Analysis of information sources in references of the Wikipedia article "Aleksandr Dugin" in English language version.
A prominent Russian ultra-nationalist philosopher has told BBC News that war between Russia and Ukraine 'is inevitable' and has called on President Vladimir Putin to intervene militarily in eastern Ukraine 'to save Russia's moral authority'.In Russian: Дина Ньюман (10 July 2014). Кто придумал аннексировать украинский Крым?. BBC Ukrainian (in Russian).
A prominent Russian ultra-nationalist philosopher has told BBC News that war between Russia and Ukraine 'is inevitable' and has called on President Vladimir Putin to intervene militarily in eastern Ukraine 'to save Russia's moral authority'.In Russian: Дина Ньюман (10 July 2014). Кто придумал аннексировать украинский Крым?. BBC Ukrainian (in Russian).
A prominent Russian ultra-nationalist philosopher has told BBC News that war between Russia and Ukraine 'is inevitable' and has called on President Vladimir Putin to intervene militarily in eastern Ukraine 'to save Russia's moral authority'.In Russian: Дина Ньюман (10 July 2014). Кто придумал аннексировать украинский Крым?. BBC Ukrainian (in Russian).
A prominent Russian ultra-nationalist philosopher has told BBC News that war between Russia and Ukraine 'is inevitable' and has called on President Vladimir Putin to intervene militarily in eastern Ukraine 'to save Russia's moral authority'.In Russian: Дина Ньюман (10 July 2014). Кто придумал аннексировать украинский Крым?. BBC Ukrainian (in Russian).
Dugin defines 'thalassocracy' as 'power exercised thanks to the sea,' opposed to 'tellurocracy' or 'power exercised thanks to the land' ... The 'thalassocracy' here is the United States and its allies; the 'tellurocracy' is Eurasia.
Dugin, who left Alexander's mother when his son was three. While Dugin had very little contact with the man after that, it does appear that his father loomed large in his life. Dugin has been vague in various interviews about his father's profession. He told me and others that Geli was a general in military intelligence (the GRU). But when pressed, he admitted he didn't actually know for a fact what he did. 'At the end of his life he worked for the customs police, but where he worked before that – he did not tell me. That I do not really know.' Dugin's friends, however, are adamant that his father must have been someone of rank within the Soviet system. For starters, the family had the accoutrements of prestige – a nice dacha, relatives with nice dachas, and access to opportunities. According to Dugin's close friend and collaborator Gaidar Dzhemal, Geli Dugin had, on more than one occasion, intervened from a high-ranking position in the Soviet state to get his son out of trouble.
Alexander, Geli was transferred to the customs service after his son's detention in 1983 by the KGB.
Dugin is very forthright about his early Nazi antics, which he says were more about his total rebellion against a stifling Soviet upbringing than any real sympathy for Hitler. Still, virtually everyone who remembers Dugin from his early years brings it up.
He adopted the nom de plume 'Hans Sievers', which added a hint of Teutonic severity to an already colourful and fairly camp militaristic–folklore style. The impression he created was, as his later collaborator Eduard Limonov described it, a 'picture of Oscar Wildean ambiguity'. Sievers was not just a stage name: it was a complete persona and alter ego. This was painstakingly composed of as many antisocial elements as its creator could find – a total and malevolent rebellion not just against the Soviet Union, but against convention and public taste as a whole: his namesake, Wolfram Sievers
In the evenings he read voraciously, learned to speak Italian, German, French and English, played the guitar and wrote songs.
The KGB's goal, according to Yakovlev, was to allow the dissident movement to 'let off steam', but it quickly lost control of Pamyat. 'From Pamyat there grew a new generation of more extreme Nazi movements. In this way the KGB gave birth to Russian fascism.'
Before being introduced to Alexander Dugin in June 1990, the French writer Alain de Benoist had never really gone out of his way to meet Russians, and they had never really gone out of their way to meet him.
Another radical Dugin courted was Jean-François Thiriart, an eccentric Belgian optician, who was a proponent of National Bolshevism and a European empire stretching from Vladivostok to Dublin ... Dugin also met Yves Lacoste, publisher of Hérodote, a journal devoted to geopolitics, who appears to have been an adviser to various French political figures.
Dugin travelled extensively in Europe. He spoke at a colloquium organized by de Benoist, and appeared on Spanish TV and at various conferences. In 1992 he would ultimately invite his new cohort of European far-rightists to Moscow, where they met some of Dugin's new patrons, who – they were surprised to realize – included quite a few military men.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link){{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)Numerous studies reveal Dugin – with different degrees of academic cogency – as a champion of fascist and ultranationalist ideas, a geopolitician, an 'integral Traditionalist', or a specialist in the history of religions. . . . This paper is not aimed at offering an entirely new conception of Dugin and his political views, though it will, hopefully, contribute to a scholarly vision of this political figure as a carrying agent of fascist Weltanschauung.
Numerous studies reveal Dugin – with different degrees of academic cogency – as a champion of fascist and ultranationalist ideas, a geopolitician, an 'integral Traditionalist', or a specialist in the history of religions. . . . This paper is not aimed at offering an entirely new conception of Dugin and his political views, though it will, hopefully, contribute to a scholarly vision of this political figure as a carrying agent of fascist Weltanschauung.
In Russian Orthodox christianity a person is a part of the Church, part of the collective organism, just like a leg. So how can a person be responsible for himself? Can a leg be responsible for itself? Here is where the idea of state, total state originates from. Also because of this, Russians, since they are Orthodox, can be the true fascists, unlike artificial Italian fascists: of Gentile type or their Hegelians. The true Hegelianism is Ivan Peresvetov – the man who in 16th century invented the oprichnina for Ivan the Terrible. He was the true creator of Russian fascism. He created the idea that state is everything and an individual is nothing.
'It is especially important,' Dugin adds, 'to introduce geopolitical disorder into internal American activity, encouraging all kinds of separatism and ethnic, social and racial conflicts, actively supporting all dissident movements—extremist, racist, and sectarian groups, thus destabilizing internal political processes in the U.S.'
A few weeks earlier, the confrontation with Aleksandr Dugin, Russian intellectual and theorist of the Euro-Asian empire. ... Sometimes he [Lévy] stands as a witness, sometimes he thinks as an activist. Sometimes, and in certain periods more and more, he stands as a bulwark. Against Zemmour and for the Kurds. Against Dugin and for democracy.
After unsuccessful interventions in post-Soviet party politics, Mr. Dugin focused on developing his influence where it counted – with the military and policymakers ... In Mr. Dugin's adjustment of Eurasianism to present conditions, Russia had a new opponent – no longer just Europe, but the whole of the 'Atlantic' world led by the United States. And his Eurasianism was not anti-imperial but the opposite: Russia had always been an empire, Russian people were 'imperial people', and after the crippling 1990s sellout to the 'eternal enemy', Russia could revive in the next phase of global combat and become a 'world empire'.
Numerous studies reveal Dugin – with different degrees of academic cogency – as a champion of fascist and ultranationalist ideas, a geopolitician, an 'integral Traditionalist', or a specialist in the history of religions. . . . This paper is not aimed at offering an entirely new conception of Dugin and his political views, though it will, hopefully, contribute to a scholarly vision of this political figure as a carrying agent of fascist Weltanschauung.
For this mobilization, the NBP used a bizarre mixture of totalitarian and fascist symbols, geopolitical dogma, leftist ideas, and national-patriotic demagoguery.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)Numerous studies reveal Dugin – with different degrees of academic cogency – as a champion of fascist and ultranationalist ideas, a geopolitician, an 'integral Traditionalist', or a specialist in the history of religions. . . . This paper is not aimed at offering an entirely new conception of Dugin and his political views, though it will, hopefully, contribute to a scholarly vision of this political figure as a carrying agent of fascist Weltanschauung.
Numerous studies reveal Dugin – with different degrees of academic cogency – as a champion of fascist and ultranationalist ideas, a geopolitician, an 'integral Traditionalist', or a specialist in the history of religions. . . . This paper is not aimed at offering an entirely new conception of Dugin and his political views, though it will, hopefully, contribute to a scholarly vision of this political figure as a carrying agent of fascist Weltanschauung.
'It is especially important,' Dugin adds, 'to introduce geopolitical disorder into internal American activity, encouraging all kinds of separatism and ethnic, social and racial conflicts, actively supporting all dissident movements—extremist, racist, and sectarian groups, thus destabilizing internal political processes in the U.S.'
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)