Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Червоний фашизм" in Ukrainian language version.
У далекому 1993 році в Росії відбувалася серйозна політична криза. Як комуністичні, так і націоналістичні сили, були в глибокій опозиції до президента Бориса Єльцина, що посприяло їхньому ситуативному союзу. У відповідь, проліберальні прихильники охрестили їх "красно-коричневие", що згодом стало політичним клішем.
In the postwar period, Tenney's language of "red fascism," which identified fascism with the domestic progressive agenda and denounced it as a Communist plot, would supplant McWilliams's equation of fascism with American political repression, class inequalities, and racism. Not only right-wingers such as Tenney but Cold War liberals as well identified fascism with an oppressive totalitarianism common to the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany and absent from the democratic society of the United States.
the Austrian historian and sociologist Franz Borkenau, himself a former Communist, published The Totalitarian Enemy on December 1, 1939 (London, Faber & Faber, 1940), writing the work after the shock of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the start of the war... For Borkenau, the pact clarified the situation and the parties present brought out the underlying similarities between the German and Russian systems, which he described as “Brown Bolshevism” and “Red Fascism,” thereby increasing the war’s legitimacy in defending freedom.
the prevailing anti-Stalinism of most of the New York writers overwhelmed their other concerns... they consciously chose to ally with the "West" as the lesser of two evils locked in struggle in the "Cold War." The "West", of course, was their euphemism for imperialism, which had now become an acceptable ally against what they called "Red Fascism."
In the postwar period, Tenney's language of "red fascism," which identified fascism with the domestic progressive agenda and denounced it as a Communist plot, would supplant McWilliams's equation of fascism with American political repression, class inequalities, and racism. Not only right-wingers such as Tenney but Cold War liberals as well identified fascism with an oppressive totalitarianism common to the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany and absent from the democratic society of the United States.
В идеологии и политике страна выработала особую националистическую независимую (чучхейскую) линию развития Несмотря на то, что Конституция 1972 г. указывала на связь идей чучхе с марксизмом-ленинизмом, главным было закрепление на уровне Основного закона страны особой корейской сущности
Такая позиция все более приобретала черты националистической, по сути противоположной пролетарскому интернационализму.
Неверно считать чучхе одним из вариантов марксизма-ленинизма, хотя, бесспорно, чучхе вышло из этой идеологии. Однако идеология эта очень быстро отошла от своего первоисточника, развилась, трансформировалась, впитала в себя огромное количество чуждых коммунистических идей, включая в какой-то степени идеи конфуцианские, традиционные, националистические. На данный момент чучхе в корне отличается от марксизма-ленинизма.
Socialism of our Style was really Socialism without Socialism
In the postwar period, Tenney's language of "red fascism," which identified fascism with the domestic progressive agenda and denounced it as a Communist plot, would supplant McWilliams's equation of fascism with American political repression, class inequalities, and racism. Not only right-wingers such as Tenney but Cold War liberals as well identified fascism with an oppressive totalitarianism common to the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany and absent from the democratic society of the United States.
the Austrian historian and sociologist Franz Borkenau, himself a former Communist, published The Totalitarian Enemy on December 1, 1939 (London, Faber & Faber, 1940), writing the work after the shock of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the start of the war... For Borkenau, the pact clarified the situation and the parties present brought out the underlying similarities between the German and Russian systems, which he described as “Brown Bolshevism” and “Red Fascism,” thereby increasing the war’s legitimacy in defending freedom.
the prevailing anti-Stalinism of most of the New York writers overwhelmed their other concerns... they consciously chose to ally with the "West" as the lesser of two evils locked in struggle in the "Cold War." The "West", of course, was their euphemism for imperialism, which had now become an acceptable ally against what they called "Red Fascism."
the Austrian historian and sociologist Franz Borkenau, himself a former Communist, published The Totalitarian Enemy on December 1, 1939 (London, Faber & Faber, 1940), writing the work after the shock of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the start of the war... For Borkenau, the pact clarified the situation and the parties present brought out the underlying similarities between the German and Russian systems, which he described as “Brown Bolshevism” and “Red Fascism,” thereby increasing the war’s legitimacy in defending freedom.
the prevailing anti-Stalinism of most of the New York writers overwhelmed their other concerns... they consciously chose to ally with the "West" as the lesser of two evils locked in struggle in the "Cold War." The "West", of course, was their euphemism for imperialism, which had now become an acceptable ally against what they called "Red Fascism."
In the postwar period, Tenney's language of "red fascism," which identified fascism with the domestic progressive agenda and denounced it as a Communist plot, would supplant McWilliams's equation of fascism with American political repression, class inequalities, and racism. Not only right-wingers such as Tenney but Cold War liberals as well identified fascism with an oppressive totalitarianism common to the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany and absent from the democratic society of the United States.
