John Tyndall (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "John Tyndall" in English language version.

refsWebsite

Global rank English rank

41archive.org

6^th place

11doi.org

2^nd place

11books.google.com

3^rd place

7web.archive.org

1^st place

6semanticscholar.org

11^th place

8^th place

6nytimes.com

7^th place

5worldcat.org

5^th place

4wikisource.org

27^th place

51^st place

3ucl.ac.uk

1,306^th place

885^th place

3jstor.org

26^th place

20^th place

2harvard.edu

18^th place

17^th place

1telhistory.ru

low place

1amphilsoc.org

2,973^rd place

2,148^th place

1st-and.ac.uk

3,503^rd place

3,612^th place

1wiktionary.org

649^th place

827^th place

1nationalmap.gov

420^th place

235^th place

1climate-lab-book.ac.uk

low place

1rigb.org

low place

1sciencehistory.org

3,963^rd place

2,357^th place

1anesthesia-analgesia.org

low place

1nih.gov

4^th place

1todayinsci.com

low place

1eoearth.org

4,895^th place

3,908^th place

1uiuc.edu

3,087^th place

2,519^th place

1microform.co.uk

low place

1brinkster.com

low place

1utoronto.ca

1,601^st place

1,117^th place

1victorianweb.org

3,505^th place

2,915^th place

1gkbenterprises.org.uk

low place

1vatican.va

281^st place

448^th place

1amazon.co.uk

448^th place

269^th place

1nla.gov.au

275^th place

181^st place

1gutenberg.org

489^th place

377^th place

1measuringworth.com

2,465^th place

1,383^rd place

1clarku.edu

6,602^nd place

6,109^th place

1sciencemag.org

857^th place

3,832^nd place

1admin.ch

279^th place

551^st place

admin.ch

s.geo.admin.ch

"Tyndalldenkmal". map.geo.admin.ch. Swiss Confederation. Retrieved 10 April 2019.

amazon.co.uk

For a list of Tyndall's pamphlets against Irish Home Rule search both Amazon and National Library of Australia. One of the pamphlets, Mr. Gladstone's Sudden Reversal of Polarity, documented how British Prime Minister Gladstone did a flip-flop on the Home Rule question. The intent was to undermine Gladstone's intellectual credibility on the question. Gladstone publicly defended himself against the attack. The debate between them got a lot of attention in the newspapers. Tyndall was a conspicuous participant in the Irish Home Rule debate in the London newspapers between 1886 and 1893. When he died in 1893, The Times newspaper obituary noted that "our readers will remember many eloquent letters written by him of late years, full of unsparing condemnation of Mr. Gladstone's recent [Ireland] policy."

amphilsoc.org

search.amphilsoc.org

"APS Member History". search.amphilsoc.org. Retrieved 26 April 2021.

anesthesia-analgesia.org

Michael B. Jaffe (2008). "Infrared Measurement of Carbon Dioxide in the Human Breath: Breathe-Through Devices from Tyndall to the Present Day" (PDF). Anesthesia & Analgesia. 107 (3): 890–904. doi:10.1213/ane.0b013e31817ee3b3. PMID 18713902. S2CID 15610449. See also John Tyndall, Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, §4 of Chapter II (dated 1862) and §13 of Chapter VI (dated 1864).

archive.org

Tyndall was the chief surveyor for the proposed railway line from Halifax to Keighley in 1846, according to Thomas Archer Hirst, who worked under Tyndall at the same engineering firm at the time – Ref. Tyndall described himself as the "principal assistant" at the firm – "Tyndall's Obituary for Hirst". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 52: xiv–xv. 1893.
Tyndall gave detailed recollections about his life in the 1840s in "Address Delivered at the Birkbeck Institution on October 22, 1884", which is published as a chapter in his New Fragments essays (1892).
Tyndall studied under Bunsen from 1848 to 1850. Thirty-five years later, he praised Bunsen for explaining chemistry and physics in "the language of experiment" and said "I still look back on Bunsen as the nearest approach to my ideal of a university teacher." New Fragments.
Tyndall's main 1850s research reports on diamagnetism were later republished as a collection, which is available at Archive.org. In the preface to the collection Tyndall writes about the work's historical context. William T. Jeans' biography of Tyndall (pp. 22–34) also goes into the historical context of Tyndall's diamagnetic investigations.
According to the account in Tyndall's book The Glaciers of the Alps (1860), Tyndall in 1858 reached the summit of Monte Rosa solo carrying only a ham sandwich for sustenance. The first ascent of Monte Rosa had taken place only in 1855. He had already reached the summit of Monte Rosa in a guided group on 10 August 1858 but he made an unplanned second ascent solo on 17 August 1858 after breakfast: "the waiter then provided me with a ham sandwich, and, with my scrip thus frugally furnished, I thought the heights of Monte Rosa might be won...." (continued at pages 151–157 of Glaciers of the Alps). Besides Tyndall's own books, information about Tyndall as a mountaineer is available at A History of Mountaineering in the Alps by Claire Eliane Engel and The Victorian Mountaineers by Ronald Clark.
That quotation from Tyndall appears in Chisholm (1911). For Forbes' view of the issue see "Appendix A" (plus Chapter XV) of Life and Letters of James David Forbes. Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Tyndall, John" . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 27 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 499–500.
Details of Tyndall's device for measuring the infrared absorptive power of a gas are described in James Rodger Fleming (2005). Historical Perspectives on Climate Change. Oxford University Press. pp. 69–70. ISBN 978-0-19-518973-5. Greater details are in Chapter I of Tyndall's own book Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat.
Tyndall explained the "greenhouse effect" in a public lecture in January 1863 entitled "On Radiation Through The Earth's Atmosphere". He emphasized that our environment would be much colder at nighttime in the absence of the greenhouse effect. This short, readable lecture is reprinted in his 1872 book about radiant heat, available here.
After his measurements of infrared absorption by gases in 1859, Tyndall measured infrared emission by gases in 1860, with respect to broad-spectrum infrared radiation. He did this for many different gases, and when the gases were ranked by their emissive powers the rank order was the same as it was for their absorptive powers. His February 1861 article "On the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gases and Vapours, and on the Physical Connexion of Radiation, Absorption, and Conduction" in Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Volume 151, pages 1–36, year 1861, was later republished in the book Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, Chapter I; and in the same book there is more in Chapter II section 11 (year 1862), and chapter IX section 6 (year 1865). These laboratory experiments by Tyndall on "the reciprocity of absorption and radiation on the part of gases" were informed by experiments done on solids by Balfour Stewart in 1858 and 1859. The two relevant articles by Balfour Stewart are online as republished in 1901 in The Laws of Radiation and Absorption: Memoirs by Prévost, Stewart, Kirchhoff and Bunsen.
In the late 1850s Balfour Stewart had showed that cold rock-salt was a very strong absorber of the radiations from hot rock-salt, even though rock-salt was a very weak absorber of the radiations from all other kinds of heat-sources tested. By the early 1860s this had been generalized in the scientific literature to the principle that any kind of chemical will very strongly absorb the radiations coming from a separate body of the same kind of chemical. In Tyndall's words this was a "principle which lies at the basis of spectrum analysis, ... namely, that a body which is competent to emit any ray, whether of heat or light, is competent in the same degree to absorb that ray" (1866). Tyndall made several original observations around 1863 by beginning with the assumption that this principle is correct. The following is a summary of one of them. It was well-known at the time that in a flame of burning carbon monoxide, the carbon monoxide chemically combines with the oxygen of the air to form carbon dioxide plus heat. Tyndall observed that if a body of cold or room-temperature carbon dioxide is placed near the flame "the cold gas is intensely opaque to [i.e. it very strongly absorbs] the radiation from this particular flame, though it is highly transparent to [i.e. it very weakly absorbs] heat of every other kind." Thus the great bulk of the heat in the carbon monoxide flame fits the emission spectrum of carbon dioxide, implying the heat is a radiant emission from the newly formed carbon dioxide molecules. Tyndall got the same type of result with a flame of burning hydrogen, another flame known to be chemically simple in the sense that very little intermediate or transitory molecules are produced in it. This appears to be the first demonstration that the heat given out in chemical reactions has its physical origination within the new molecules. Tyndall's report of the demonstration is in Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, sections 11–17 of Chapter VI, dated 1864. A related demonstration is in sections 3–8 of Chapter V, dated 1863. It is also discussed in Tyndall's Fragments of Science, Volume I Chapter III, dated 1866. For a modern analysis of where the heat is coming from in the carbon monoxide flame see R. N. Dixon (1963). "The Carbon Monoxide Flame Bands". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Series A. 275 (1362): 431–446. Bibcode:1963RSPSA.275..431D. doi:10.1098/rspa.1963.0178. JSTOR 2414583. S2CID 98444207. Tyndall also interpreted the carbon monoxide flame as showing that carbon dioxide's spectral profile remains the same at room temperature and at a temperature of over 2000 °C, the temperature in the flame; and likewise for the product of the hydrogen flame. This was in contrast to the easily seen fact in solids such as carbon and platinum where the spectral profile moves towards the quicker frequencies when the temperature is increased.
Reported in a 10-page biography of John Tyndall by Arthur Whitmore Smith, a professor of physics, writing in an American scientific monthly in 1920; available online.
A brief account of the early history of thermophoresis studies is given in Encyclopedia of Surface and Colloid Science, 2nd edition, year 2006, pages 6274–6275. Thermophoresis was first described by Tyndall in a Royal Institution lecture titled "On Haze and Dust", year 1870, which is included in Tyndall's 1870 book Scientific Addresses. He observed the thermophoresis in gas mixtures. Unrelatedly and unknown to him, thermophoresis was observed in liquid mixtures in 1856 by Carl Ludwig.
Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat pages 199–214, dated 1863. Those experiments demanded "scrupulous accuracy, and minute attention to details", he later said (ref). In one of his other and simpler experiments, infrared plus visible light beaming from an 1860s-vintage electric lamp was brought to a focus point via a powerful concave mirror. On its way to the focus point, the beam was passed through a body of liquid water. At the focus point, beyond the water, the beam was able to set wood on fire but was not able to melt frozen water. On removal of the intervening body of liquid water, the frozen water rapidly melted. This indicates that frequencies emerging from water are specifically frequencies that water molecules do not absorb and water's phase state does not have a discernible role. Contributions to Molecular Physics page 314 (year 1865); and ref page 84-85 (year 1866).
James W. Gentry; Lin Jui-Chen (1996). "The Legacy of John Tyndall in Aerosol Science". Journal of Aerosol Science. 27: S503 – S504. Bibcode:1996JAerS..27S.503G. doi:10.1016/0021-8502(96)00324-2. Tyndall's primary contributions were...[among other things]... the design of experiments which increased the deflections of the galvanometer by two orders of magnitude from the earlier measurements for double refraction (by Knoblauch) and the Faraday effect (by de la Provostaye and Desains). Tyndall's presentation of the subject begins under the heading "The Identity of Light and Radiant Heat" in his 1873 tutorial book Six Lectures on Light.
Michael B. Jaffe (2008). "Infrared Measurement of Carbon Dioxide in the Human Breath: Breathe-Through Devices from Tyndall to the Present Day" (PDF). Anesthesia & Analgesia. 107 (3): 890–904. doi:10.1213/ane.0b013e31817ee3b3. PMID 18713902. S2CID 15610449. See also John Tyndall, Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, §4 of Chapter II (dated 1862) and §13 of Chapter VI (dated 1864).
Tyndall's experiment on ozone is in sections 17–19 of "Further Researches on the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gaseous Matter", dated January 1862; online. Some biographical sketches of Tyndall state that Tyndall "showed that ozone was an oxygen cluster rather than a hydrogen compound" (this statement is at Today in Science History and The Encyclopedia of Earth, for example). But it is an overstatement, because other researchers had already shown at an earlier date that ozone was an oxygen cluster. Tyndall's experiment just helped to reaffirm it by a different method. For background historical context see "The History of Ozone 1839 – 1868" Archived 11 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, by Mordecai B. Rubin (2001).
Discussed in Tyndall's book The Floating-matter of the Air. Tyndall writes (page 46): "Gravity is not the only agent.... It is practically impossible to surround a closed vessel by an absolutely uniform temperature; and where differences of temperature, however small, exist, air-currents will be established. By such gentle currents the floating particles are gradually brought into contact with all the surrounding surfaces. To these they adhere, and the suspended matter finally disappears from the air altogether."
Microform.co.uk Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine has a catalog (perhaps incomplete) of letters from Pasteur to Tyndall. Communications between the two were most frequent during the mid-1870s. The earliest letter from Pasteur to Tyndall is dated 10 August 1871. Pasteur's early research had been in fermentation vats and broths. As he aimed to extend his program to air, he got in touch with Tyndall as someone who was an expert at dealing technically with air. In June 1871 extracts from a lecture by Tyndall entitled "Dust and Disease" were published in the British Medical Journal. The "Dust and Disease" lecture was Tyndall's first publication in this area. Ten years later Tyndall published a 350-page book Essays on the Floating-matter of the Air in relation to Putrefaction and Infection which consists primarily of descriptions of his own experiments.
Ian Taggart History of air-purifying type gas-masks in the 19th-century Archived 2 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine. John Tyndall (1871), Fireman's Respirator, and John Tyndall (1874). "On Some Recent Experiments with a Fireman's Respirator". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 22 (148–155): 359–361. doi:10.1098/rspl.1873.0060. JSTOR 112853. S2CID 145628172.
Lord Rayleigh, who published a much-praised tome about sound in 1877–78, has a review of Tyndall's original contributions to the science of sound in Proceedings of the Royal Institution, Volume XIV, pages 221–223, dated 16 March 1894. Tyndall's own presentation of his "Researches on the Acoustic Transparency of the Atmosphere" is in chapter VII of the 3rd edition (1875) of Tyndall's book Sound.
In the later 19th century the Royal Society of London compiled an international catalog of scientific research papers, covering the whole century, indexed by author. In the Royal Society's catalog 147 entries appear under Tyndall's name between 1850 and 1883. Between 1850 and 1863 Tyndall published 74 papers in research journals, an average of nearly one every two months. A listing of these papers can be found in the Royal Society's 1872 publication Catalogue of Scientific Papers Volume VI. From 1864 through 1873 he published 41 papers, and these are listed in the Royal Society's Catalogue of Scientific Papers Volume VIII. From 1874 through 1883 he published 32 papers, and these are listed in Catalogue of Scientific Papers Volume XI. He produced very little after he got sick in 1885. Apart from his research papers, between 1860 and 1881 Tyndall also published 13 science books (see List of John Tyndall's books).
Daniel Colladon's 1842 "light fountain" article is entitled "On the reflections of a ray of light inside a parabolic liquid stream". The history of this during the 19th century is in the book The Story of Fiber Optics by Jeff Hecht, year 1999, Chapter 2. In Tyndall's own 1870 book Notes on Light Tyndall has a section entitled "Total Reflexion" where he explains: "When the light passes from air into water, the refracted ray is bent towards the perpendicular.... When the ray passes from water to air it is bent from the perpendicular.... If the angle which the ray in water encloses with the perpendicular to the surface be greater than 48 degrees, the ray will not quit the water at all: it will be totally reflected at the surface.... The angle which marks the limit where total reflexion begins is called the limiting angle of the medium. For water this angle is 48° 27', for flint glass it is 38° 41', while for diamond it is 23° 42'."
Quoted from Tyndall's Fragments of Science, Volume II.
In early 1861 Tyndall was writing: "All the gases and vapours hitherto mentioned [which are absorbers of radiant heat] are transparent to light; that is to say, the waves of the visible spectrum pass among them without sensible absorption. Hence it is plain that their absorptive power depends on the periodicity of the undulations which strike them.... By Kirchhoff it has been conclusively shown that every atom absorbs in a special degree those waves which are synchronous with its own periods of vibration." Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat.
Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, pages 80–81 (dated 1862). He says on page 334 (dated 1869) that the difference in absorption rates "may be a millionfold" : [abridged] "Let nitrogen and hydrogen be mixed mechanically together in the proportion of 14:3. Radiant heat will pass through the mixture as through a vacuum; the amount of heat intercepted is so small as to be practically insensible. The moment the nitrogen and hydrogen build themselves together into the molecules of ammonia [NH₃] the amount of radiant heat which they absorb is augmented more than a thousandfold. It may be a millionfold, for we do not yet know how small the absorption of the absolutely pure mixture really is. The act of chemical union is the sole cause of the enormous alteration in the amount of heat intercepted. The converse is also true: dissolve the chemical bond of the ammonia, and you instantly destroy the absorption."
Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat page 428, dated 1868. When talking about chemical reactions produced by light he says "if the absorption [of radiant energy] were the act of the molecule as a whole, the relative motions of its constituent atoms would remain unchanged, and there would be no mechanical cause for their separation [in a photochemical decomposition]." Therefore in a photochemical decomposition, "it is probably the synchronism of the vibrations of one portion of the molecule with the incident waves which enables the amplitude of those vibrations to augment [i.e. resonate] until the chain which binds the parts of the molecule together is snapped asunder."
Maria Yamalidou (1999). "John Tyndall, The Rhetorician of Molecularity. Part One. Crossing the Boundary towards the Invisible". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London. 53 (2): 231–242. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1999.0077. S2CID 145674374. Maria Yamalidou (1999). "John Tyndall, The Rhetorician of Molecularity. Part Two. Questions Put to Nature". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London. 53 (3): 319–331. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1999.0085. S2CID 144929561. See also Tyndall's popular essay "Atoms, Molecules, and Ether Waves" (year 1882) in Tyndall's book of essays for a broad audience, New Fragments.
Tyndall was a celebrity in the later 19th century and he was one of the people profiled in the 1878 book Celebrities at Home (2nd Series).
Tyndall said in 1884: "Two factors went to the formation of a teacher. In regard to knowledge he must, of course, be master of his work.... [and secondly] a power of character must underlie and enforce the work of the intellect. There were men who could so rouse and energise their pupils – so call forth their strength and the pleasure of its exercise – as to make the hardest work agreeable. Without this power it is questionable whether the teacher could ever really enjoy his vocation; with it, I do not know a higher, nobler, and more blessed calling." New Fragments.
Quoted from Tyndall's The Forms of Water in Clouds and Rivers, Ice and Glaciers, year 1872.
John Tyndall, Sound, 3rd edition (1875).
J. Clerk Maxwell (1871, 1872) Theory of Heat, preface page vi (publisher: Longmans, Green & Co).
The text of Tyndall's 1874 Belfast Address is available at Victorianweb.org. This speech got more coverage in the Victorian-era newspapers than any other single public speech in the decades-long Victorian debate over the status of evolution theory. A lengthy review of the speech and the speech's reception by London newspapers was published by The New York Times on 5 September 1874. It is downloadable. The great majority of London newspapers either endorsed Tyndall's position or took a neutral but respectful attitude towards it. Among other commentators the speech did have critics but a majority of these looked askance at subtleties and minor aspects (e.g.) Archived 7 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine, (e.g.); only a minority defended a role for religious belief in formation of knowledge. As the London Times put it when the speech was making front-page news: "It is probably part of the great change in the manners of this country that [the speech]... will now encounter little contradiction even in the most religious circles" (reprinted by New York Times, 7 Sep 1874). Among the exceptions, the Irish Catholic bishops decried it as paganism. Because the speech got widespread attention and little contradiction, and came from the Establishment post of the presidency of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, later historians have seen the speech as the "final victory" of the evolutionists in Victorian Britain. Robert M. Young (1985). Darwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture. CUP Archive. p. 257. ISBN 9780521317429.
For Italy see Prisoner in the Vatican. Also see Don O'Leary (2006). Roman Catholicism and Modern Science: A History. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp. 57. ISBN 978-0-8264-1868-5.
For a list of Tyndall's pamphlets against Irish Home Rule search both Amazon and National Library of Australia. One of the pamphlets, Mr. Gladstone's Sudden Reversal of Polarity, documented how British Prime Minister Gladstone did a flip-flop on the Home Rule question. The intent was to undermine Gladstone's intellectual credibility on the question. Gladstone publicly defended himself against the attack. The debate between them got a lot of attention in the newspapers. Tyndall was a conspicuous participant in the Irish Home Rule debate in the London newspapers between 1886 and 1893. When he died in 1893, The Times newspaper obituary noted that "our readers will remember many eloquent letters written by him of late years, full of unsparing condemnation of Mr. Gladstone's recent [Ireland] policy."
More from Tyndall's letter is in the year 1891 compilation Gladstone, Ireland, Rome: A word of warning to electors (publisher: Fowler Brothers), page 119.
The collection of Tyndall's essays where his views on religion are most clearly stated is Fragments of Science, Volume Two (also published under the title Fragments of Science for Unscientific People). It is online in HTML text format at Gutenberg.org and in other text formats at Archive.org.
DeYoung, Ursula (2011). A Vision of Modern Science: John Tyndall and the Role of the Scientist in Victorian Culture. Palgrave Macmillan US. pp. 280. ISBN 978-0-230-11053-3. Reports that Tyndall's religious beliefs were "half-agnostic, half-deistic" (page 2) and "Tyndall viewed religion itself as both inescapable and emotionally necessary for humanity, though his conviction of religion's importance was often lost on his critics" (page 5).
John H. Lienhard (2006). How Invention Begins: Echoes of Old Voices in the Rise of New Machines. Oxford University Press. p. 204. ISBN 9780195305999. The agnostic physicist John Tyndall once remarked that Faraday drank from a fount on Sunday that refreshed his soul for a week.
Edward Frankland (1894). "Obituary Notice of John Tyndall". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 55: xviii–xxxiv.
Louisa Tyndall wanted a collaborator, but was unsatisfied with all candidates. Later, according to Crowther, she would only accept one who would live in her own house, and none such was found. Crowther, J. G. (1968). Scientific Types. London: Barrie & Rockliff, The Crescent Press Ltd. pp. 187–188. ISBN 9780248997294.

books.google.com

Haast, Julius (1864). "Notes on the Mountains and Glaciers of the Canterbury Province, New Zealand". Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. 34: 87–96. doi:10.2307/1798467. JSTOR 1798467.
Tyndall, John (31 December 1861). "I. The Bakerian Lecture.—On the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gases and Vapours, and on the Physical Connexion of Radiation, Absorption, and Conduction". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. 151. The Royal Society: 1–36. doi:10.1098/rstl.1861.0001. ISSN 0261-0523. Received January 10, Read February 7, 1861
Tyndall, John (31 December 1860). "VII. Note on the transmission of radiant heat through gaseous bodies". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 10. The Royal Society: 37–39. doi:10.1098/rspl.1859.0017. ISSN 0370-1662. Received May 26, 1859
Weekly Evening Meeting, Friday, June 10, 1859. The Prince Consort, Vice-Patron, in the Chair. John Tyndall, Esq. F.R.S. "On the Transmission of Heat of different qualities through Gases of different kinds", in Royal Institution of Great Britain (1862). Notices of the Proceedings at the Meetings of the Members of the Royal Institution of Great Britain: With Abstracts of the Discourses Delivered at the Evening Meetings. pp. 155–158.
Details of Tyndall's device for measuring the infrared absorptive power of a gas are described in James Rodger Fleming (2005). Historical Perspectives on Climate Change. Oxford University Press. pp. 69–70. ISBN 978-0-19-518973-5. Greater details are in Chapter I of Tyndall's own book Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat.
After his measurements of infrared absorption by gases in 1859, Tyndall measured infrared emission by gases in 1860, with respect to broad-spectrum infrared radiation. He did this for many different gases, and when the gases were ranked by their emissive powers the rank order was the same as it was for their absorptive powers. His February 1861 article "On the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gases and Vapours, and on the Physical Connexion of Radiation, Absorption, and Conduction" in Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Volume 151, pages 1–36, year 1861, was later republished in the book Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, Chapter I; and in the same book there is more in Chapter II section 11 (year 1862), and chapter IX section 6 (year 1865). These laboratory experiments by Tyndall on "the reciprocity of absorption and radiation on the part of gases" were informed by experiments done on solids by Balfour Stewart in 1858 and 1859. The two relevant articles by Balfour Stewart are online as republished in 1901 in The Laws of Radiation and Absorption: Memoirs by Prévost, Stewart, Kirchhoff and Bunsen.
Daniel Colladon's 1842 "light fountain" article is entitled "On the reflections of a ray of light inside a parabolic liquid stream". The history of this during the 19th century is in the book The Story of Fiber Optics by Jeff Hecht, year 1999, Chapter 2. In Tyndall's own 1870 book Notes on Light Tyndall has a section entitled "Total Reflexion" where he explains: "When the light passes from air into water, the refracted ray is bent towards the perpendicular.... When the ray passes from water to air it is bent from the perpendicular.... If the angle which the ray in water encloses with the perpendicular to the surface be greater than 48 degrees, the ray will not quit the water at all: it will be totally reflected at the surface.... The angle which marks the limit where total reflexion begins is called the limiting angle of the medium. For water this angle is 48° 27', for flint glass it is 38° 41', while for diamond it is 23° 42'."
In 1853 Anders Ångström had argued, based on general principles of resonance, that an incandescent gas should emit luminous rays of the same frequencies as those it can absorb. After this was affirmed and made more general experimentally by Tyndall and others in the early 1860s, Ångström got a lot of plaudits. When the original paper by Ångström (published in German in 1854) was published in English in 1855, the translator from the German was John Tyndall. John Charles Drury Brand (1995). Lines of light: the sources of dispersive spectroscopy, 1800–1930. CRC Press. pp. 61–. ISBN 978-2-88449-162-4.
A review of how Tyndall demarcated science from religion, marshalling quotes from Tyndall, is in Gieryn, Thomas F. (1999). "John Tyndall's Double Boundary-Work". Cultural Boundaries of Science. The University of Chicago Press. pp. 37–64.
The text of Tyndall's 1874 Belfast Address is available at Victorianweb.org. This speech got more coverage in the Victorian-era newspapers than any other single public speech in the decades-long Victorian debate over the status of evolution theory. A lengthy review of the speech and the speech's reception by London newspapers was published by The New York Times on 5 September 1874. It is downloadable. The great majority of London newspapers either endorsed Tyndall's position or took a neutral but respectful attitude towards it. Among other commentators the speech did have critics but a majority of these looked askance at subtleties and minor aspects (e.g.) Archived 7 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine, (e.g.); only a minority defended a role for religious belief in formation of knowledge. As the London Times put it when the speech was making front-page news: "It is probably part of the great change in the manners of this country that [the speech]... will now encounter little contradiction even in the most religious circles" (reprinted by New York Times, 7 Sep 1874). Among the exceptions, the Irish Catholic bishops decried it as paganism. Because the speech got widespread attention and little contradiction, and came from the Establishment post of the presidency of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, later historians have seen the speech as the "final victory" of the evolutionists in Victorian Britain. Robert M. Young (1985). Darwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture. CUP Archive. p. 257. ISBN 9780521317429.
The scientists of the British Isles were nearly unanimous in opposing Irish Home Rule, but, to Tyndall's disappointment, a majority of them also thought that the matter didn't have enough direct bearing on the vital interests of science to warrant an organized formal denunciation by them. See: Jones, Greta (2001). "Scientists against Home Rule". In Boyce, D. George; O'Day, Alan (eds.). Defenders of the Union: A Survey of British and Irish Unionism Since 1801. London: Routledge. pp. 188–208.

brinkster.com

www33.brinkster.com

Ian Taggart History of air-purifying type gas-masks in the 19th-century Archived 2 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine. John Tyndall (1871), Fireman's Respirator, and John Tyndall (1874). "On Some Recent Experiments with a Fireman's Respirator". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 22 (148–155): 359–361. doi:10.1098/rspl.1873.0060. JSTOR 112853. S2CID 145628172.

clarku.edu

Haia Shpayer-Makov. "A Work-Life History of Policemen in Victorian and Edwardian England" (PDF). University of Haifa, Israel. p. 10.

climate-lab-book.ac.uk

Jackson, Roland. "John Tyndall: founder of climate science?". Climate Lab Book. Retrieved 12 March 2020.

doi.org

When working for the government's land surveying agency in Lancashire, Tyndall was one of a number of employees who signed a petition calling for higher wages plus some other changes in working conditions. In November 1843, all of the signatories to the petition were dismissed from their jobs. In August 1844, Tyndall was hired by a railway surveying company in Lancashire at almost four times higher pay than the government had been paying him. D. Thompson (1957). "John Tyndall: A study in vocational enterprise". The Vocational Aspect of Education. 9 (18): 38–48. doi:10.1080/03057875780000061. Also Eve, A.S. & Creasey, C.H. (1945). Life and Work of John Tyndall.
Haast, Julius (1864). "Notes on the Mountains and Glaciers of the Canterbury Province, New Zealand". Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. 34: 87–96. doi:10.2307/1798467. JSTOR 1798467.
Tyndall, John (31 December 1861). "I. The Bakerian Lecture.—On the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gases and Vapours, and on the Physical Connexion of Radiation, Absorption, and Conduction". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. 151. The Royal Society: 1–36. doi:10.1098/rstl.1861.0001. ISSN 0261-0523. Received January 10, Read February 7, 1861
Tyndall, John (31 December 1860). "VII. Note on the transmission of radiant heat through gaseous bodies". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 10. The Royal Society: 37–39. doi:10.1098/rspl.1859.0017. ISSN 0370-1662. Received May 26, 1859
Jackson, Roland (20 March 2020). "Eunice Foote, John Tyndall and a question of priority". Notes and Records: The Royal Society Journal of the History of Science. 74 (1): 105–118. doi:10.1098/rsnr.2018.0066. S2CID 186208096.
In the late 1850s Balfour Stewart had showed that cold rock-salt was a very strong absorber of the radiations from hot rock-salt, even though rock-salt was a very weak absorber of the radiations from all other kinds of heat-sources tested. By the early 1860s this had been generalized in the scientific literature to the principle that any kind of chemical will very strongly absorb the radiations coming from a separate body of the same kind of chemical. In Tyndall's words this was a "principle which lies at the basis of spectrum analysis, ... namely, that a body which is competent to emit any ray, whether of heat or light, is competent in the same degree to absorb that ray" (1866). Tyndall made several original observations around 1863 by beginning with the assumption that this principle is correct. The following is a summary of one of them. It was well-known at the time that in a flame of burning carbon monoxide, the carbon monoxide chemically combines with the oxygen of the air to form carbon dioxide plus heat. Tyndall observed that if a body of cold or room-temperature carbon dioxide is placed near the flame "the cold gas is intensely opaque to [i.e. it very strongly absorbs] the radiation from this particular flame, though it is highly transparent to [i.e. it very weakly absorbs] heat of every other kind." Thus the great bulk of the heat in the carbon monoxide flame fits the emission spectrum of carbon dioxide, implying the heat is a radiant emission from the newly formed carbon dioxide molecules. Tyndall got the same type of result with a flame of burning hydrogen, another flame known to be chemically simple in the sense that very little intermediate or transitory molecules are produced in it. This appears to be the first demonstration that the heat given out in chemical reactions has its physical origination within the new molecules. Tyndall's report of the demonstration is in Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, sections 11–17 of Chapter VI, dated 1864. A related demonstration is in sections 3–8 of Chapter V, dated 1863. It is also discussed in Tyndall's Fragments of Science, Volume I Chapter III, dated 1866. For a modern analysis of where the heat is coming from in the carbon monoxide flame see R. N. Dixon (1963). "The Carbon Monoxide Flame Bands". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Series A. 275 (1362): 431–446. Bibcode:1963RSPSA.275..431D. doi:10.1098/rspa.1963.0178. JSTOR 2414583. S2CID 98444207. Tyndall also interpreted the carbon monoxide flame as showing that carbon dioxide's spectral profile remains the same at room temperature and at a temperature of over 2000 °C, the temperature in the flame; and likewise for the product of the hydrogen flame. This was in contrast to the easily seen fact in solids such as carbon and platinum where the spectral profile moves towards the quicker frequencies when the temperature is increased.
James W. Gentry; Lin Jui-Chen (1996). "The Legacy of John Tyndall in Aerosol Science". Journal of Aerosol Science. 27: S503 – S504. Bibcode:1996JAerS..27S.503G. doi:10.1016/0021-8502(96)00324-2. Tyndall's primary contributions were...[among other things]... the design of experiments which increased the deflections of the galvanometer by two orders of magnitude from the earlier measurements for double refraction (by Knoblauch) and the Faraday effect (by de la Provostaye and Desains). Tyndall's presentation of the subject begins under the heading "The Identity of Light and Radiant Heat" in his 1873 tutorial book Six Lectures on Light.
Michael B. Jaffe (2008). "Infrared Measurement of Carbon Dioxide in the Human Breath: Breathe-Through Devices from Tyndall to the Present Day" (PDF). Anesthesia & Analgesia. 107 (3): 890–904. doi:10.1213/ane.0b013e31817ee3b3. PMID 18713902. S2CID 15610449. See also John Tyndall, Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, §4 of Chapter II (dated 1862) and §13 of Chapter VI (dated 1864).
Ian Taggart History of air-purifying type gas-masks in the 19th-century Archived 2 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine. John Tyndall (1871), Fireman's Respirator, and John Tyndall (1874). "On Some Recent Experiments with a Fireman's Respirator". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 22 (148–155): 359–361. doi:10.1098/rspl.1873.0060. JSTOR 112853. S2CID 145628172.
Maria Yamalidou (1999). "John Tyndall, The Rhetorician of Molecularity. Part One. Crossing the Boundary towards the Invisible". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London. 53 (2): 231–242. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1999.0077. S2CID 145674374. Maria Yamalidou (1999). "John Tyndall, The Rhetorician of Molecularity. Part Two. Questions Put to Nature". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London. 53 (3): 319–331. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1999.0085. S2CID 144929561. See also Tyndall's popular essay "Atoms, Molecules, and Ether Waves" (year 1882) in Tyndall's book of essays for a broad audience, New Fragments.
Dry, Sandra (2018). "A long-awaited biography does justice to John Tyndall, a pioneering climate researcher and science advocate". Science. 360: 1307. doi:10.1126/science.aat6293. S2CID 49357758.

eoearth.org

Tyndall's experiment on ozone is in sections 17–19 of "Further Researches on the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gaseous Matter", dated January 1862; online. Some biographical sketches of Tyndall state that Tyndall "showed that ozone was an oxygen cluster rather than a hydrogen compound" (this statement is at Today in Science History and The Encyclopedia of Earth, for example). But it is an overstatement, because other researchers had already shown at an earlier date that ozone was an oxygen cluster. Tyndall's experiment just helped to reaffirm it by a different method. For background historical context see "The History of Ozone 1839 – 1868" Archived 11 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, by Mordecai B. Rubin (2001).

gkbenterprises.org.uk

The text of Tyndall's 1874 Belfast Address is available at Victorianweb.org. This speech got more coverage in the Victorian-era newspapers than any other single public speech in the decades-long Victorian debate over the status of evolution theory. A lengthy review of the speech and the speech's reception by London newspapers was published by The New York Times on 5 September 1874. It is downloadable. The great majority of London newspapers either endorsed Tyndall's position or took a neutral but respectful attitude towards it. Among other commentators the speech did have critics but a majority of these looked askance at subtleties and minor aspects (e.g.) Archived 7 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine, (e.g.); only a minority defended a role for religious belief in formation of knowledge. As the London Times put it when the speech was making front-page news: "It is probably part of the great change in the manners of this country that [the speech]... will now encounter little contradiction even in the most religious circles" (reprinted by New York Times, 7 Sep 1874). Among the exceptions, the Irish Catholic bishops decried it as paganism. Because the speech got widespread attention and little contradiction, and came from the Establishment post of the presidency of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, later historians have seen the speech as the "final victory" of the evolutionists in Victorian Britain. Robert M. Young (1985). Darwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture. CUP Archive. p. 257. ISBN 9780521317429.

gutenberg.org

The collection of Tyndall's essays where his views on religion are most clearly stated is Fragments of Science, Volume Two (also published under the title Fragments of Science for Unscientific People). It is online in HTML text format at Gutenberg.org and in other text formats at Archive.org.

harvard.edu

ui.adsabs.harvard.edu

In the late 1850s Balfour Stewart had showed that cold rock-salt was a very strong absorber of the radiations from hot rock-salt, even though rock-salt was a very weak absorber of the radiations from all other kinds of heat-sources tested. By the early 1860s this had been generalized in the scientific literature to the principle that any kind of chemical will very strongly absorb the radiations coming from a separate body of the same kind of chemical. In Tyndall's words this was a "principle which lies at the basis of spectrum analysis, ... namely, that a body which is competent to emit any ray, whether of heat or light, is competent in the same degree to absorb that ray" (1866). Tyndall made several original observations around 1863 by beginning with the assumption that this principle is correct. The following is a summary of one of them. It was well-known at the time that in a flame of burning carbon monoxide, the carbon monoxide chemically combines with the oxygen of the air to form carbon dioxide plus heat. Tyndall observed that if a body of cold or room-temperature carbon dioxide is placed near the flame "the cold gas is intensely opaque to [i.e. it very strongly absorbs] the radiation from this particular flame, though it is highly transparent to [i.e. it very weakly absorbs] heat of every other kind." Thus the great bulk of the heat in the carbon monoxide flame fits the emission spectrum of carbon dioxide, implying the heat is a radiant emission from the newly formed carbon dioxide molecules. Tyndall got the same type of result with a flame of burning hydrogen, another flame known to be chemically simple in the sense that very little intermediate or transitory molecules are produced in it. This appears to be the first demonstration that the heat given out in chemical reactions has its physical origination within the new molecules. Tyndall's report of the demonstration is in Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, sections 11–17 of Chapter VI, dated 1864. A related demonstration is in sections 3–8 of Chapter V, dated 1863. It is also discussed in Tyndall's Fragments of Science, Volume I Chapter III, dated 1866. For a modern analysis of where the heat is coming from in the carbon monoxide flame see R. N. Dixon (1963). "The Carbon Monoxide Flame Bands". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Series A. 275 (1362): 431–446. Bibcode:1963RSPSA.275..431D. doi:10.1098/rspa.1963.0178. JSTOR 2414583. S2CID 98444207. Tyndall also interpreted the carbon monoxide flame as showing that carbon dioxide's spectral profile remains the same at room temperature and at a temperature of over 2000 °C, the temperature in the flame; and likewise for the product of the hydrogen flame. This was in contrast to the easily seen fact in solids such as carbon and platinum where the spectral profile moves towards the quicker frequencies when the temperature is increased.
James W. Gentry; Lin Jui-Chen (1996). "The Legacy of John Tyndall in Aerosol Science". Journal of Aerosol Science. 27: S503 – S504. Bibcode:1996JAerS..27S.503G. doi:10.1016/0021-8502(96)00324-2. Tyndall's primary contributions were...[among other things]... the design of experiments which increased the deflections of the galvanometer by two orders of magnitude from the earlier measurements for double refraction (by Knoblauch) and the Faraday effect (by de la Provostaye and Desains). Tyndall's presentation of the subject begins under the heading "The Identity of Light and Radiant Heat" in his 1873 tutorial book Six Lectures on Light.

jstor.org

Haast, Julius (1864). "Notes on the Mountains and Glaciers of the Canterbury Province, New Zealand". Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. 34: 87–96. doi:10.2307/1798467. JSTOR 1798467.
In the late 1850s Balfour Stewart had showed that cold rock-salt was a very strong absorber of the radiations from hot rock-salt, even though rock-salt was a very weak absorber of the radiations from all other kinds of heat-sources tested. By the early 1860s this had been generalized in the scientific literature to the principle that any kind of chemical will very strongly absorb the radiations coming from a separate body of the same kind of chemical. In Tyndall's words this was a "principle which lies at the basis of spectrum analysis, ... namely, that a body which is competent to emit any ray, whether of heat or light, is competent in the same degree to absorb that ray" (1866). Tyndall made several original observations around 1863 by beginning with the assumption that this principle is correct. The following is a summary of one of them. It was well-known at the time that in a flame of burning carbon monoxide, the carbon monoxide chemically combines with the oxygen of the air to form carbon dioxide plus heat. Tyndall observed that if a body of cold or room-temperature carbon dioxide is placed near the flame "the cold gas is intensely opaque to [i.e. it very strongly absorbs] the radiation from this particular flame, though it is highly transparent to [i.e. it very weakly absorbs] heat of every other kind." Thus the great bulk of the heat in the carbon monoxide flame fits the emission spectrum of carbon dioxide, implying the heat is a radiant emission from the newly formed carbon dioxide molecules. Tyndall got the same type of result with a flame of burning hydrogen, another flame known to be chemically simple in the sense that very little intermediate or transitory molecules are produced in it. This appears to be the first demonstration that the heat given out in chemical reactions has its physical origination within the new molecules. Tyndall's report of the demonstration is in Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, sections 11–17 of Chapter VI, dated 1864. A related demonstration is in sections 3–8 of Chapter V, dated 1863. It is also discussed in Tyndall's Fragments of Science, Volume I Chapter III, dated 1866. For a modern analysis of where the heat is coming from in the carbon monoxide flame see R. N. Dixon (1963). "The Carbon Monoxide Flame Bands". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Series A. 275 (1362): 431–446. Bibcode:1963RSPSA.275..431D. doi:10.1098/rspa.1963.0178. JSTOR 2414583. S2CID 98444207. Tyndall also interpreted the carbon monoxide flame as showing that carbon dioxide's spectral profile remains the same at room temperature and at a temperature of over 2000 °C, the temperature in the flame; and likewise for the product of the hydrogen flame. This was in contrast to the easily seen fact in solids such as carbon and platinum where the spectral profile moves towards the quicker frequencies when the temperature is increased.
Ian Taggart History of air-purifying type gas-masks in the 19th-century Archived 2 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine. John Tyndall (1871), Fireman's Respirator, and John Tyndall (1874). "On Some Recent Experiments with a Fireman's Respirator". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 22 (148–155): 359–361. doi:10.1098/rspl.1873.0060. JSTOR 112853. S2CID 145628172.

measuringworth.com

The value of Tyndall's estate at probate was £22,122: biography of John Tyndall by W. M. Brock in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004). Some ways to assess today the magnitude of £22,122 wealth in 1893 are at MeasuringWorth.com.

microform.co.uk

Microform.co.uk Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine has a catalog (perhaps incomplete) of letters from Pasteur to Tyndall. Communications between the two were most frequent during the mid-1870s. The earliest letter from Pasteur to Tyndall is dated 10 August 1871. Pasteur's early research had been in fermentation vats and broths. As he aimed to extend his program to air, he got in touch with Tyndall as someone who was an expert at dealing technically with air. In June 1871 extracts from a lecture by Tyndall entitled "Dust and Disease" were published in the British Medical Journal. The "Dust and Disease" lecture was Tyndall's first publication in this area. Ten years later Tyndall published a 350-page book Essays on the Floating-matter of the Air in relation to Putrefaction and Infection which consists primarily of descriptions of his own experiments.

nationalmap.gov

edits.nationalmap.gov

"Geographic Names Information System". edits.nationalmap.gov. Retrieved 28 July 2022.

nih.gov

pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov

Michael B. Jaffe (2008). "Infrared Measurement of Carbon Dioxide in the Human Breath: Breathe-Through Devices from Tyndall to the Present Day" (PDF). Anesthesia & Analgesia. 107 (3): 890–904. doi:10.1213/ane.0b013e31817ee3b3. PMID 18713902. S2CID 15610449. See also John Tyndall, Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, §4 of Chapter II (dated 1862) and §13 of Chapter VI (dated 1864).

nla.gov.au

catalogue.nla.gov.au

For a list of Tyndall's pamphlets against Irish Home Rule search both Amazon and National Library of Australia. One of the pamphlets, Mr. Gladstone's Sudden Reversal of Polarity, documented how British Prime Minister Gladstone did a flip-flop on the Home Rule question. The intent was to undermine Gladstone's intellectual credibility on the question. Gladstone publicly defended himself against the attack. The debate between them got a lot of attention in the newspapers. Tyndall was a conspicuous participant in the Irish Home Rule debate in the London newspapers between 1886 and 1893. When he died in 1893, The Times newspaper obituary noted that "our readers will remember many eloquent letters written by him of late years, full of unsparing condemnation of Mr. Gladstone's recent [Ireland] policy."

nytimes.com

query.nytimes.com

During the 14 days in December 1872 when Tyndall gave public evening lectures in Manhattan, The New York Times printed news items about Tyndall on 9 of the days, some of them lengthy efforts at recapitulating what Professor Tyndall had said in his lecture the night before about the nature of light. The New York Times noted that more than half the people attending the lectures were women (which was generally true of Tyndall's lectures in London as well) and noted that the series of evening lectures about the nature of light delivered in Washington DC was attended by eminent U.S. Senators, Cabinet Ministers, and one night the U.S. President himself, accompanied by his daughter. The New York Times Archives, 4 December 1872 – 9 February 1873.
The text of Tyndall's 1874 Belfast Address is available at Victorianweb.org. This speech got more coverage in the Victorian-era newspapers than any other single public speech in the decades-long Victorian debate over the status of evolution theory. A lengthy review of the speech and the speech's reception by London newspapers was published by The New York Times on 5 September 1874. It is downloadable. The great majority of London newspapers either endorsed Tyndall's position or took a neutral but respectful attitude towards it. Among other commentators the speech did have critics but a majority of these looked askance at subtleties and minor aspects (e.g.) Archived 7 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine, (e.g.); only a minority defended a role for religious belief in formation of knowledge. As the London Times put it when the speech was making front-page news: "It is probably part of the great change in the manners of this country that [the speech]... will now encounter little contradiction even in the most religious circles" (reprinted by New York Times, 7 Sep 1874). Among the exceptions, the Irish Catholic bishops decried it as paganism. Because the speech got widespread attention and little contradiction, and came from the Establishment post of the presidency of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, later historians have seen the speech as the "final victory" of the evolutionists in Victorian Britain. Robert M. Young (1985). Darwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture. CUP Archive. p. 257. ISBN 9780521317429.
In late years he was taking magnesia for dyspepsia and chloral hydrate for insomnia. His wife, who administered the drugs, accidentally gave him none of the former and a lethal overdose of the latter. A newspaper report of Mrs. Tyndall's testimony at the coroner's inquest: "Mrs. Tyndall's Fatal Error". The New York Times. 25 December 1893.

timesmachine.nytimes.com

The text of Tyndall's 1874 Belfast Address is available at Victorianweb.org. This speech got more coverage in the Victorian-era newspapers than any other single public speech in the decades-long Victorian debate over the status of evolution theory. A lengthy review of the speech and the speech's reception by London newspapers was published by The New York Times on 5 September 1874. It is downloadable. The great majority of London newspapers either endorsed Tyndall's position or took a neutral but respectful attitude towards it. Among other commentators the speech did have critics but a majority of these looked askance at subtleties and minor aspects (e.g.) Archived 7 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine, (e.g.); only a minority defended a role for religious belief in formation of knowledge. As the London Times put it when the speech was making front-page news: "It is probably part of the great change in the manners of this country that [the speech]... will now encounter little contradiction even in the most religious circles" (reprinted by New York Times, 7 Sep 1874). Among the exceptions, the Irish Catholic bishops decried it as paganism. Because the speech got widespread attention and little contradiction, and came from the Establishment post of the presidency of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, later historians have seen the speech as the "final victory" of the evolutionists in Victorian Britain. Robert M. Young (1985). Darwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture. CUP Archive. p. 257. ISBN 9780521317429.
Professor Tyndall's Deed of Trust in Popular Science Monthly, May 1873. See also Prof. Tyndall's Trust in The New York Times, 8 July 1885.
Gladstone's Home Rule. The New York Times, 25 June 1892.

rigb.org

Jackson, Roland (5 March 2020). "Who discovered the greenhouse effect?". The Royal Institution: Science Lives Here. Retrieved 12 March 2020. Note; it is now appreciated that in 1856 Eunice Foote had published experiments on how the sun's rays heated gases, giving evidence that CO₂ and water vapour absorbed heat, and speculated that changes in their proportions could affect climate, but she did not differentiate the effects of infrared heat.

sciencehistory.org

Baum, Rudy M. Sr. (2016). "Future Calculations: The first climate change believer". Distillations. 2 (2): 38–39. Retrieved 22 March 2018.

sciencemag.org

blogs.sciencemag.org

Dry, Sandra (2018). "A long-awaited biography does justice to John Tyndall, a pioneering climate researcher and science advocate". Science. 360: 1307. doi:10.1126/science.aat6293. S2CID 49357758.

semanticscholar.org

api.semanticscholar.org

Jackson, Roland (20 March 2020). "Eunice Foote, John Tyndall and a question of priority". Notes and Records: The Royal Society Journal of the History of Science. 74 (1): 105–118. doi:10.1098/rsnr.2018.0066. S2CID 186208096.
In the late 1850s Balfour Stewart had showed that cold rock-salt was a very strong absorber of the radiations from hot rock-salt, even though rock-salt was a very weak absorber of the radiations from all other kinds of heat-sources tested. By the early 1860s this had been generalized in the scientific literature to the principle that any kind of chemical will very strongly absorb the radiations coming from a separate body of the same kind of chemical. In Tyndall's words this was a "principle which lies at the basis of spectrum analysis, ... namely, that a body which is competent to emit any ray, whether of heat or light, is competent in the same degree to absorb that ray" (1866). Tyndall made several original observations around 1863 by beginning with the assumption that this principle is correct. The following is a summary of one of them. It was well-known at the time that in a flame of burning carbon monoxide, the carbon monoxide chemically combines with the oxygen of the air to form carbon dioxide plus heat. Tyndall observed that if a body of cold or room-temperature carbon dioxide is placed near the flame "the cold gas is intensely opaque to [i.e. it very strongly absorbs] the radiation from this particular flame, though it is highly transparent to [i.e. it very weakly absorbs] heat of every other kind." Thus the great bulk of the heat in the carbon monoxide flame fits the emission spectrum of carbon dioxide, implying the heat is a radiant emission from the newly formed carbon dioxide molecules. Tyndall got the same type of result with a flame of burning hydrogen, another flame known to be chemically simple in the sense that very little intermediate or transitory molecules are produced in it. This appears to be the first demonstration that the heat given out in chemical reactions has its physical origination within the new molecules. Tyndall's report of the demonstration is in Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, sections 11–17 of Chapter VI, dated 1864. A related demonstration is in sections 3–8 of Chapter V, dated 1863. It is also discussed in Tyndall's Fragments of Science, Volume I Chapter III, dated 1866. For a modern analysis of where the heat is coming from in the carbon monoxide flame see R. N. Dixon (1963). "The Carbon Monoxide Flame Bands". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Series A. 275 (1362): 431–446. Bibcode:1963RSPSA.275..431D. doi:10.1098/rspa.1963.0178. JSTOR 2414583. S2CID 98444207. Tyndall also interpreted the carbon monoxide flame as showing that carbon dioxide's spectral profile remains the same at room temperature and at a temperature of over 2000 °C, the temperature in the flame; and likewise for the product of the hydrogen flame. This was in contrast to the easily seen fact in solids such as carbon and platinum where the spectral profile moves towards the quicker frequencies when the temperature is increased.
Michael B. Jaffe (2008). "Infrared Measurement of Carbon Dioxide in the Human Breath: Breathe-Through Devices from Tyndall to the Present Day" (PDF). Anesthesia & Analgesia. 107 (3): 890–904. doi:10.1213/ane.0b013e31817ee3b3. PMID 18713902. S2CID 15610449. See also John Tyndall, Contributions to Molecular Physics in the Domain of Radiant Heat, §4 of Chapter II (dated 1862) and §13 of Chapter VI (dated 1864).
Ian Taggart History of air-purifying type gas-masks in the 19th-century Archived 2 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine. John Tyndall (1871), Fireman's Respirator, and John Tyndall (1874). "On Some Recent Experiments with a Fireman's Respirator". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 22 (148–155): 359–361. doi:10.1098/rspl.1873.0060. JSTOR 112853. S2CID 145628172.
Maria Yamalidou (1999). "John Tyndall, The Rhetorician of Molecularity. Part One. Crossing the Boundary towards the Invisible". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London. 53 (2): 231–242. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1999.0077. S2CID 145674374. Maria Yamalidou (1999). "John Tyndall, The Rhetorician of Molecularity. Part Two. Questions Put to Nature". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London. 53 (3): 319–331. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1999.0085. S2CID 144929561. See also Tyndall's popular essay "Atoms, Molecules, and Ether Waves" (year 1882) in Tyndall's book of essays for a broad audience, New Fragments.
Dry, Sandra (2018). "A long-awaited biography does justice to John Tyndall, a pioneering climate researcher and science advocate". Science. 360: 1307. doi:10.1126/science.aat6293. S2CID 49357758.

st-and.ac.uk

turnbull.mcs.st-and.ac.uk

Tyndall was the chief surveyor for the proposed railway line from Halifax to Keighley in 1846, according to Thomas Archer Hirst, who worked under Tyndall at the same engineering firm at the time – Ref. Tyndall described himself as the "principal assistant" at the firm – "Tyndall's Obituary for Hirst". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 52: xiv–xv. 1893.

telhistory.ru

"Музей истории телефона - История телефона".

todayinsci.com

Tyndall's experiment on ozone is in sections 17–19 of "Further Researches on the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gaseous Matter", dated January 1862; online. Some biographical sketches of Tyndall state that Tyndall "showed that ozone was an oxygen cluster rather than a hydrogen compound" (this statement is at Today in Science History and The Encyclopedia of Earth, for example). But it is an overstatement, because other researchers had already shown at an earlier date that ozone was an oxygen cluster. Tyndall's experiment just helped to reaffirm it by a different method. For background historical context see "The History of Ozone 1839 – 1868" Archived 11 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, by Mordecai B. Rubin (2001).

ucl.ac.uk

Michael Faraday advocated for Tyndall's appointment at the Royal Institution. As part of that, in a letter to the managers of the Royal Institution on 23 May 1853, Faraday praised Tyndall's abilities as a lecturer: "I have heard him on two or three occasions, when his manner of expounding nature by discourse and experiment was in my judgement excellent". Source: Emily Hankin (2008), "John Tyndall's Lecture Courses at the Royal Institution and their Reception" Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine.
"John Tyndall's Lecture Courses at the Royal Institution and their Reception" Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine by Emily Hankin (year 2008), pages 28–31, says that Tyndall and his audiences liked experimental demonstrations that had an element of spectacle, and that Tyndall selected lecture topics with that consideration partly in mind. The biographers Eve and Creasey are quoted as saying: "His lectures were written down, rehearsed, and profusely illustrated with experiment. He knew that a public lecture should have the same exacting care in production as a play in a theatre."
Among the hundreds of public lectures by Tyndall for non-specialist audiences at the Royal Institution, he delivered in 1861, 1863, 1865, 1867, 1869, 1871, 1873, 1875, 1877, 1879, 1882 and 1884 the annual Royal Institution Christmas Lectures for young audiences on the subjects Light; Electricity at Rest and Electricity in Motion; Sound; Heat and Cold; Light; Ice, Water, Vapour and Air; The Motion and Sensation of Sound; Experimental Electricity; Heat, Visible and Invisible; Water and Air; Light and the Eye and The Sources of Electricity, respectively. Appendix A at REF Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine lists subject areas of other lecture series for non-experts by Tyndall at the Royal Institution over the years.

uiuc.edu

scs.uiuc.edu

Tyndall's experiment on ozone is in sections 17–19 of "Further Researches on the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gaseous Matter", dated January 1862; online. Some biographical sketches of Tyndall state that Tyndall "showed that ozone was an oxygen cluster rather than a hydrogen compound" (this statement is at Today in Science History and The Encyclopedia of Earth, for example). But it is an overstatement, because other researchers had already shown at an earlier date that ozone was an oxygen cluster. Tyndall's experiment just helped to reaffirm it by a different method. For background historical context see "The History of Ozone 1839 – 1868" Archived 11 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, by Mordecai B. Rubin (2001).

utoronto.ca

tspace.library.utoronto.ca

The UK publisher was Longmans. The US publisher was Appleton. Longmans kept the book in print until sometime after 1908 and Appleton until sometime after 1915. See Worldcat.org. The German publisher, Braunschweig, introduced a renewed German edition in 1894; and the French publisher, Gauthier-Villars, in 1887. In Russian the first edition was in 1864 (ref) and an updated edition came out in Russian in 1888 (ref).

vatican.va

Those quotations are from the Syllabus of Errors decree (year 1864, Pope Pius IX) and the Libertas decree (year 1888, Pope Leo XIII). The Libertas decree also says: [¶27, abridged] "The divine teaching of the Church brings the sure guidance of shining light. Therefore, there is no reason why true science should feel aggrieved at having to bear the restraint of laws by which, in the judgment of the Church, human teaching has to be controlled."

victorianweb.org

The text of Tyndall's 1874 Belfast Address is available at Victorianweb.org. This speech got more coverage in the Victorian-era newspapers than any other single public speech in the decades-long Victorian debate over the status of evolution theory. A lengthy review of the speech and the speech's reception by London newspapers was published by The New York Times on 5 September 1874. It is downloadable. The great majority of London newspapers either endorsed Tyndall's position or took a neutral but respectful attitude towards it. Among other commentators the speech did have critics but a majority of these looked askance at subtleties and minor aspects (e.g.) Archived 7 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine, (e.g.); only a minority defended a role for religious belief in formation of knowledge. As the London Times put it when the speech was making front-page news: "It is probably part of the great change in the manners of this country that [the speech]... will now encounter little contradiction even in the most religious circles" (reprinted by New York Times, 7 Sep 1874). Among the exceptions, the Irish Catholic bishops decried it as paganism. Because the speech got widespread attention and little contradiction, and came from the Establishment post of the presidency of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, later historians have seen the speech as the "final victory" of the evolutionists in Victorian Britain. Robert M. Young (1985). Darwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture. CUP Archive. p. 257. ISBN 9780521317429.

web.archive.org

Michael Faraday advocated for Tyndall's appointment at the Royal Institution. As part of that, in a letter to the managers of the Royal Institution on 23 May 1853, Faraday praised Tyndall's abilities as a lecturer: "I have heard him on two or three occasions, when his manner of expounding nature by discourse and experiment was in my judgement excellent". Source: Emily Hankin (2008), "John Tyndall's Lecture Courses at the Royal Institution and their Reception" Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine.
Tyndall's experiment on ozone is in sections 17–19 of "Further Researches on the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gaseous Matter", dated January 1862; online. Some biographical sketches of Tyndall state that Tyndall "showed that ozone was an oxygen cluster rather than a hydrogen compound" (this statement is at Today in Science History and The Encyclopedia of Earth, for example). But it is an overstatement, because other researchers had already shown at an earlier date that ozone was an oxygen cluster. Tyndall's experiment just helped to reaffirm it by a different method. For background historical context see "The History of Ozone 1839 – 1868" Archived 11 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, by Mordecai B. Rubin (2001).
Microform.co.uk Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine has a catalog (perhaps incomplete) of letters from Pasteur to Tyndall. Communications between the two were most frequent during the mid-1870s. The earliest letter from Pasteur to Tyndall is dated 10 August 1871. Pasteur's early research had been in fermentation vats and broths. As he aimed to extend his program to air, he got in touch with Tyndall as someone who was an expert at dealing technically with air. In June 1871 extracts from a lecture by Tyndall entitled "Dust and Disease" were published in the British Medical Journal. The "Dust and Disease" lecture was Tyndall's first publication in this area. Ten years later Tyndall published a 350-page book Essays on the Floating-matter of the Air in relation to Putrefaction and Infection which consists primarily of descriptions of his own experiments.
Ian Taggart History of air-purifying type gas-masks in the 19th-century Archived 2 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine. John Tyndall (1871), Fireman's Respirator, and John Tyndall (1874). "On Some Recent Experiments with a Fireman's Respirator". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 22 (148–155): 359–361. doi:10.1098/rspl.1873.0060. JSTOR 112853. S2CID 145628172.
"John Tyndall's Lecture Courses at the Royal Institution and their Reception" Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine by Emily Hankin (year 2008), pages 28–31, says that Tyndall and his audiences liked experimental demonstrations that had an element of spectacle, and that Tyndall selected lecture topics with that consideration partly in mind. The biographers Eve and Creasey are quoted as saying: "His lectures were written down, rehearsed, and profusely illustrated with experiment. He knew that a public lecture should have the same exacting care in production as a play in a theatre."
Among the hundreds of public lectures by Tyndall for non-specialist audiences at the Royal Institution, he delivered in 1861, 1863, 1865, 1867, 1869, 1871, 1873, 1875, 1877, 1879, 1882 and 1884 the annual Royal Institution Christmas Lectures for young audiences on the subjects Light; Electricity at Rest and Electricity in Motion; Sound; Heat and Cold; Light; Ice, Water, Vapour and Air; The Motion and Sensation of Sound; Experimental Electricity; Heat, Visible and Invisible; Water and Air; Light and the Eye and The Sources of Electricity, respectively. Appendix A at REF Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine lists subject areas of other lecture series for non-experts by Tyndall at the Royal Institution over the years.
The text of Tyndall's 1874 Belfast Address is available at Victorianweb.org. This speech got more coverage in the Victorian-era newspapers than any other single public speech in the decades-long Victorian debate over the status of evolution theory. A lengthy review of the speech and the speech's reception by London newspapers was published by The New York Times on 5 September 1874. It is downloadable. The great majority of London newspapers either endorsed Tyndall's position or took a neutral but respectful attitude towards it. Among other commentators the speech did have critics but a majority of these looked askance at subtleties and minor aspects (e.g.) Archived 7 September 2008 at the Wayback Machine, (e.g.); only a minority defended a role for religious belief in formation of knowledge. As the London Times put it when the speech was making front-page news: "It is probably part of the great change in the manners of this country that [the speech]... will now encounter little contradiction even in the most religious circles" (reprinted by New York Times, 7 Sep 1874). Among the exceptions, the Irish Catholic bishops decried it as paganism. Because the speech got widespread attention and little contradiction, and came from the Establishment post of the presidency of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, later historians have seen the speech as the "final victory" of the evolutionists in Victorian Britain. Robert M. Young (1985). Darwin's Metaphor: Nature's Place in Victorian Culture. CUP Archive. p. 257. ISBN 9780521317429.

wikisource.org

en.wikisource.org

That quotation from Tyndall appears in Chisholm (1911). For Forbes' view of the issue see "Appendix A" (plus Chapter XV) of Life and Letters of James David Forbes. Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Tyndall, John" . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 27 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 499–500.
Brewer, William H. (1873). "Discovery of Mount Tyndall". The Popular Science Monthly. 2: 739–741.
Those quotations are from the Syllabus of Errors decree (year 1864, Pope Pius IX) and the Libertas decree (year 1888, Pope Leo XIII). The Libertas decree also says: [¶27, abridged] "The divine teaching of the Church brings the sure guidance of shining light. Therefore, there is no reason why true science should feel aggrieved at having to bear the restraint of laws by which, in the judgment of the Church, human teaching has to be controlled."
Professor Tyndall's Deed of Trust in Popular Science Monthly, May 1873. See also Prof. Tyndall's Trust in The New York Times, 8 July 1885.

wiktionary.org

en.wiktionary.org

According to the account in Tyndall's book The Glaciers of the Alps (1860), Tyndall in 1858 reached the summit of Monte Rosa solo carrying only a ham sandwich for sustenance. The first ascent of Monte Rosa had taken place only in 1855. He had already reached the summit of Monte Rosa in a guided group on 10 August 1858 but he made an unplanned second ascent solo on 17 August 1858 after breakfast: "the waiter then provided me with a ham sandwich, and, with my scrip thus frugally furnished, I thought the heights of Monte Rosa might be won...." (continued at pages 151–157 of Glaciers of the Alps). Besides Tyndall's own books, information about Tyndall as a mountaineer is available at A History of Mountaineering in the Alps by Claire Eliane Engel and The Victorian Mountaineers by Ronald Clark.

worldcat.org

A catalog of the German editions of Tyndall's books at Worldcat.org.
A catalog of the French editions of Tyndall's books at Worldcat.org.
The UK publisher was Longmans. The US publisher was Appleton. Longmans kept the book in print until sometime after 1908 and Appleton until sometime after 1915. See Worldcat.org. The German publisher, Braunschweig, introduced a renewed German edition in 1894; and the French publisher, Gauthier-Villars, in 1887. In Russian the first edition was in 1864 (ref) and an updated edition came out in Russian in 1888 (ref).

search.worldcat.org

Tyndall, John (31 December 1861). "I. The Bakerian Lecture.—On the Absorption and Radiation of Heat by Gases and Vapours, and on the Physical Connexion of Radiation, Absorption, and Conduction". Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. 151. The Royal Society: 1–36. doi:10.1098/rstl.1861.0001. ISSN 0261-0523. Received January 10, Read February 7, 1861
Tyndall, John (31 December 1860). "VII. Note on the transmission of radiant heat through gaseous bodies". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. 10. The Royal Society: 37–39. doi:10.1098/rspl.1859.0017. ISSN 0370-1662. Received May 26, 1859