-9.
"The state of Israel's ideology is explicitly an exclusionary ethnoculturally based nationalism. Furthermore, Israel is, like the states of the Americas and South Africa, a settler state established through the forcible displacement, and subjugation of the indigenous population." (Graff 2015, pp. 163, 166) Graff, James A. (2015). "Targeting Children: Rights versus Realpolitik". In Kapitan, Tomis (ed.). Philosophical Perspectives on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (2nd ed.). Routledge. pp. 157–184. ISBN978-1-317-46285-9.
"The centrality of the 'settlement enterprise' within the occupation is partially obscured by the use of the multivalent and anodyne term settlement, a word than among other meanings denotes the ending of a dispute or the calming of a contestation. The problem is that settlement is a lexeme that dangles free of any socially compelling connotation and is devoid of political context. It is not, however, the universal term of choice to describe the Israeli undertaking in the OP. The French prefer the term colonization, taken from their own historical vocabulary, where it was used synonymously with the English expression of 'planting colonies.'.. The term colonization was, in fact, the term of choice for many of the early Zionists as well. In the 1880s, the settlers of the first aliyah (wave of Jewish immigration to Palestine between 1882 and 1903) named their form of settlement moshavs, the Hebrew equivalent of colony. Arthur Ruppin, head of the World Zionist Organization's Jaffa office, titled his 1926 book The Agricultural Colonization of the Zionist Organization in Palestine, and Ze'ev Jabotinsky not only used the term in his famed 1923 article (On)The Iron Wall but sought to dispel any confusion about its meaning and significance as follows:'Colonization carries its own explanation, the only possible explanation, unalterable and clear as daylight to every Jew and every Arab with his wits about him.' Let us not be shy of restoring this word to its proper place and using it side by side with settlement to remind us what is at stake." (Shafir 2017, pp. 53–54) Shafir, Gershon (2017). A Half Century of Occupation: Israel, Palestine, and the World's Most Intractable Conflict. University of California Press. ISBN978-0-520-29350-2.
"Not so long ago, Yata was hardly more than a village; today it spills over the golden-brown hilltops for miles-many refugees from the caves and elsewhere have come to rest, for now, in the town. Yata is poor, dry, unfinished, littered with the inevitable flotsam and jetsam of modern Palestine-the wrecks of old cars, the dusty grocery shops, the graffiti left over from the last election, the sheep and goats and barefoot children, the disintegrating old stone houses dwarfed by ugly, recent buildings, the medieval ruins overgrown by scraggly grass and thorns." (Shulman 2018, p. 12) Shulman, David D. (2018). Freedom and Despair: Notes from the South Hebron Hills. University of Chicago Press. ISBN978-0-226-56665-8.
Derek Penslar has argued that, "Israel, unlike the Jewish global conspiracy of the European antisemitic imagination, does exist. Precisely because Arab antisemitism's fantasies are far more thoroughly grounded in reality than those of their European predecessors, a necessary, although admittedly insufficient, precondition for deconstructing those fantasies will be a radical transformation of Israel's borders and policies towards Arabs both within and outside of the state." (Penslar 2007, p. 129) Penslar, Derek (2007). Israel in History: The Jewish State in Comparative Perspective. Routledge. ISBN978-1-134-14669-7.
"Palestinians and Israelis would be trading fundamentally unlike assets, one tangible, the other intangible. Palestinians would give up moral claims, acquiescing in the denial of their right to return and bestowing legitimacy on their dispossessors by recognizing the vast majority of their homeland as a Jewish state. Israelis, by contrast, would be committing to a physical withdrawal from land under their full control. The crucial difference between these two types of assets is that, once the parties had accepted the parameters, only the intangible ones would disappear. The land, by contrast, would remain in Israel's possession until the parties reached a comprehensive settlement, an outcome that an agreed framework by no means guarantees." (Thrall 2017, pp. 220–221) Thrall, Nathan (2017). The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN978-1-627-79710-8.
"Applying many of the principles of IDF warfare to bargaining, soldiers in mufti are prone to treat diplomatic talks as analogous to wars of attrition and conducting them according to one of two models: either as a game of waiting out the opponent, or as a lightening offensive aimed at breaking the back of resistance. If the former, then the objective is to wear down one's adversary in a battle of wills through such stratagems as looking for the tactical high ground, refusing to budge, and fighting for every inch and centimeter by wrangling over even seemingly trivial technical details, if the latter, then the enemy's bargaining position is best taken by storm by using intimidating and bluff...The basic inclination is to assume neither goodwill nor magnanimity on the part of the Arab opponents." (Peri 2006, p. 238) Peri, Yoram (2006). Generals in the Cabinet Room: How the Military Shapes Israeli Policy. United States Institute of Peace Press. ISBN978-1-929-22381-7.
The first attempted suicide bombing in the West Bank took place at the Israeli settlement of Mehola on 16 April 1993, killing only the bomber, though injuring 8 Israelis in nearby buses. The beginning of slashing with knives is sometimes dated to the immediate aftermath of the killing of 18 Palestinians on the Black Monday clashes of 8 October 1990, after they threw stones at Jews at prayer at the Western Wall. A lone wolf, Omar Abu Sirah, then ran amok killing three Israelis with his butcher's knife. This however was a one-off event for the period (Dzikansky, Kleiman & Slater 2016, pp. 32–33). Dzikansky, Mordecai; Kleiman, Gil; Slater, Robert (2016). Terrorist Suicide Bombings: Attack Interdiction, Mitigation, and Response. CRC Press. ISBN978-1-439-87132-4.
In talks that week with Jacques Chirac, Ehud Barak was told: "This morning, sixty-four Palestinians are dead, nine Israeli-Arabs were also killed, and you're pressing on. You cannot, Mr Prime Minister, explain this ratio in the number of [killed and] wounded. You cannot make anyone believe that the Palestinians are the aggressors.... If you continue to fire from helicopters on people throwing rocks, and you continue to refuse an international inquiry, you are turning down a gesture from Arafat." (Sher 2006, pp. 161–162) Sher, Gilead (2006). The Israeli–Palestinian Peace Negotiations, 1999–2001: Within Reach. Routledge. ISBN978-0-714-68542-7.
"(In) the four major wars Israel fought, Palestinian participation was extraordinarily low. In 1948, of a population of 1.3 million, only a few thousand Palestinians joined irregular forces or the Arab Salvation Army; in the 1956, 1967, and 1973 wars, Palestinian contributions were also slight. The violence that Palestinians did lead over the decades was many times less deadly than struggles against foreign occupiers elsewhere in the world. From the first Palestinian riots in 1920 until the end of June 2015, according to Israeli government sources, fewer than four thousand Jews (forty per year) were killed as a result of Palestinian violence, including the Intifadas and wars in Gaza." (Thrall 2017, pp. 137–138) Thrall, Nathan (2017). The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN978-1-627-79710-8.
"During the late 1970s and 1980s Israel also continued relentlessly to expand its land control over the territories.. This expansion was backed by a tight check over the development of Palestinian villages and towns, where hundreds of houses on private lands were demolished every year on the grounds that they were illegal or, more recently, a threat to the security of Jewish settlers. Other forms of Palestinian commercial and public development were stifled by the restrictive policies of military government, in effect ghettoizing the locals in their towns and villages and making them dependent on distant Jewish employment." (Yiftachel 2006, p. 67) Yiftachel, Oren (2006). Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN978-0-812-23927-0.
In his study of the IDF Samy Cohen writes that: "In over 60 years of counterterrorism, warfare, little seems to have changed in the Israeli army mindset since the foundation of the state of Israel. In response to a terrorist threat or an insurgency, be it armed or unarmed, the IDF employs the same sort of response – disproportionate response – striking both combatants and noncombatants at once when it is impossible to strike one without hitting the other, with a certain degree of intentional excess, while trying to refrain from spilling over into mass crime..Disproportionate response is.. an essential component of Israeli strategic culture." (Cohen 2010b, p. 151) Cohen, Samy (2010b). Israel's Asymmetric Wars. Springer. ISBN978-0-230-11297-1.
"An old man, Salim Id Al-Hathalin, grabs hold of me. He is waving papers – one a receipt from the tax authorities, confirming that he has paid taxes on the land he owns here in the village; the other a demolition order issued by the Civil Administration against his makeshift tent-cum-hut, which he points out to me as he cries: 'Why do they want to destroy my house? Where can I go? Can I go to America? I have nothing and they want to take that nothing from me. Can you help me? Where am I supposed to go?'" (Shulman 2018, p. 28) Shulman, David D. (2018). Freedom and Despair: Notes from the South Hebron Hills. University of Chicago Press. ISBN978-0-226-56665-8.
Zeev Schiff, an Israeli military correspondent at the time, wrote: "The extent of the injuries caused by the new policy was harrowing. Considering that whole corps of soldiers were engaged in battering away at defenseless citizens, it is hardly surprising that thousands of Palestinians – many of them innocent of any wrong-doing – were badly injured, some to the point of being handicapped. There were countless instances in which young Arabs were dragged behind walls or deserted buildings and systematically beaten all but senseless. The clubs descended on limbs, joints, and ribs until they could be heard to crack- especially as Rabin let slip a 'break their bones' remark in a television interview which many soldiers took as a recommendation, if not exactly an order." (Gordon 2008, p. 157) Gordon, Neve (2008). Israel's Occupation. University of California Press. ISBN978-0-520-94236-3.
"These economic costs are partially paid by the international community's funds which are creating one of the cheapest occupations and relieve Israel from its duties and responsibilities as an Occupying Power." (Beckouche 2017, pp. 154–155, 154) Beckouche, Pierre (2017). "Occupied Palestinian Territory". Europe's Mediterranean Neighbourhood. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 146–156. ISBN978-1-786-43149-3.
"Lowstedt and Madhoun 2003 found that the term 'retaliation' was used to describe Israeli attacks while information about events preceding Palestinians' violent actions tended to be omitted (Philo and Berry, 2004 160–164, 177), and this helped strengthen the plausibility to the dominant narrative, which is that Israel only retaliates against Palestinian violence in self-defence, and never initiates it." (Tiripelli 2016, p. 24) Tiripelli, Giuliana (2016). Media and Peace in the Middle East: The Role of Journalism in Israel-Palestine. PalgraveMacmillan. ISBN978-1-137-50401-2.
Peters 2012, p. 80. Peters, Joel (2012). "Israel". In Peters, Joel (ed.). The European Union and the Arab Spring: Promoting Democracy and Human Rights in the Middle East. Lexington Books. pp. 77–92. ISBN978-0-739-17444-9.
"Fifty-two percent of all Palestinians are under the age of 30, and 40 percent of the 18–24 year-old group enroll in tertiary education. This is one of the highest enrollment rates in the region and reflects as much the societal importance of a high educational degree as it does weak employment opportunities." (Shinn 2012, p. 611) Shinn, Chris (November 2012). "Teacher Education Reform in Palestine: Policy Challenges amid Donor Expectations". Comparative Education Review. 56 (4): 608–633. doi:10.1086/667434. JSTOR10.1086/667434. S2CID144932152.
"Events leading up to the Six-Day War show that the order established in 1957 had broken down long before Nasser decided to remilitarize the Sinai Peninsula. The greater the military advantage in relation to the Arab armies grew and the closer Israel came to developing a nuclear weapon, the larger and more extensive the IDF 'punitive operations' became. With the massive raid on Samu in November 1966, Israel destroyed 'the unwritten agreement which had neutralized the Jordan-Israel border', in the words of King Husayn." (Popp 2006, p. 308) Popp, Roland (Spring 2006). "Stumbling Decidedly into the Six-Day War". Middle East Journal. 60 (2): 281–309. doi:10.3751/194034606783996500. JSTOR4330250.
"Israel's military-industrial complex undoubtedly has numerous extensions into clearly civilian areas, with the risk of 'overflow' (as President Eisenhower warned the American people) beyond the boundaries of defense interests alone...Israel's defense system... carries out settlement and administrative activities in the Administered Territories." (Mintz 1983, p. 633) Mintz, Alex (1983). "The military-industrial complex: The Israeli case". Journal of Strategic Studies. 6 (3): 623–639. doi:10.1080/01402398308437160. JSTOR174246.
"On the Palestinian side there seems to be an apparent lack of interest in law, legal confusion and very serious lacunae in the laws passed after the agreements with Israel were concluded." (Imseis 2000, p. 475) Imseis, Ardi (Autumn 2000). "Review: Law, Reality, and the Oslo 'Peace' Process". Oxford Journal of Legal Studies. 20 (3): 469–476. doi:10.1093/ojls/20.3.469. JSTOR20468333.
"To export a European problem, a more or less shared anti-Semitism from East to West with an admitted peak in the Center of Europe and drop it, not at the doorstep, but well inside the house of the Arabs, can only be understood against a background of century-long traditions of Western colonialism." (Galtung 1971, p. 175) Galtung, Johan (1971). "The Middle East and the Theory of Conflict". Journal of Peace Research. 8 (3–4): 173–206. doi:10.1177/002234337100800301. JSTOR423072. S2CID110763655.
42,650 dunams were set aside for colonial settlement in 1970–1971; 8,850 dunums in 1971–1972; 8,807 in 1973–1974; 10,722 in 1974–1975 and 1,653 in 1975–1976 (Merip 1977, p. 14). "A Survey of Israeli Settlements". MERIP Reports (60): 13–20. September 1977. doi:10.2307/3011548. JSTOR3011548.
"The Israeli Foreign Ministry has also contributed a rationale for rejecting Israel's de jure obligation to uphold the Fourth Convention, arguing that the Convention only prohibits civilian transfers compelled by the government, not voluntary transfers undertaken by the civilians themselves. Recall the language of Article 49: 'The Occupying Power shall not transfer its own civilians into the territory it occupies' (emphasis added). On the Foreign Minister's reading, even if the Geneva Convention applies, voluntary transfers do not violate it, because the Occupying Power is not doing the transfer." (Galchinsky 2004, pp. 120–121) For Yoram Dinstein, one exception to the ban on "transfer" in FGC Art. 49 would be settlement not made "under the cloak of a government-coordinated (and subsidized) scheme, by dint of official organization or institutional encouragement" but which were created by individual Israeli nationals, whether on land that was privately owned by Jews before 1948 or on parcels of private land purchased at full market value from Palestinians with title to it.[167] Galchinsky, Michael (Fall 2004). "The Jewish Settlements in the West Bank: International Law and Israeli Jurisprudence". Israel Studies. 9 (3): 115–136. doi:10.2979/ISR.2004.9.3.115. JSTOR30245641. S2CID144282494.
"First, force to deny self-determination is prohibited under international law. Second, and conversely, 'forcible resistance to forcible denial of self-determination—by imposing or maintaining colonial or alien domination—is legitimate according to the Declaration.' Third, movements to achieve self-determination, although not qualifying as states, have standing in international law, including the right to receive support from outside actors. Finally, third-party governments can treat such movements as legitimate without encroaching on the rights of the state exercising control over the territory and its inhabitants." (Falk 2002, p. 26) Falk, Richard (Winter 2002). "Azmi Bishara, the Right of Resistance, and the Palestinian Ordeal". Journal of Palestine Studies. 31 (2): 19–33. doi:10.1525/jps.2002.31.2.19. JSTOR10.1525/jps.2002.31.2.19.
Tanks have been reported pulping teenagers who had been shot while attempting to attack settlers (Sait 2004, p. 217). Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
"Sumūd is watching your home turn into a prison. You, Sāmid, choose to stay in that prison, because it is your home, and because you fear if you leave, your jailer will not allow you to return. Living like this you must constantly resist the twin temptations of either acquiescing in the jailer's plan in numb despair, or becoming crazed by consuming hatred for your jailer and yourself, the prisoner." Radi Shehadeh (Slyomovics 1991, p. 19). Slyomovics, Susan (Summer 1991). ""To Put One's Fingers in the Bleeding Wound": Palestinian Theatre under Israeli Censorship". The Drama Review. 35 (2): 18–38. doi:10.2307/1146087. JSTOR1146087.
"Their powerlessness is all the more pronounced given their occupation by a major military power. The juxtaposition of technologies is striking. Offensively and defensively, Palestinians wield stones, one of the earliest forms of weaponry known to humankind." (Peteet 1994, p. 35) Peteet, Julie (February 1994). "Male Gender and Rituals of Resistance in the Palestinian "Intifada": A Cultural Politics of Violence". American Ethnologist. 21 (1): 31–49. doi:10.1525/ae.1994.21.1.02a00020. JSTOR646520.
"These 'children of the stones'.. have been perhaps the single most important factor in sustaining the Palestinian resistance of the Israeli occupation of their lands. With the Palestinian Authority or militants unable to counter the overwhelming military superiority of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), it is the child protestors who continue to engage and frustrate the occupiers." (Sait 2004, p. 211) Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
In 2002, the United States began employing the tactic of assassination, which had been prohibited by executive orders since 1977. Officials utilized Israeli-like reasoning to justify the assassination of 'Ali Qaed Sinan al-Harithi and five others (including a U.S.citizen) in Yemen by a pilotless drone (Hajjar 2006, p. 34). Hajjar, Lisas (Autumn 2006). "International Humanitarian Law and "Wars on Terror": A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies". Journal of Palestine Studies. 36 (1): 21–42. doi:10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21. JSTOR10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21. S2CID155193067.
"Sooner or later, the Palestine Government will have to legislation in this connection. I think they will have in the end to proclaim by law what will in effect be an Arab land-reservation. The Palestine Government will have to estimate the amount of cultivable land which is needed in order to provide the Arab rural population with a livelihood at a reasonable standard of living under certain future conditions, that is, when the economic potentialities of the total cultivable area of Palestine have been fully developed and when the agricultural methods of the Palestinian Arab peasant have been improved as far as they can be. When those conditions have been attained, it will, I believe, be found necessary to set aside, by Palestinian legislation, a certain proportion of the land of Palestine as an exclusive preserve for the Arabs, in view of the fact that all the Palestinian land which is purchased by Jewish funds is becoming, as I believe, inevitably an exclusive preserve for the Jews. You see what this means. It means what in South Africa is called segregation. I prophesy that, on the ultimate map of population and land-holding in Palestine, the Jewish population and the land in Jewish hands will be separated geographically from the Arab population and from the land in Arab hands. The two communities in Palestine will be segregated into two separate geographical blocks." (Toynbee 1931, p. 53) Toynbee, Arnold (January 1931). "The Present Situation in Palestine". International Affairs. 10 (1): 38–68. doi:10.2307/3015929. JSTOR3015929.
"By carefully exploring the South African apartheid edifice, particularly the Bantustans, and comparing it with the structural developments set in place in the Palestinian territory since the Oslo process, it shows how the West Bank and Gaza Strip have moved towards a process of 'Bantustanization' rather than of sovereign independence." (Farsakh 2005, p. 231) Farsakh, Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. 59 (2): 230–245. doi:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR4330126.
Article 53: "Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations." (Shahak 1974, p. 183) Shahak, Israel (Autumn 1974). "Ethos of Conflict of the Palestinian Society". Journal of Palestine Studies. 4 (1): 181–186. doi:10.2307/2535945. JSTOR2535945.
"Though both Palestinian and Israeli children are victims of the conflict, Israeli Jewish children are seen as proper innocent victims of terrorism in contrast to Palestinian children who are often perceived as dangerous props of irresponsible parents, a conniving Palestinian Authority and desperate militant groups." (Sait 2004, pp. 211–212, 215) Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
For the first 3 years, from December 1987 to December 1990, the figure is 106,660 (Peteet 1994, p. 35). Peteet, Julie (February 1994). "Male Gender and Rituals of Resistance in the Palestinian "Intifada": A Cultural Politics of Violence". American Ethnologist. 21 (1): 31–49. doi:10.1525/ae.1994.21.1.02a00020. JSTOR646520.
1967. The legal norm that has had the most effect on the shaping of tree struggles in the West Bank is Article 78 of the Ottoman Land Code (1274 to the Hijra, the Muslim calendar). Put simply, Article 78 grants a long-term cultivator the right of adverse possession... Article 78 of the 1858 Ottoman Land Code states that "every one who has possessed and cultivated Miri land for ten years without dispute acquires a right by prescription [...], and he shall be given a new title deed gratuitously." (Braverman 2008, pp. 451, 455) Braverman, Irus (September 2008). ""The Tree Is the Enemy Soldier": A Sociolegal Making of War Landscapes in the Occupied West Bank". Law & Society Review. 42 (3): 449–482. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5893.2008.00348.x. JSTOR29734134.
Sait 2004, p. 221. Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
"The Israeli Foreign Ministry has also contributed a rationale for rejecting Israel's de jure obligation to uphold the Fourth Convention, arguing that the Convention only prohibits civilian transfers compelled by the government, not voluntary transfers undertaken by the civilians themselves. Recall the language of Article 49: 'The Occupying Power shall not transfer its own civilians into the territory it occupies' (emphasis added). On the Foreign Minister's reading, even if the Geneva Convention applies, voluntary transfers do not violate it, because the Occupying Power is not doing the transfer." (Galchinsky 2004, pp. 120–121) For Yoram Dinstein, one exception to the ban on "transfer" in FGC Art. 49 would be settlement not made "under the cloak of a government-coordinated (and subsidized) scheme, by dint of official organization or institutional encouragement" but which were created by individual Israeli nationals, whether on land that was privately owned by Jews before 1948 or on parcels of private land purchased at full market value from Palestinians with title to it.[167] Galchinsky, Michael (Fall 2004). "The Jewish Settlements in the West Bank: International Law and Israeli Jurisprudence". Israel Studies. 9 (3): 115–136. doi:10.2979/ISR.2004.9.3.115. JSTOR30245641. S2CID144282494.
"Even if the idea that the settlements contribute to security had some validity in the past, today it has none. The presence of civilians across the West Bank does not assist defense and strains security forces, sucking up much of their resources, adding endless points of friction and extending the army's lines of defense." (Harel 2017) Harel, Amos (5 June 2017). "Settlements Do Not Serve Israel's Security Needs, Say Former Generals". Haaretz.
A representative from Israel's Ministry for the Interior explained that this West Banker lived in Israel and as an alien, must be deported: "Only the State of Israel is responsible for people residing in it and it has decided unequivocally, based on the deportation order against him, that he must return to Brazil" (Hass 2018b). Hass, Amira (13 October 2018b). "Israel Seeks to Deport to Brazil Man Who Has Lived Almost Entire Life in West Bank". Haaretz.
"At least five categories of major violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law characterize the occupation: unlawful killings; forced displacement; abusive detention; the closure of the Gaza Strip and other unjustified restrictions on movement; and the development of settlements, along with the accompanying discriminatory policies that disadvantage Palestinians" (HRW 2017a). "Israel: 50 Years of Occupation Abuses". Human Rights Watch. 4 June 2017a.
"Fifty-two percent of all Palestinians are under the age of 30, and 40 percent of the 18–24 year-old group enroll in tertiary education. This is one of the highest enrollment rates in the region and reflects as much the societal importance of a high educational degree as it does weak employment opportunities." (Shinn 2012, p. 611) Shinn, Chris (November 2012). "Teacher Education Reform in Palestine: Policy Challenges amid Donor Expectations". Comparative Education Review. 56 (4): 608–633. doi:10.1086/667434. JSTOR10.1086/667434. S2CID144932152.
"Events leading up to the Six-Day War show that the order established in 1957 had broken down long before Nasser decided to remilitarize the Sinai Peninsula. The greater the military advantage in relation to the Arab armies grew and the closer Israel came to developing a nuclear weapon, the larger and more extensive the IDF 'punitive operations' became. With the massive raid on Samu in November 1966, Israel destroyed 'the unwritten agreement which had neutralized the Jordan-Israel border', in the words of King Husayn." (Popp 2006, p. 308) Popp, Roland (Spring 2006). "Stumbling Decidedly into the Six-Day War". Middle East Journal. 60 (2): 281–309. doi:10.3751/194034606783996500. JSTOR4330250.
"Israel's military-industrial complex undoubtedly has numerous extensions into clearly civilian areas, with the risk of 'overflow' (as President Eisenhower warned the American people) beyond the boundaries of defense interests alone...Israel's defense system... carries out settlement and administrative activities in the Administered Territories." (Mintz 1983, p. 633) Mintz, Alex (1983). "The military-industrial complex: The Israeli case". Journal of Strategic Studies. 6 (3): 623–639. doi:10.1080/01402398308437160. JSTOR174246.
"On the Palestinian side there seems to be an apparent lack of interest in law, legal confusion and very serious lacunae in the laws passed after the agreements with Israel were concluded." (Imseis 2000, p. 475) Imseis, Ardi (Autumn 2000). "Review: Law, Reality, and the Oslo 'Peace' Process". Oxford Journal of Legal Studies. 20 (3): 469–476. doi:10.1093/ojls/20.3.469. JSTOR20468333.
"To export a European problem, a more or less shared anti-Semitism from East to West with an admitted peak in the Center of Europe and drop it, not at the doorstep, but well inside the house of the Arabs, can only be understood against a background of century-long traditions of Western colonialism." (Galtung 1971, p. 175) Galtung, Johan (1971). "The Middle East and the Theory of Conflict". Journal of Peace Research. 8 (3–4): 173–206. doi:10.1177/002234337100800301. JSTOR423072. S2CID110763655.
Israeli advisers, from 1984 onwards, assisted the government of Sri Lanka in stamping out the Tamil Revolt, in a conflict where the Tamils were likened to Palestinians to be smote hip and thigh like the Philistines, and the encroachment of Sinhalese settlements to fragment Tamil villages was likened to the function of Gush Etzion, in turning the Jaffna Peninsula into a kind of West Bank (Pieterse 1984, p. 67). Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
42,650 dunams were set aside for colonial settlement in 1970–1971; 8,850 dunums in 1971–1972; 8,807 in 1973–1974; 10,722 in 1974–1975 and 1,653 in 1975–1976 (Merip 1977, p. 14). "A Survey of Israeli Settlements". MERIP Reports (60): 13–20. September 1977. doi:10.2307/3011548. JSTOR3011548.
"The Israeli Foreign Ministry has also contributed a rationale for rejecting Israel's de jure obligation to uphold the Fourth Convention, arguing that the Convention only prohibits civilian transfers compelled by the government, not voluntary transfers undertaken by the civilians themselves. Recall the language of Article 49: 'The Occupying Power shall not transfer its own civilians into the territory it occupies' (emphasis added). On the Foreign Minister's reading, even if the Geneva Convention applies, voluntary transfers do not violate it, because the Occupying Power is not doing the transfer." (Galchinsky 2004, pp. 120–121) For Yoram Dinstein, one exception to the ban on "transfer" in FGC Art. 49 would be settlement not made "under the cloak of a government-coordinated (and subsidized) scheme, by dint of official organization or institutional encouragement" but which were created by individual Israeli nationals, whether on land that was privately owned by Jews before 1948 or on parcels of private land purchased at full market value from Palestinians with title to it.[167] Galchinsky, Michael (Fall 2004). "The Jewish Settlements in the West Bank: International Law and Israeli Jurisprudence". Israel Studies. 9 (3): 115–136. doi:10.2979/ISR.2004.9.3.115. JSTOR30245641. S2CID144282494.
"First, force to deny self-determination is prohibited under international law. Second, and conversely, 'forcible resistance to forcible denial of self-determination—by imposing or maintaining colonial or alien domination—is legitimate according to the Declaration.' Third, movements to achieve self-determination, although not qualifying as states, have standing in international law, including the right to receive support from outside actors. Finally, third-party governments can treat such movements as legitimate without encroaching on the rights of the state exercising control over the territory and its inhabitants." (Falk 2002, p. 26) Falk, Richard (Winter 2002). "Azmi Bishara, the Right of Resistance, and the Palestinian Ordeal". Journal of Palestine Studies. 31 (2): 19–33. doi:10.1525/jps.2002.31.2.19. JSTOR10.1525/jps.2002.31.2.19.
Tanks have been reported pulping teenagers who had been shot while attempting to attack settlers (Sait 2004, p. 217). Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
"20,000 Israeli soldiers, accompanied by tanks, Apache helicopters, and F-16 warplanes,.. attacked the most populous residential areas of the West Bank...Members of humanitarian agencies were not allowed inside the areas of operation." (Jamjoum 2002, pp. 54, cf.64) Jamjoum, Lama (2002). "The Effects of Israeli Violations During the Second Uprising "Intifada" on Palestinian Health Conditions". Social Justice. 29 (3): 53–72. JSTOR29768136.
Bulldozers were used in the Battle of Jenin and razed houses with family members in them (Jamjoum 2002, p. 64). Jamjoum, Lama (2002). "The Effects of Israeli Violations During the Second Uprising "Intifada" on Palestinian Health Conditions". Social Justice. 29 (3): 53–72. JSTOR29768136.
"Sumūd is watching your home turn into a prison. You, Sāmid, choose to stay in that prison, because it is your home, and because you fear if you leave, your jailer will not allow you to return. Living like this you must constantly resist the twin temptations of either acquiescing in the jailer's plan in numb despair, or becoming crazed by consuming hatred for your jailer and yourself, the prisoner." Radi Shehadeh (Slyomovics 1991, p. 19). Slyomovics, Susan (Summer 1991). ""To Put One's Fingers in the Bleeding Wound": Palestinian Theatre under Israeli Censorship". The Drama Review. 35 (2): 18–38. doi:10.2307/1146087. JSTOR1146087.
"Their powerlessness is all the more pronounced given their occupation by a major military power. The juxtaposition of technologies is striking. Offensively and defensively, Palestinians wield stones, one of the earliest forms of weaponry known to humankind." (Peteet 1994, p. 35) Peteet, Julie (February 1994). "Male Gender and Rituals of Resistance in the Palestinian "Intifada": A Cultural Politics of Violence". American Ethnologist. 21 (1): 31–49. doi:10.1525/ae.1994.21.1.02a00020. JSTOR646520.
"These 'children of the stones'.. have been perhaps the single most important factor in sustaining the Palestinian resistance of the Israeli occupation of their lands. With the Palestinian Authority or militants unable to counter the overwhelming military superiority of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), it is the child protestors who continue to engage and frustrate the occupiers." (Sait 2004, p. 211) Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
"In 1981, Ya'akov Meridor told a gathering of Israeli businessmen: 'Israel coveted the job of top Washington proxy in Central America'." (Pieterse 1984, p. 71) Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
In 2002, the United States began employing the tactic of assassination, which had been prohibited by executive orders since 1977. Officials utilized Israeli-like reasoning to justify the assassination of 'Ali Qaed Sinan al-Harithi and five others (including a U.S.citizen) in Yemen by a pilotless drone (Hajjar 2006, p. 34). Hajjar, Lisas (Autumn 2006). "International Humanitarian Law and "Wars on Terror": A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies". Journal of Palestine Studies. 36 (1): 21–42. doi:10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21. JSTOR10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21. S2CID155193067.
"Sooner or later, the Palestine Government will have to legislation in this connection. I think they will have in the end to proclaim by law what will in effect be an Arab land-reservation. The Palestine Government will have to estimate the amount of cultivable land which is needed in order to provide the Arab rural population with a livelihood at a reasonable standard of living under certain future conditions, that is, when the economic potentialities of the total cultivable area of Palestine have been fully developed and when the agricultural methods of the Palestinian Arab peasant have been improved as far as they can be. When those conditions have been attained, it will, I believe, be found necessary to set aside, by Palestinian legislation, a certain proportion of the land of Palestine as an exclusive preserve for the Arabs, in view of the fact that all the Palestinian land which is purchased by Jewish funds is becoming, as I believe, inevitably an exclusive preserve for the Jews. You see what this means. It means what in South Africa is called segregation. I prophesy that, on the ultimate map of population and land-holding in Palestine, the Jewish population and the land in Jewish hands will be separated geographically from the Arab population and from the land in Arab hands. The two communities in Palestine will be segregated into two separate geographical blocks." (Toynbee 1931, p. 53) Toynbee, Arnold (January 1931). "The Present Situation in Palestine". International Affairs. 10 (1): 38–68. doi:10.2307/3015929. JSTOR3015929.
"By carefully exploring the South African apartheid edifice, particularly the Bantustans, and comparing it with the structural developments set in place in the Palestinian territory since the Oslo process, it shows how the West Bank and Gaza Strip have moved towards a process of 'Bantustanization' rather than of sovereign independence." (Farsakh 2005, p. 231) Farsakh, Leila (Spring 2005). "Independence, Cantons, or Bantustans: Whither the Palestinian State?". Middle East Journal. 59 (2): 230–245. doi:10.3751/59.2.13. JSTOR4330126.
"South Africa's homeland policy exhibits a similar architecture of domination combined with racial arithmetic as applied by Israel: Transkei, for example, is characterized by 'physical fragmentation of territory, combined with ethnic dispersal'." (Pieterse 1984, p. 65) Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
"The Defence (Emergency) Regulations of 1945 have their origins in the State of Emergency Laws of 1936 and the Defence Laws of 1939 which were introduced by the Mandatory Authority in Palestine (British) to deal with the rising Arab opposition to both the continuation of the British Mandate and Jewish immigration to Palestine between 1936–1945." (AI 1978, p. 337) Amnesty International (Summer 1978). "Amnesty International Administrative Detention in Israel/Occupied Territories". Middle East Journal. 32 (3): 337–339. JSTOR4325772.
"The Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) reported 174 documented attacks on their ambulances by Israeli soldiers and settlers between September 29, 2000, and March 15, 2002, resulting in the damage of 78 ambulances. There have also been 166 attacks on their emergency medical technicians (EMT), resulting in three deaths and 134 injuries among PRCS EMTs. Additionally, the PRCS headquarters in Al-Bireh was hit on several occasions by heavy machine gun fire from Israeli soldiers located at the nearby illegal Israeli settlement, Psagot." (Jamjoum 2002, p. 56) Jamjoum, Lama (2002). "The Effects of Israeli Violations During the Second Uprising "Intifada" on Palestinian Health Conditions". Social Justice. 29 (3): 53–72. JSTOR29768136.
Article 53: "Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations." (Shahak 1974, p. 183) Shahak, Israel (Autumn 1974). "Ethos of Conflict of the Palestinian Society". Journal of Palestine Studies. 4 (1): 181–186. doi:10.2307/2535945. JSTOR2535945.
When the Beit Hadassah settlement was established without Israeli government authority, a barbed wire fence to protect settlers was erected in front of the shops and all Palestinian shoppers had to be frisked before entering them (Playfair 1988, p. 410). Playfair, Emma (Fall 1988). "Israel's Security Needs in the West Bank, Real and Contrived". Arab Studies Quarterly. 10 (4): 406–423. JSTOR41857980.
"Though both Palestinian and Israeli children are victims of the conflict, Israeli Jewish children are seen as proper innocent victims of terrorism in contrast to Palestinian children who are often perceived as dangerous props of irresponsible parents, a conniving Palestinian Authority and desperate militant groups." (Sait 2004, pp. 211–212, 215) Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
For the first 3 years, from December 1987 to December 1990, the figure is 106,660 (Peteet 1994, p. 35). Peteet, Julie (February 1994). "Male Gender and Rituals of Resistance in the Palestinian "Intifada": A Cultural Politics of Violence". American Ethnologist. 21 (1): 31–49. doi:10.1525/ae.1994.21.1.02a00020. JSTOR646520.
1967. The legal norm that has had the most effect on the shaping of tree struggles in the West Bank is Article 78 of the Ottoman Land Code (1274 to the Hijra, the Muslim calendar). Put simply, Article 78 grants a long-term cultivator the right of adverse possession... Article 78 of the 1858 Ottoman Land Code states that "every one who has possessed and cultivated Miri land for ten years without dispute acquires a right by prescription [...], and he shall be given a new title deed gratuitously." (Braverman 2008, pp. 451, 455) Braverman, Irus (September 2008). ""The Tree Is the Enemy Soldier": A Sociolegal Making of War Landscapes in the Occupied West Bank". Law & Society Review. 42 (3): 449–482. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5893.2008.00348.x. JSTOR29734134.
"Keeping Tel Aviv, Haifa, and the other cities of the Israeli coastal plain from running dry depends on blocking Arab water development in the West Bank that could stop the aquifers flow westward: hence the ban on Arab wells." (Cooley 1984, p. 17) Cooley, John K. (Spring 1984). "The War over Water". Foreign Policy. No. 54. pp. 3–26. JSTOR1148352.
Pieterse 1984, p. 63. Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
Pieterse 1984, p. 62. Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
Pieterse 1984, pp. 61–62. Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
Pieterse 1984, pp. 60, 64. Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
Pieterse 1984, pp. 64, 67. Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
Pieterse 1984, p. 71. Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
Jamjoum 2002, p. 58. Jamjoum, Lama (2002). "The Effects of Israeli Violations During the Second Uprising "Intifada" on Palestinian Health Conditions". Social Justice. 29 (3): 53–72. JSTOR29768136.
Jamjoum 2002, pp. 58–65. Jamjoum, Lama (2002). "The Effects of Israeli Violations During the Second Uprising "Intifada" on Palestinian Health Conditions". Social Justice. 29 (3): 53–72. JSTOR29768136.
Pieterse 1984, p. 65. Pieterse, Jan (1984). "State Terrorism on a Global Scale: The Role of Israel". Crime and Social Justice. 21–22 (4): 58–80. JSTOR297662307.
Sait 2004, p. 221. Sait, M. Siraj (Spring 2004). "Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 35 (2): 211–228. doi:10.3138/jcfs.35.2.211. JSTOR41603933.
Goldstein 1978, pp. 41–42. Goldstein, Michael (Winter 1978). "Israeli Security Measures in the Occupied Territories: Administrative Detention". Middle East Journal. 32 (1): 35–44. JSTOR4325711.
Goldstein 1978, p. 43. Goldstein, Michael (Winter 1978). "Israeli Security Measures in the Occupied Territories: Administrative Detention". Middle East Journal. 32 (1): 35–44. JSTOR4325711.
"In Israeli public opinion, the settlements in the West Bank are often portrayed as a first line of defense that enables the residents of Tel Aviv and its environs to breathe easy. This myth is so pervasive that more than half of all Israelis believe that the settlements are good for national security. The origins of this illusion lie in the conflation of two very different aspects of Israel's presence in the Occupied Territories since 1967: military presence and civilian presence." (Gordis & Levi 2017, p. 4) Gordis, Avishay Ben-Sasson; Levi, Yonatan (12 December 2017). Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements(PDF). Molad.
"The movement behind Israel's civilian settlement throughout the Occupied Territories has been driven by religious and ideological motivations from day one." (Gordis & Levi 2017, p. 7) Gordis, Avishay Ben-Sasson; Levi, Yonatan (12 December 2017). Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements(PDF). Molad.
"The goal of these acts of sabotage, known as 'Price Tag', is to send a message to the government that dismantling settlements and illegal outposts will be met with retaliation and rioting.. Contrary to popular belief, the origins of 'Price Tag' do not lie with the spontaneous action of some wayward teens. This is a carefully thought-out strategy set in motion by the very heart of the settler establishment – the Regional Councils in the West Bank, which initially also oversaw implementation." (Gordis & Levi 2017, p. 21) Gordis, Avishay Ben-Sasson; Levi, Yonatan (12 December 2017). Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements(PDF). Molad.
"the settlements systematically undermine Israel's rule of law. The project of settling the West Bank was based on flaunting Israeli law from the outset (the Passover feast held to stake a claim in Hebron, the settling of Sebastia, and later the proliferation of outposts that are illegal even under Israeli law). Forging documents, deceiving authorities, flagrantly breaching the law – all these are what made the massive land grab possible, along with the covert mechanisms for channelling taxpayer funds into the settlements far from the public eye." (Gordis & Levi 2017, p. 24) Gordis, Avishay Ben-Sasson; Levi, Yonatan (12 December 2017). Israel's National Security and West Bank Settlements(PDF). Molad.
"The American Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), an organization that holds there is no difference between the national security interests of the US and Israel, inaugurated its Law Enforcement Exchange Program (LEEP)... Over 9500 law enforcement officers have participated in twelve conferences thus far...The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) hosts an Advanced Training School twice a year in Washington, DC. Its 'School' has trained more than 1000 US law enforcement professionals, representing 245 federal, state and local agencies. The ADL also runs a National Counter-Terrorism Seminar (NCTS) in Israel, bringing law enforcement officers from across the US to Israel for a week of intensive counter-terrorism training, as well as connecting American law enforcement officials with the Israel National Police, the IDF and Israel's intelligence and security services." (Halper 2020) Halper, Jeff (19 June 2020). "Israelizing the American police, Palestinianizing the American people". Mondoweiss.
"Fifty-two percent of all Palestinians are under the age of 30, and 40 percent of the 18–24 year-old group enroll in tertiary education. This is one of the highest enrollment rates in the region and reflects as much the societal importance of a high educational degree as it does weak employment opportunities." (Shinn 2012, p. 611) Shinn, Chris (November 2012). "Teacher Education Reform in Palestine: Policy Challenges amid Donor Expectations". Comparative Education Review. 56 (4): 608–633. doi:10.1086/667434. JSTOR10.1086/667434. S2CID144932152.
"To export a European problem, a more or less shared anti-Semitism from East to West with an admitted peak in the Center of Europe and drop it, not at the doorstep, but well inside the house of the Arabs, can only be understood against a background of century-long traditions of Western colonialism." (Galtung 1971, p. 175) Galtung, Johan (1971). "The Middle East and the Theory of Conflict". Journal of Peace Research. 8 (3–4): 173–206. doi:10.1177/002234337100800301. JSTOR423072. S2CID110763655.
"The Israeli Foreign Ministry has also contributed a rationale for rejecting Israel's de jure obligation to uphold the Fourth Convention, arguing that the Convention only prohibits civilian transfers compelled by the government, not voluntary transfers undertaken by the civilians themselves. Recall the language of Article 49: 'The Occupying Power shall not transfer its own civilians into the territory it occupies' (emphasis added). On the Foreign Minister's reading, even if the Geneva Convention applies, voluntary transfers do not violate it, because the Occupying Power is not doing the transfer." (Galchinsky 2004, pp. 120–121) For Yoram Dinstein, one exception to the ban on "transfer" in FGC Art. 49 would be settlement not made "under the cloak of a government-coordinated (and subsidized) scheme, by dint of official organization or institutional encouragement" but which were created by individual Israeli nationals, whether on land that was privately owned by Jews before 1948 or on parcels of private land purchased at full market value from Palestinians with title to it.[167] Galchinsky, Michael (Fall 2004). "The Jewish Settlements in the West Bank: International Law and Israeli Jurisprudence". Israel Studies. 9 (3): 115–136. doi:10.2979/ISR.2004.9.3.115. JSTOR30245641. S2CID144282494.
In 2002, the United States began employing the tactic of assassination, which had been prohibited by executive orders since 1977. Officials utilized Israeli-like reasoning to justify the assassination of 'Ali Qaed Sinan al-Harithi and five others (including a U.S.citizen) in Yemen by a pilotless drone (Hajjar 2006, p. 34). Hajjar, Lisas (Autumn 2006). "International Humanitarian Law and "Wars on Terror": A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies". Journal of Palestine Studies. 36 (1): 21–42. doi:10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21. JSTOR10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21. S2CID155193067.
"There are no provisions at all for some common visa categories, including teachers and journalists working for Palestinian media outlets, as well as culture and tourism, and family visits by siblings, grandparents or grandchildren. Only 150 foreign students a year may enrol at Palestinian colleges and universities, studying pre-approved subjects, and there is a quota of 100 foreign 'distinguished' lecturers, a designation Israeli authorities will make." (McKernan 2022) McKernan, Bethan (29 June 2022). "Israel delays travel restrictions on West Bank in apparent gesture to Joe Biden". The Guardian.
"All Palestinians are exposed to non-stop monitoring without any legal protection. Junior soldiers can decide when someone is a target for the collection of information. There is no procedure in place to determine whether the violation of the individual's rights is necessarily justifiable. The notion of rights for Palestinians does not exist at all. Not even as an idea to be disregarded." (The Guardian 12 Sep 2014) "Any Palestinian is exposed to monitoring by the Israeli Big Brother". The Guardian. 12 September 2014.
"If you're homosexual and know someone who knows a wanted person – and we need to know about it – Israel will make your life miserable. If you need emergency medical treatment in Israel, the West Bank or abroad – we searched for you. The state of Israel will allow you to die before we let you leave for treatment without giving information on your wanted cousin" (The Guardian 12 Sep 2014). "Any Palestinian is exposed to monitoring by the Israeli Big Brother". The Guardian. 12 September 2014.
"These terms are used in a neutral and value-free sense. In saying that someone is in the dominator position, we refer to the objective fact that he/she belongs to the stronger side in the relationship without necessarily attaching to this fact a value or an ethical judgment. An example is the relationship between a colonial power and the colonized people. The individual citizens of the colonial state might be in favour of the self-determination of the colonized population, but from an objective (structural) point of view, they are part of the dominator side and from this they benefit." (Gallo & Marzano 2009, pp. 1–18, 2–3, 3–4) Gallo, Giorgio; Marzano, Arturo (2009). "The Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflicts: The Israeli-Palestinian Case". The Journal of Conflict Studies. 29: 1–18.
"legal asymmetry which probably most characterizes this conflict. From 1948 onwards, Israel has been a state with its own territory, internationally recognized borders, a clear political agenda, a defined foreign policy, and a powerful and well-organized army. In contrast, the Palestinians had to fight to move from the status of 'non-existence' – if not as 'refugees' — to recognition as a nation, with their own right to a national state. Also, during the years of the British Mandate (1922–1948), despite the fact that both Jews and Arabs were living in Palestine under British power, legal asymmetry was evident. Jews were recognized as a nation whose rights were guaranteed by the text of the Mandate, while the Palestinians were not. This asymmetry had not existed at the beginning of the conflict (1880–1920) when some Eastern European Jews started to immigrate to Palestinian territory, at the time under the sovereignty of the Ottoman Empire." (Gallo & Marzano 2009, p. 8) Gallo, Giorgio; Marzano, Arturo (2009). "The Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflicts: The Israeli-Palestinian Case". The Journal of Conflict Studies. 29: 1–18.
"In (Abu Markhyah)'s quarter of Hebron, close to the Cave of the Patriarchs, a site that is sacred to Muslims and Jews alike, surveillance cameras have been mounted about every 300 feet, including on the roofs of homes. And he said the real-time monitoring appears to be increasing. A few months ago, he said, his 6-year-old daughter dropped a teaspoon from the family's roof deck, and although the street seemed empty, soldiers came to his home soon after and said he was going to be cited for throwing stones." (Dwoskin 2021) Dwoskin, Elizabeth (8 November 2021). "Israel escalates surveillance of Palestinians with facial recognition program in West Bank". The Washington Post.
In his study of the IDF Samy Cohen writes that: "In over 60 years of counterterrorism, warfare, little seems to have changed in the Israeli army mindset since the foundation of the state of Israel. In response to a terrorist threat or an insurgency, be it armed or unarmed, the IDF employs the same sort of response – disproportionate response – striking both combatants and noncombatants at once when it is impossible to strike one without hitting the other, with a certain degree of intentional excess, while trying to refrain from spilling over into mass crime..Disproportionate response is.. an essential component of Israeli strategic culture." (Cohen 2010b, p. 151) Cohen, Samy (2010b). Israel's Asymmetric Wars. Springer. ISBN978-0-230-11297-1.
Ruby Nathanzon of the Macro Center for Political Economy: "Imagine how much less poverty there could have been in Israel.. There's a terrible distortion, an enormous economic cost in addition to the huge military burden." (Shauli 2007) Shauli, Avi (9 June 2007). "Cost of occupation – over $50 billion". Ynetnews.
