Tuđmanism (English Wikipedia)

Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Tuđmanism" in English language version.

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dnevnik.hr

doi.org

  • Boduszyński, Mieczysław P.; Pavlaković, Vjeran (2019). "Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo". Journal of Contemporary History. 54 (4): 799–824. doi:10.1177/0022009419838045. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 26787449. PMC 8280552. PMID 34285422. Any analysis of post-Yugoslav cultures of victory in Croatia must start in the person of Franjo Tuđman, a former Partisan officer and dissident historian, who effectively used nationalist discourse to mobilize electoral support in the first multiparty elections in Croatia in 1990. Tuđman's combined communist credentials and Croatian nationalism made him appealing to a wide spectrum of voters when it became clear that the ruling establishment in Croatia was unwilling to resolutely resist Milošević's power grab that threatened to turn Yugoslavia into centralized Serbian state. Tuđman's political ideology of 'national reconciliation' adopted an ambivalent attitude towards the Second World War-era fascist Ustaša regime, combining formal denunciation with the re-inclusion of its supporters in national discourse.4 Even as he engaged in such revisionism, Tudman was able to recruit elements of the security services, JNA officer corps, and Communist Party members in the battle for an independent Croatia that was based upon anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav rhetoric.

jstor.org

  • Macdonald, David Bruce (2002), "Croatia, 'Greater Serbianism', and the conflict between East and West", Balkan Holocausts?, Serbian and Croatian victim centred propaganda and the war in Yugoslavia, Manchester University Press, pp. 98–131, ISBN 978-0-7190-6466-1, JSTOR j.ctt155jbrm.9, retrieved 2023-09-19
  • Macdonald, David Bruce (2002), "Comparing genocides: 'numbers games' and 'holocausts' at Jasenovac and Bleiburg", Balkan Holocausts?, Serbian and Croatian victim centred propaganda and the war in Yugoslavia, Manchester University Press, pp. 160–182, ISBN 978-0-7190-6466-1, JSTOR j.ctt155jbrm.11, retrieved 2023-09-19
  • Boduszyński, Mieczysław P.; Pavlaković, Vjeran (2019). "Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo". Journal of Contemporary History. 54 (4): 799–824. doi:10.1177/0022009419838045. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 26787449. PMC 8280552. PMID 34285422. Any analysis of post-Yugoslav cultures of victory in Croatia must start in the person of Franjo Tuđman, a former Partisan officer and dissident historian, who effectively used nationalist discourse to mobilize electoral support in the first multiparty elections in Croatia in 1990. Tuđman's combined communist credentials and Croatian nationalism made him appealing to a wide spectrum of voters when it became clear that the ruling establishment in Croatia was unwilling to resolutely resist Milošević's power grab that threatened to turn Yugoslavia into centralized Serbian state. Tuđman's political ideology of 'national reconciliation' adopted an ambivalent attitude towards the Second World War-era fascist Ustaša regime, combining formal denunciation with the re-inclusion of its supporters in national discourse.4 Even as he engaged in such revisionism, Tudman was able to recruit elements of the security services, JNA officer corps, and Communist Party members in the battle for an independent Croatia that was based upon anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav rhetoric.

nih.gov

ncbi.nlm.nih.gov

  • Boduszyński, Mieczysław P.; Pavlaković, Vjeran (2019). "Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo". Journal of Contemporary History. 54 (4): 799–824. doi:10.1177/0022009419838045. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 26787449. PMC 8280552. PMID 34285422. Any analysis of post-Yugoslav cultures of victory in Croatia must start in the person of Franjo Tuđman, a former Partisan officer and dissident historian, who effectively used nationalist discourse to mobilize electoral support in the first multiparty elections in Croatia in 1990. Tuđman's combined communist credentials and Croatian nationalism made him appealing to a wide spectrum of voters when it became clear that the ruling establishment in Croatia was unwilling to resolutely resist Milošević's power grab that threatened to turn Yugoslavia into centralized Serbian state. Tuđman's political ideology of 'national reconciliation' adopted an ambivalent attitude towards the Second World War-era fascist Ustaša regime, combining formal denunciation with the re-inclusion of its supporters in national discourse.4 Even as he engaged in such revisionism, Tudman was able to recruit elements of the security services, JNA officer corps, and Communist Party members in the battle for an independent Croatia that was based upon anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav rhetoric.

pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov

  • Boduszyński, Mieczysław P.; Pavlaković, Vjeran (2019). "Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo". Journal of Contemporary History. 54 (4): 799–824. doi:10.1177/0022009419838045. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 26787449. PMC 8280552. PMID 34285422. Any analysis of post-Yugoslav cultures of victory in Croatia must start in the person of Franjo Tuđman, a former Partisan officer and dissident historian, who effectively used nationalist discourse to mobilize electoral support in the first multiparty elections in Croatia in 1990. Tuđman's combined communist credentials and Croatian nationalism made him appealing to a wide spectrum of voters when it became clear that the ruling establishment in Croatia was unwilling to resolutely resist Milošević's power grab that threatened to turn Yugoslavia into centralized Serbian state. Tuđman's political ideology of 'national reconciliation' adopted an ambivalent attitude towards the Second World War-era fascist Ustaša regime, combining formal denunciation with the re-inclusion of its supporters in national discourse.4 Even as he engaged in such revisionism, Tudman was able to recruit elements of the security services, JNA officer corps, and Communist Party members in the battle for an independent Croatia that was based upon anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav rhetoric.

slobodnadalmacija.hr

  • Plevnik, Danko (2013-01-05). "Desna koža - Piši Tuđman, pamti Boljkovac i Manolić". Slobodna Dalmacija (in Croatian). Retrieved 2013-04-14. [Tuđman je išao] tragovima Maksa Luburića, koji je uvidio da bez pomirenja s komunistima neće doći do pomirenja svih Hrvata, što je preuzeo Bruno Bušić, Tuđmanov istomišljenik s Instituta za historiju radničkog pokreta u Zagrebu, ubijen od strane emigrantsko-udbaških snaga koje su nadzirale tokove pomirenja.

srce.hr

hrcak.srce.hr

vecernji.hr

wilsoncenter.org

worldcat.org

search.worldcat.org

  • Boduszyński, Mieczysław P.; Pavlaković, Vjeran (2019). "Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo". Journal of Contemporary History. 54 (4): 799–824. doi:10.1177/0022009419838045. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 26787449. PMC 8280552. PMID 34285422. Any analysis of post-Yugoslav cultures of victory in Croatia must start in the person of Franjo Tuđman, a former Partisan officer and dissident historian, who effectively used nationalist discourse to mobilize electoral support in the first multiparty elections in Croatia in 1990. Tuđman's combined communist credentials and Croatian nationalism made him appealing to a wide spectrum of voters when it became clear that the ruling establishment in Croatia was unwilling to resolutely resist Milošević's power grab that threatened to turn Yugoslavia into centralized Serbian state. Tuđman's political ideology of 'national reconciliation' adopted an ambivalent attitude towards the Second World War-era fascist Ustaša regime, combining formal denunciation with the re-inclusion of its supporters in national discourse.4 Even as he engaged in such revisionism, Tudman was able to recruit elements of the security services, JNA officer corps, and Communist Party members in the battle for an independent Croatia that was based upon anti-communist and anti-Yugoslav rhetoric.