Pakistan Movement (English Wikipedia)

Chawla, Iqbal (July–December 2012). "Prelude to the Accession of the Kalat State to Pakistan in 1948: An Appraisal". Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan. 49 (2): 85. Archived from the original on 14 September 2022. Retrieved 24 February 2019.

allamamashraqi.com

"Allama Mashraqi". Archived from the original on 13 January 2008. Retrieved 25 January 2008.
"The Khaksar Martyrs of March 19, 1940" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 February 2008. Retrieved 25 January 2008.

amazon.com

Sarojini Naidu. Muhammad Jinnah: An Ambassador of Unity. ASIN B0040SYONC.
Heyworth-Dunne, James (1952). Pakistan: the birth of a new Muslim state. University of Michigan: Renaissance Bookshop. p. 173. ASIN B000N7G1MG. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 18 November 2020.

archive.org

Cohen, Stephen Philip (2004). The Idea of Pakistan. Washington: Brookings Institution Press. pp. 203, 205. ISBN 978-0-8157-1502-3.
Khan, Munshi Abdur Rahman (1992). Tehreek e Pakistan aur Ulama e Rabbani (in Urdu). Pakistan: Idara-i Islamiya.

books.google.com

Magocsi, Paul R; Ontario Multicultural History Society of (1999). Encyclopedia of Canada's peoples. Multicultural History Society of Ontario. p. 1028. ISBN 978-0-8020-2938-6. Archived from the original on 1 August 2020. Retrieved 31 January 2012.
Malik, Rashida (2003). Iqbal: The Spiritual Father of Pakistan. Sang-e-Meel Publications. ISBN 978-969-35-1371-4.
Sirriyeh, Elizabeth (21 October 1998). Sufis and Anti-Sufis: The Defense, Rethinking and Rejection of Sufism in the modern world. University of Leeds, United Kingdom: Routledge. p. 136. ISBN 9780700710607. Archived from the original on 7 April 2022. Retrieved 10 October 2021.
Viśva Mohana Pāṇḍeya (2003). Historiography of India's Partition: An Analysis of Imperialist Writings. Atlantic Publishers & Distributors. p. 26. ISBN 9788126903146.
H. Rizvi (15 May 2000). Military, State and Society in Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 69–. ISBN 978-0-230-59904-8. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. Retrieved 27 April 2018. The Muslim League maintained an elitist character until 1937 when its leadership began to engage in popular mobilisation. It functioned as a mass and popular party for 7-8 years after the Congress provincial ministries resigned in 1939, more so, after the passage of the Lahore Resolution in March 1940.
Venkat Dhulipala (9 February 2015). Creating a New Medina: State Power, Islam, and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 50–. ISBN 978-1-316-25838-5. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. Retrieved 27 April 2018. During this growth spurt, the ML itself was transformed from an elite moribund organization into a mass-based party that gave itself a new constitution, a more radical ideology and a revamped organizational structure.
Victor Sebestyen (1 October 2014). 1946: The Making of the Modern World. Pan Macmillan UK. pp. 247–. ISBN 978-1-74353-456-4. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. Retrieved 27 April 2018. That, too, had begun life as a cosy club of upper-class Indians, seeking a limited range of extra privileges for Indian Muslims. However, under the leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the League grew rapidly to a membership of more than two million and its message became increasingly religious and separatist in tone.
Yasmin Khan (2017) [First published 2007]. The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan (New ed.). Yale University Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-0-300-23364-3. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 27 April 2018. Although it was founded in 1909 the League had only caught on among South Asian Muslims during the Second World War. The party had expanded astonishingly rapidly and was claiming over two million members by the early 1940s, an unimaginable result for what had been previously thought of as just one of the numerous pressure groups and small but insignificant parties.
Mukerjee, Madhusree (2011). Churchill's Secret War: The British Empire and the Ravaging of India During World War II. New York: Basic Books. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-465-02481-0. Archived from the original on 7 February 2021. Retrieved 15 November 2015.
Mohiuddin, Yasmeen Niaz (2007). Pakistan: A Global Studies Handbook. ABC-CLIO. pp. 69–. ISBN 978-1-85109-801-9. Archived from the original on 5 February 2021. Retrieved 15 November 2015.
Akbar S. Ahmed (2005) [First published 1997]. Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin. Routledge. p. 129. ISBN 978-1-134-75022-1. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 2 February 2019.
Barbara Metcalf (1 December 2012). Husain Ahmad Madani: The Jihad for Islam and India's Freedom. Oneworld Publications. pp. 108–. ISBN 978-1-78074-210-6. Archived from the original on 7 April 2017. Retrieved 15 May 2017.
Bernard Waites (17 January 2012). South Asia and Africa After Independence: Post-colonialism in Historical Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 45–. ISBN 978-0-230-35698-6. Archived from the original on 7 April 2017. Retrieved 23 September 2017. The 1946 election was, in effect, a plebiscite among Muslims on Pakistan and a mighty success for the League, which won 90 per cent of the Muslim seats.
Mohiuddin, Yasmin Niaz (2007). Pakistan: A Global Studies Handbook. ABC-CLIO. p. 70. ISBN 9781851098019. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 18 November 2020.
Gilmartin, David (8 September 2009). "Muslim League Appeals to the Voters of Punjab for Support of Pakistan". In D. Metcalf, Barbara (ed.). Islam in South Asia in Practice. Princeton University Press. pp. 410–. ISBN 978-1-4008-3138-8. Archived from the original on 7 April 2017. Retrieved 23 September 2017. At the all-India level, the demand for Pakistan pitted the League against the Congress and the British.
Burton Stein (4 February 2010). A History of India. John Wiley & Sons. p. 347. ISBN 978-1-4443-2351-1. Archived from the original on 25 April 2017. Retrieved 18 November 2017. His standing with the British remained high, however, for even though they no more agreed with the idea of a separate Muslim state than the Congress did, government officials appreciated the simplicity of a single negotiating voice for all of India's Muslims.
Barbara D. Metcalf; Thomas R. Metcalf (2002). A Concise History of India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 212–. ISBN 978-0-521-63974-3. Archived from the original on 10 April 2017. Retrieved 23 September 2017. By this scheme, the British hoped they could at once preserve the united India desired by the Congress, and by themselves, and at the same time, through the groups, secure the essence of Jinnah's demand for a 'Pakistan'.
Mohiuddin, Yasmin Niaz (2007). Pakistan: A Global Studies Handbook Archived 4 February 2021 at the Wayback Machine. ABC-CLIO. p. 71. ISBN 9781851098019.
Mohiuddin, Yasmin Niaz (2007). Pakistan: A Global Studies Handbook. ABC-CLIO. p. 71. ISBN 9781851098019. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 18 November 2020.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-19-061330-3. Archived from the original on 30 September 2020. Retrieved 16 September 2020.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press. pp. 76–77. ISBN 978-0-19-061330-3. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 16 September 2020.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-19-061330-3. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 16 September 2020.
Ayesha Jalal (4 January 2002). Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam Since 1850. Routledge. pp. 415–. ISBN 978-1-134-59937-0. Archived from the original on 17 January 2020. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Amritjit Singh; Nalini Iyer; Rahul K. Gairola (15 June 2016). Revisiting India's Partition: New Essays on Memory, Culture, and Politics. Lexington Books. pp. 127–. ISBN 978-1-4985-3105-4. Archived from the original on 25 January 2020. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Muhammad Soaleh Korejo (1993). The Frontier Gandhi: His Place in History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-577461-0. Archived from the original on 23 December 2021. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Khaled Ahmed (18 August 2016). Sleepwalking to Surrender: Dealing with Terrorism in Pakistan. Penguin Books Limited. pp. 230–. ISBN 978-93-86057-62-4. Archived from the original on 20 January 2020. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2015). The Pakistan Paradox: Instability and Resilience. Oxford University Press. pp. 85–86. ISBN 978-0-19-061330-3. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 16 September 2020.
I. Malik (3 June 1999). Islam, Nationalism and the West: Issues of Identity in Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 56–. ISBN 978-0-230-37539-0. Archived from the original on 20 January 2020. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Veena Kukreja (24 February 2003). Contemporary Pakistan: Political Processes, Conflicts and Crises. SAGE Publications. pp. 138–. ISBN 978-0-7619-9683-5. Archived from the original on 10 January 2020. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Sarah F. D. Ansari (31 January 1992). Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843-1947. Cambridge University Press. pp. 115–. ISBN 978-0-521-40530-0. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Sarah F. D. Ansari (31 January 1992). Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843-1947. Cambridge University Press. pp. 122–. ISBN 978-0-521-40530-0. Archived from the original on 20 December 2019. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Pande, Aparna (2011). Explaining Pakistan's Foreign Policy: Escaping India. Taylor & Francis. p. 66. ISBN 9781136818943. Archived from the original on 26 January 2021. Retrieved 18 November 2020. At Independence there was a Congress-led ministry in the North West Frontier...The Congress-supported government of the North West Frontier led by the secular Pashtun leaders, the Khan brothers, wanted to join India and not Pakistan. If joining India was not an option, then the secular Pashtun leaders espoused the cause of Pashtunistan: an ethnic state for Pashtuns.
Jeffrey J. Roberts (2003). The Origins of Conflict in Afghanistan. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 108–109. ISBN 9780275978785. Archived from the original on 4 June 2021. Retrieved 18 April 2015.
Meyer, Karl E. (2008). The Dust of Empire: The Race for Mastery in the Asian Heartland. PublicAffairs. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-7867-2481-9. Archived from the original on 11 February 2021. Retrieved 20 November 2013.
Hasnat, Syed Farooq (2011). Global Security Watch–Pakistan. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-313-34697-2. Archived from the original on 30 July 2020. Retrieved 27 June 2020.
Pervaiz I Cheema; Manuel Riemer (22 August 1990). Pakistan's Defence Policy 1947-58. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 60–. ISBN 978-1-349-20942-2. Archived from the original on 22 January 2018. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
D. Long, Roger; Singh, Gurharpal; Samad, Yunas; Talbot, Ian (2015). State and Nation-Building in Pakistan: Beyond Islam and Security. Routledge. p. 82. ISBN 978-1-317-44820-4. Archived from the original on 10 April 2017. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Farhan Hanif Siddiqi (2012). The Politics of Ethnicity in Pakistan: The Balochi, Sindhi and Mohajir Ethnic Movements. Routledge. pp. 71–. ISBN 978-0-415-68614-3. Archived from the original on 22 January 2018. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Salahuddin Ahmed (2004). Bangladesh: Past and Present. APH Publishing. pp. 129–. ISBN 978-81-7648-469-5. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Akbar S. Ahmed (2005) [First published 1997]. Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin. Routledge. p. 235. ISBN 978-1-134-75022-1. Archived from the original on 7 February 2021. Retrieved 2 February 2019.
Long, Roger D.; Singh, Gurharpal; Samad, Yunas; Talbot, Ian (2015). State and Nation-Building in Pakistan: Beyond Islam and Security. Routledge. p. 167. ISBN 9781317448204. Archived from the original on 28 July 2020. Retrieved 15 May 2017. In the 1940s a solid majority of the Barelvis were supporters of the Pakistan Movement and played a supporting role in its final phase (1940–7), mostly under the banner of the All-India Sunni Conference which had been founded in 1925.
Cesari, Jocelyne (2014). The Awakening of Muslim Democracy: Religion, Modernity, and the State. Cambridge University Press. p. 135. ISBN 9781107513297. Archived from the original on 20 February 2020. Retrieved 15 May 2017. For example, the Barelvi ulama supported the formation of the state of Pakistan and thought that any alliance with Hindus (such as that between the Indian National Congress and the Jamiat ulama-I-Hind [JUH]) was counterproductive.
John, Wilson (2009). Pakistan: The Struggle Within. Pearson Education India. p. 87. ISBN 9788131725047. Archived from the original on 9 July 2020. Retrieved 15 May 2017. During the 1946 election, Barelvi Ulama issued fatwas in favour of the Muslim League.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2004). A History of Pakistan and Its Origins. Anthem Press. p. 224. ISBN 9781843311492. Archived from the original on 28 July 2020. Retrieved 15 May 2017. Believing that Islam was a universal religion, the Deobandi advocated a notion of a composite nationalism according to which Hindus and Muslims constituted one nation.
Abdelhalim, Julten (2015). Indian Muslims and Citizenship: Spaces for Jihād in Everyday Life. Routledge. p. 26. ISBN 9781317508755. Archived from the original on 28 July 2020. Retrieved 15 May 2017. Madani...stressed the difference between qaum, meaning a nation, hence a territorial concept, and millat, meaning an Ummah and thus a religious concept.
Sikka, Sonia (2015). Living with Religious Diversity. Routledge. p. 52. ISBN 9781317370994. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 15 May 2017. Madani makes a crucial distinction between qaum and millat. According to him, qaum connotes a territorial multi-religious entity, while millat refers to the cultural, social and religious unity of Muslims exclusively.
Syed, Jawad; Pio, Edwina; Kamran, Tahir; Zaidi, Abbas (2016). Faith-Based Violence and Deobandi Militancy in Pakistan. Springer. p. 379. ISBN 9781349949663. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 15 May 2017. Ironically, Islamic state politics in Pakistan was mostly in favour of Deobandi, and more recently Ahl-e Hadith/Salafi, institutions. Only a few Deobandi clerics decided to support the Pakistan Movement, but they were highly influential.
Hardy (1972). The Muslims of British India. CUP Archive. p. 242. ISBN 978-0-521-09783-3. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 15 May 2017.
Dhulipala, Venkat (2015). Creating a New Medina: State Power, Islam, and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India. Cambridge University Press. p. 104. ISBN 9781316258385. Archived from the original on 5 February 2021. Retrieved 15 May 2017. The senior alim conceded that the ML leaders still had some work to do before they could be seen as conscientious and observant Muslims,,, He instead emphasised the virtues of patient and quiet counseling...At the same time though, Thanawi dismissed criticisms of ML leaders as being non-observant Muslims as a case of the pot calling the kettle black.
Dhulipala, Venkat (2015). Creating a New Medina: State Power, Islam, and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India. Cambridge University Press. p. 496. ISBN 978-1-316-25838-5. "The idea of Pakistan may have had its share of ambiguities, but its dismissal as a vague emotive symbol hardly illuminates the reasons as to why it received such overwhelmingly popular support among Indian Muslims, especially those in the 'minority provinces' of British India such as U.P."
Ishtiaq Ahmad; Adnan Rafiq (3 November 2016). Pakistan's Democratic Transition: Change and Persistence. Taylor & Francis. pp. 127–. ISBN 978-1-317-23595-8. Archived from the original on 14 July 2020. Retrieved 8 January 2018.
Heyworth-Dunne, James (1952). Pakistan: the birth of a new Muslim state. University of Michigan: Renaissance Bookshop. p. 173. ASIN B000N7G1MG. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 18 November 2020.
Tai Yong Tan; Gyanesh Kudaisya (2000). The Aftermath of partition in South Asia:Pakistan. London: Routledge Publishing Co. pp. ix–327. ISBN 978-0-203-45766-5. Archived from the original on 4 February 2021. Retrieved 18 November 2020.

britannica.com

"Abdul Ghaffar Khan". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 27 May 2008. Retrieved 24 September 2008.

bzu.edu.pk

Sargana, Turab-ul-Hassan; Ahmed, Khalil; Rizvi, Shahid Hassan (2015). "The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924)" (PDF). Pakistan Journal of Islamic Research. 15 (1): 44. eISSN 2618-0820. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 January 2022. Retrieved 7 November 2022. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

pjir.bzu.edu.pk

Sargana, Turab-ul-Hassan; Ahmed, Khalil; Rizvi, Shahid Hassan (2015). "The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924)" (PDF). Pakistan Journal of Islamic Research. 15 (1): 44. eISSN 2618-0820. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 January 2022. Retrieved 7 November 2022. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

columbia.edu

For text see "Minute by the Hon'ble T. B. Macaulay, dated the 2nd February 1835" Archived 24 October 2021 at the Wayback Machine
Sir Muhammad Iqbal's 1930 Presidential Address Archived 5 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine, from Columbia University site
"Presidential address by Muhammad Ali Jinnah to the Muslim League Lahore, 1940". Columbia University. Archived from the original on 10 November 2016. Retrieved 24 October 2016.

creativecommons.org

Sargana, Turab-ul-Hassan; Ahmed, Khalil; Rizvi, Shahid Hassan (2015). "The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924)" (PDF). Pakistan Journal of Islamic Research. 15 (1): 44. eISSN 2618-0820. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 January 2022. Retrieved 7 November 2022. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Akhtar, Muhammad Naveed (2022). "Darul Uloom Deoband: Preserving Religious And Cultural Integrity Of South Asian Muslims Through Structural And Strategic Innovations". Hamdard Islamicus. 45 (3): 92. doi:10.57144/hi.v45i3.326. ISSN 0250-7196. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

criticalppp.com

Sophia Ajaz. "Hindus' contribution towards making of Pakistan". Sophia Ajaz. Archived from the original on 18 June 2013.

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"Pakistan Movement". cybercity-online.net. Archived from the original on 1 February 2016. Retrieved 15 March 2006.

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"Christians played vital role in Pakistan Movement". Pakistan Daily. Retrieved 7 February 2012.^{[permanent dead link‍]}

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Aminullah Chaudry (1999). The founding fathers. Karachi, Sindh Province: Oxford University Press, Karachi. ISBN 978-0-19-906171-6. Archived from the original on 14 September 2022. Retrieved 7 February 2012.

doi.org

Akhtar, Muhammad Naveed (2022). "Darul Uloom Deoband: Preserving Religious And Cultural Integrity Of South Asian Muslims Through Structural And Strategic Innovations". Hamdard Islamicus. 45 (3): 92. doi:10.57144/hi.v45i3.326. ISSN 0250-7196. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Stephen Evans (2002). "Macaulay's minute revisited: Colonial language policy in nineteenth-century India". Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. 23 (4): 260–281. doi:10.1080/01434630208666469. S2CID 144856725.
John R. McLane (July 1965). "The Decision to Partition Bengal in 1905". Indian Economic and Social History Review. 2 (3): 221–237. doi:10.1177/001946466400200302. S2CID 145706327.
Talbot, Ian (1982). "The growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab, 1937–1946". Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics. 20 (1): 5–24. doi:10.1080/14662048208447395. Despite their different viewpoints all these theories have tended either to concentrate on the All-India struggle between the Muslim League and the Congress in the pre-partition period or to turn their interest to the Muslim cultural heartland of the UP where the League gained its earliest foothold and where the demand for Pakistan was strongest.
Talbot, Ian (1993). "The role of the crowd in the Muslim League struggled for Pakistan". The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History. 21 (2): 307–333. doi:10.1080/03086539308582893. Huge crowds attended Muslim League meetings and flocked to glimpse Jinnah as he journeyed about India from 1937 onwards. They also joined in processions, strikes, and riots.
Talbot, I. A. (1980). "The 1946 Punjab Elections". Modern Asian Studies. 14 (1): 65–91. doi:10.1017/S0026749X00012178. JSTOR 312214. S2CID 145320008.
Haroon, Sana (2008). "The Rise of Deobandi Islam in the North-West Frontier Province and Its Implications in Colonial India and Pakistan 1914–1996". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 18 (1): 55. doi:10.1017/S1356186307007778. JSTOR 27755911. S2CID 154959326. The stance of the central JUH was pro-Congress, and accordingly the JUS supported the Congressite Khudai Khidmatgars through to the elections of 1937. However the secular stance of Ghaffar Khan, leader of the Khudai Khidmatgars, disparaging the role of religion in government and social leadership, was driving a wedge between the ulama of the JUS and the Khudai Khidmatgars, irrespective of the commitments of mutual support between the JUH and Congress leaderships. In trying to highlight the separateness and vulnerability of Muslims in a religiously diverse public space, the directives of the NWFP ulama began to veer away from simple religious injunctions to take on a communalist tone. The ulama highlighted 'threats' posed by Hindus to Muslims in the province. Accusations of improper behaviour and molestation of Muslim women were levelled against 'Hindu shopkeepers' in Nowshera. Sermons given by two JUS-connected maulvis in Nowshera declared the Hindus the 'enemies' of Islam and Muslims. Posters were distributed in the city warning Muslims not to buy or consume food prepared and sold by Hindus in the bazaars. In 1936, a Hindu girl was abducted by a Muslim in Bannu and then married to him. The government demanded the girl's return, But popular Muslim opinion, supported by a resolution passed by the Jamiyatul Ulama Bannu, demanded that she stay, stating that she had come of her free will, had converted to Islam, and was now lawfully married and had to remain with her husband. Government efforts to retrieve the girl led to accusations of the government being anti-Muslim and of encouraging apostasy, and so stirred up strong anti-Hindu sentiment across the majority Muslim NWFP. ... Involvement of the Deobandi ulama in public political activity and in the negotiation of a Muslim identity in the NWFP appeared in no way to rely upon a wider consensus of Indian Deobandis.
Haroon, Sana (2008). "The Rise of Deobandi Islam in the North-West Frontier Province and Its Implications in Colonial India and Pakistan 1914–1996". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 18 (1): 57–58. doi:10.1017/S1356186307007778. JSTOR 27755911. S2CID 154959326. By 1947 the majority of NWFP ulama supported the Muslim League idea of Pakistan. Because of the now long-standing relations between JUS ulama and the Muslim League, and the strong communalist tone in the NWFP, the move away from the pro-Congress and anti-Pakistan party line of the central JUH to interest and participation in the creation of Pakistan by the NWFP Deobandis was not a dramatic one.
Talbot, Ian (1982). "The growth of the Muslim League in Punjab, 1937–1946". Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics. 20 (1): 5–24. doi:10.1080/14662048208447395. Despite their different viewpoints all these theories have tended either to concentrate on the All-India struggle between the Muslim League and the Congress in the pre-partition period or to turn their interest to the Muslim cultural heartland of the UP where the League gained its earliest foothold and where the demand for Pakistan was strongest.

globalsecurity.org

"Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam / Assembly of Islamic Clergy". GlobalSecurity.org. Retrieved 7 November 2022.

hamdardislamicus.com.pk

Akhtar, Muhammad Naveed (2022). "Darul Uloom Deoband: Preserving Religious And Cultural Integrity Of South Asian Muslims Through Structural And Strategic Innovations". Hamdard Islamicus. 45 (3): 92. doi:10.57144/hi.v45i3.326. ISSN 0250-7196. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

hec.gov.pk

prr.hec.gov.pk

Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad (2010). "Chapter-3: Electoral history of NWFP" (PDF). Electoral politics In NWFP. 1988-1999 (PhD). Quaid-i-Azam University. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 August 2013. Retrieved 28 December 2013.

jstor.org

Talbot, I. A. (1980). "The 1946 Punjab Elections". Modern Asian Studies. 14 (1): 65–91. doi:10.1017/S0026749X00012178. JSTOR 312214. S2CID 145320008.
Haroon, Sana (2008). "The Rise of Deobandi Islam in the North-West Frontier Province and Its Implications in Colonial India and Pakistan 1914–1996". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 18 (1): 55. doi:10.1017/S1356186307007778. JSTOR 27755911. S2CID 154959326. The stance of the central JUH was pro-Congress, and accordingly the JUS supported the Congressite Khudai Khidmatgars through to the elections of 1937. However the secular stance of Ghaffar Khan, leader of the Khudai Khidmatgars, disparaging the role of religion in government and social leadership, was driving a wedge between the ulama of the JUS and the Khudai Khidmatgars, irrespective of the commitments of mutual support between the JUH and Congress leaderships. In trying to highlight the separateness and vulnerability of Muslims in a religiously diverse public space, the directives of the NWFP ulama began to veer away from simple religious injunctions to take on a communalist tone. The ulama highlighted 'threats' posed by Hindus to Muslims in the province. Accusations of improper behaviour and molestation of Muslim women were levelled against 'Hindu shopkeepers' in Nowshera. Sermons given by two JUS-connected maulvis in Nowshera declared the Hindus the 'enemies' of Islam and Muslims. Posters were distributed in the city warning Muslims not to buy or consume food prepared and sold by Hindus in the bazaars. In 1936, a Hindu girl was abducted by a Muslim in Bannu and then married to him. The government demanded the girl's return, But popular Muslim opinion, supported by a resolution passed by the Jamiyatul Ulama Bannu, demanded that she stay, stating that she had come of her free will, had converted to Islam, and was now lawfully married and had to remain with her husband. Government efforts to retrieve the girl led to accusations of the government being anti-Muslim and of encouraging apostasy, and so stirred up strong anti-Hindu sentiment across the majority Muslim NWFP. ... Involvement of the Deobandi ulama in public political activity and in the negotiation of a Muslim identity in the NWFP appeared in no way to rely upon a wider consensus of Indian Deobandis.
Haroon, Sana (2008). "The Rise of Deobandi Islam in the North-West Frontier Province and Its Implications in Colonial India and Pakistan 1914–1996". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 18 (1): 57–58. doi:10.1017/S1356186307007778. JSTOR 27755911. S2CID 154959326. By 1947 the majority of NWFP ulama supported the Muslim League idea of Pakistan. Because of the now long-standing relations between JUS ulama and the Muslim League, and the strong communalist tone in the NWFP, the move away from the pro-Congress and anti-Pakistan party line of the central JUH to interest and participation in the creation of Pakistan by the NWFP Deobandis was not a dramatic one.
Chawla, Muhammad Iqbal (2014). "Mountbatten and Balochistan: An Appraisal". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 75: 928–957. ISSN 2249-1937. JSTOR 44158478.

oxfordreference.com

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rekhta.org

Usmani, Shabbir Ahmad (1946). ہمارا پاکستان: خطبہا صدارت پنجاب جمیعتول علامہ کانفرنس [Our Pakistan: Presidential Address at Punjab Jamiatul Ulama Conference] (in Urdu). Lahore: Majlis-e-Istaqbaliya Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam Conference. Archived from the original on 20 April 2021. Retrieved 20 May 2021.

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api.semanticscholar.org

Stephen Evans (2002). "Macaulay's minute revisited: Colonial language policy in nineteenth-century India". Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. 23 (4): 260–281. doi:10.1080/01434630208666469. S2CID 144856725.
John R. McLane (July 1965). "The Decision to Partition Bengal in 1905". Indian Economic and Social History Review. 2 (3): 221–237. doi:10.1177/001946466400200302. S2CID 145706327.
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Haroon, Sana (2008). "The Rise of Deobandi Islam in the North-West Frontier Province and Its Implications in Colonial India and Pakistan 1914–1996". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 18 (1): 55. doi:10.1017/S1356186307007778. JSTOR 27755911. S2CID 154959326. The stance of the central JUH was pro-Congress, and accordingly the JUS supported the Congressite Khudai Khidmatgars through to the elections of 1937. However the secular stance of Ghaffar Khan, leader of the Khudai Khidmatgars, disparaging the role of religion in government and social leadership, was driving a wedge between the ulama of the JUS and the Khudai Khidmatgars, irrespective of the commitments of mutual support between the JUH and Congress leaderships. In trying to highlight the separateness and vulnerability of Muslims in a religiously diverse public space, the directives of the NWFP ulama began to veer away from simple religious injunctions to take on a communalist tone. The ulama highlighted 'threats' posed by Hindus to Muslims in the province. Accusations of improper behaviour and molestation of Muslim women were levelled against 'Hindu shopkeepers' in Nowshera. Sermons given by two JUS-connected maulvis in Nowshera declared the Hindus the 'enemies' of Islam and Muslims. Posters were distributed in the city warning Muslims not to buy or consume food prepared and sold by Hindus in the bazaars. In 1936, a Hindu girl was abducted by a Muslim in Bannu and then married to him. The government demanded the girl's return, But popular Muslim opinion, supported by a resolution passed by the Jamiyatul Ulama Bannu, demanded that she stay, stating that she had come of her free will, had converted to Islam, and was now lawfully married and had to remain with her husband. Government efforts to retrieve the girl led to accusations of the government being anti-Muslim and of encouraging apostasy, and so stirred up strong anti-Hindu sentiment across the majority Muslim NWFP. ... Involvement of the Deobandi ulama in public political activity and in the negotiation of a Muslim identity in the NWFP appeared in no way to rely upon a wider consensus of Indian Deobandis.
Haroon, Sana (2008). "The Rise of Deobandi Islam in the North-West Frontier Province and Its Implications in Colonial India and Pakistan 1914–1996". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 18 (1): 57–58. doi:10.1017/S1356186307007778. JSTOR 27755911. S2CID 154959326. By 1947 the majority of NWFP ulama supported the Muslim League idea of Pakistan. Because of the now long-standing relations between JUS ulama and the Muslim League, and the strong communalist tone in the NWFP, the move away from the pro-Congress and anti-Pakistan party line of the central JUH to interest and participation in the creation of Pakistan by the NWFP Deobandis was not a dramatic one.

storyofpakistan.com

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thefridaytimes.com

Ahmed, Ishtiaq (27 May 2016). "The dissenters". The Friday Times. Archived from the original on 22 March 2021. Retrieved 13 February 2019. However, the book is a tribute to the role of one Muslim leader who steadfastly opposed the Partition of India: the Sindhi leader Allah Bakhsh Soomro. Allah Bakhsh belonged to a landed family. He founded the Sindh People's Party in 1934, which later came to be known as 'Ittehad' or 'Unity Party'. ... Allah Bakhsh was totally opposed to the Muslim League's demand for the creation of Pakistan through a division of India on a religious basis. Consequently, he established the Azad Muslim Conference. In its Delhi session held during April 27–30, 1940 some 1400 delegates took part. They belonged mainly to the lower castes and working class. The famous scholar of Indian Islam, Wilfred Cantwell Smith, feels that the delegates represented a 'majority of India's Muslims'. Among those who attended the conference were representatives of many Islamic theologians and women who also took part in the deliberations ... Shamsul Islam argues that the All-India Muslim League at times used intimidation and coercion to silence any opposition among Muslims to its demand for Partition. He calls such tactics of the Muslim League a 'Reign of Terror'. He gives examples from all over India including the NWFP where the Khudai Khidmatgars remain opposed to the Partition of India.

theguardian.com

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thenews.com.pk

tns.thenews.com.pk

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tribune.com.pk

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washingtonpost.com

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Venkat Dhulipala (9 February 2015). Creating a New Medina: State Power, Islam, and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 50–. ISBN 978-1-316-25838-5. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. Retrieved 27 April 2018. During this growth spurt, the ML itself was transformed from an elite moribund organization into a mass-based party that gave itself a new constitution, a more radical ideology and a revamped organizational structure.
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Ahmed, Ishtiaq (27 May 2016). "The dissenters". The Friday Times. Archived from the original on 22 March 2021. Retrieved 13 February 2019. However, the book is a tribute to the role of one Muslim leader who steadfastly opposed the Partition of India: the Sindhi leader Allah Bakhsh Soomro. Allah Bakhsh belonged to a landed family. He founded the Sindh People's Party in 1934, which later came to be known as 'Ittehad' or 'Unity Party'. ... Allah Bakhsh was totally opposed to the Muslim League's demand for the creation of Pakistan through a division of India on a religious basis. Consequently, he established the Azad Muslim Conference. In its Delhi session held during April 27–30, 1940 some 1400 delegates took part. They belonged mainly to the lower castes and working class. The famous scholar of Indian Islam, Wilfred Cantwell Smith, feels that the delegates represented a 'majority of India's Muslims'. Among those who attended the conference were representatives of many Islamic theologians and women who also took part in the deliberations ... Shamsul Islam argues that the All-India Muslim League at times used intimidation and coercion to silence any opposition among Muslims to its demand for Partition. He calls such tactics of the Muslim League a 'Reign of Terror'. He gives examples from all over India including the NWFP where the Khudai Khidmatgars remain opposed to the Partition of India.
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Sargana, Turab-ul-Hassan; Ahmed, Khalil; Rizvi, Shahid Hassan (2015). "The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924)" (PDF). Pakistan Journal of Islamic Research. 15 (1): 44. eISSN 2618-0820. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 January 2022. Retrieved 7 November 2022. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Akhtar, Muhammad Naveed (2022). "Darul Uloom Deoband: Preserving Religious And Cultural Integrity Of South Asian Muslims Through Structural And Strategic Innovations". Hamdard Islamicus. 45 (3): 92. doi:10.57144/hi.v45i3.326. ISSN 0250-7196. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Haq, Mushir U. (1970). Muslim politics in modern India, 1857-1947. Meenakshi Prakashan. p. 114. OCLC 136880. This was also reflected in one of the resolutions of the Azad Muslim Conference, an organization which attempted to be representative of all the various nationalist Muslim parties and groups in India.
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