Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Kazakh famine of 1930–1933" in English language version.
... has found no evidence in the archives of Stalin dreaming up a deliberate policy to exterminate the Kazakhs; he describes the Arsharshylyk instead as the tragic result of Soviet 'ineptitude and ignorance of the Kazakh way of life'.
Most Kazakh scholars believe that between 1.3 to 1.5 million Kazakhs died during the famine, which they frequently describe as genocide; but many western scholars disagree. Historian Sarah Isabel Cameron's meticulous research led her to conclude, 'there is no evidence to indicate that these plans for violent modernization [collectivization] ever became transformed into a desire to eliminate the Kazakhs as a group'.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link){{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)Ohayon argues that the death of between a quarter and a third of the Kazakh population was not intentional. She finds neither evidence nor motive for the deliberate starvation of the Kazakh population concluding that the Kazakh famine did not constitute a genocide under international juridical standards (365).... Overall the study impresses with its comprehensive and original analysis.
Most Kazakh scholars believe that between 1.3 to 1.5 million Kazakhs died during the famine, which they frequently describe as genocide; but many western scholars disagree. Historian Sarah Isabel Cameron's meticulous research led her to conclude, 'there is no evidence to indicate that these plans for violent modernization [collectivization] ever became transformed into a desire to eliminate the Kazakhs as a group'.
Moscow's sweeping program of state-led transformation clearly anticipates the cultural disruption of Kazakh society. And there's evidence to indicate that the Kazakh famine fits an expanded definition of genocide.
Most Kazakh scholars believe that between 1.3 to 1.5 million Kazakhs died during the famine, which they frequently describe as genocide; but many western scholars disagree. Historian Sarah Isabel Cameron's meticulous research led her to conclude, 'there is no evidence to indicate that these plans for violent modernization [collectivization] ever became transformed into a desire to eliminate the Kazakhs as a group'.
Запомнил и долю казахов в пределах своей республики – 28%. А за тридцать лет до того они составляли у себя дома уверенное большинство. [Recalled and the share of Kazakhs in the borders of their republics – 28%. And for thirty-three years before that they made themselves at home a confident majority].
In the early 1990s, some Kazakh historians (Abylkhozhin, Tatimov) characterized the famine as 'Goloshchyokin's genocide,' attributing sole responsibility for this tragedy to the first secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan and accentuating his contempt towards the people, whom perceived as backwards. Although unmentioned in the magnum opus of the history of Kazakhstan (Istorija Kazakhstana s drevnejshyhvremen do nashihdnej, 2010: 284 et sqq.), the genocide argument currently found in certain textbooks were to some extent an empty exercise because it was not based on the international legal definition of genocide and did not go particularly far in terms of evidence. Instead, these arguments were consistent with the official Soviet contention that considered that the forced resignation of Goloshchyokin and his replacement by Mirzojan reveal that the entire episode was the work of a single man. Although it has been demonstrated and acknowledged that as political leader, Goloshchyokin played a key role in covering up the full extent of increases in mortality between 1930 and 1933, it remains there is scant evidence of a desire on the part of the government or particular individuals to exterminate the Kazakhs as a group, or even to identify compelling motives for such a deliberate strategy. Indeed, the Kazakh population never represented a political danger for the Soviet government, nor did the protest movement or secessionist leanings among the population at any time imperil Soviet territorial integrity.Ohayon (2006), p. 365Ohayon, Isabelle (2006). La sédentarisation des Kazakhs dans l'URSS de Staline. Collectivization et changement social (1928–1945) (in French). Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose.
Ohayon argues that the death of between a quarter and a third of the Kazakh population was not intentional. She finds neither evidence nor motive for the deliberate starvation of the Kazakh population concluding that the Kazakh famine did not constitute a genocide under international juridical standards (365).... Overall the study impresses with its comprehensive and original analysis.